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Palestine A Four Thousand Year History13 min readViewed 10 times

4.1 Caesarea Maritima As A Mediterranean Capital Of Culture: The City’s Metropolitan Elite


The Christian era of Byzantine Palestine (which refers to this geographic region between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River and various adjoining lands in Transjordan, Nabataea and former Provincia Arabia), with its coastal capital and metropolitan city of Caesarea-Palaestina, was an extraordinary time of cultural flourishing and of great expansion and prosperity in Late Antiquity. New areas were brought under cultivation, urban development increased and the cities of greater Palestine including Gaza, Neapolis (modern Nablus), Jerusalem, Scythopolis (modern Beisan)

and Caesarea Maritima grew considerably in population and the diverse population of greater Palestine may have reached as many as one and a half million.8 Also, monasteries proliferated throughout the country. In fact, the earliest monasteries in Christianity outside of Egypt were built in Palestine during the Byzantine era, notably that of the St Hilarion Monastery, one of Palestine’s oldest Christian monuments, today located in the Gaza Strip.9 At the heart of greater Palestine was the province of Palaestina Prima. Caesarea Maritima was the administrative capital of both Palaestina Prima and greater Palestine. The country consisted of a mixed Greek and Aramaic-speaking population, minorities of Samaritans, Christian Arabs, the Ghassanids, who were the dominant group among the Monophysites and who believed in the single-nature doctrine of Jesus, and Miaphysite10

Arabs (see also below), Jews and Nabataean Arabs were present as well.

Throughout the 6th century and until the Arab Muslim conquest of 638

AD, the Ghassanid Arabs practically ruled Palaestina Secunda (which included parts of the Galilee) and Palaestina Tertia (which included the Naqab/Negev) and, together with Byzantine soldiers, defended and protected the holy sites in Palestine (Shahid 2009, Vol. II, part II: 63‒64).

The Louvre Museum in Paris exhibits a masterpiece bronze bowl created in the 4th century AD to commemorate the founding of Caesarea-Palaestina.11 A flourishing Mediterranean seaport and later the metropolitan city of Palaestina Prima, the city’s harbour rivalled the Piraeus of Athens (Barnes 1981: 81). The urban social space of Caesarea is of particular interest. By the 3rd century Caesarea, officially still pagan, had become a cosmopolitan, culturally and socially diverse metropolis, and the largest and most developed city in Roman Palestine; the city contained as many as 100,000 inhabitants of many ethnic and religious backgrounds (Barnes 1981: 82). Caesarea Maritima12 also became the home of the Founding Fathers of the Church and of prominent Christian intellectuals, missionaries and martyrs. Under the Romans, and more visibly under the Byzantines, Caesarea became not only the most powerful city in greater Palestine but also home to the metropolitan, predominantly Greekspeaking, cultural elite of the country. As a major centre of learning and scholarship in the Eastern Mediterranean, it became home to outstanding scholars and theologians and some of the best historians and philosophers of Late Antiquity. This metropolitan cultural elite included Eusebius of Caesarea Maritima and Prokopios of Caesarea Maritima (c. 500–c. 554

AD), in Palaestina Prima. The city also became for many years the home of the Church Father Origen (185–254 AD) and several leading Palestinian Christian theologians who also sought to forge a distinct Palestinian Christian identity based on the unique position of Palestine. Prominent historian Prokopios of Caesarea, a native of Palaestina, had this to write in 560 AD about another compatriot Palestinian:

Jesus, the Son of God, was in the body and moving among the men of Palestine, showing manifestly by the fact that he never sinned at all, and also by his performing even things impossible, that he was the Son of God in very truth; for he called the dead and raised them up as if from sleep, and opened the eyes of men who had been born blind, and cleansed those whose whole bodies were covered with leprosy, and released those whose feet were maimed, and he cured all the other diseases which are called by the physicians incurable. (Prokopios 2005)

But the greatest theologian of Caesarea Maritima was Origen. Born in Alexandria, Origen was later summoned to Provincia Arabia, to give instruction to the governor of that region. Afterward, on account of a great tumult in Alexandria, he left Egypt and went to Caesarea Maritima.

St Jerome says that Origen went to Achaia in Greece on account of heresies which were worrying the churches there. His words are: ‘Et propter ecclesias Achaiæ, quæ pluribus hæresibus vexabantur, sub testimonio ecclesiasticæ epistolæ Athenas per Palæstinam pergeret’ (And for the churches of Achaia, with which many heresies grew throughout Palestine under the ecclesiastical head). He passed through Palestine on his way to Greece, and it was at this time that he was ordained a presbyter by Palestinian bishops.

An avid collector of books, Origen helped create the Library of Caesarea and provided Caesarea Maritima with some of the cosmopolitan charisma and intellectual vigour of large cities such as Alexandria and Antioch. Caesarea became his fixed abode in 232 AD. He also became a catalyst for the phenomenal rise of a Palestinised Greek-speaking cultural elite – an elite which made Caesarea-Palaestina one of the most important cities of classical Antiquity. Palestinised Origen became a prolific Christian author, a philosopher of history and the Father of the Homily. He founded a Christian academy in Caesarea, which included the Library of Caesarea-Palaestina, an ecclesiastical and historical library of 30,000

manuscripts (Carriker 2003; Murphy-O’Connor 2008: 241) and second only to the Library of Alexandria in its heyday. Origen also became known for composing seminal works on Christian Neo-Platonism, including his famous treatise On First Principles (1966), a work which had a huge influence on Christian thought and modern Renaissance humanism. Origen wrote Hexapla (‘sixfold’)13 and other exegetical and theological works while living in Caesarea.

Caesarea-Palaestina has been one of most extensively excavated areas of Byzantine Palestine (Avni 2014: 42). Palestine of the 3rd‒6th centuries AD centred on Caesarea, the largest metropolitan city in the whole country:

In the sixth century the city expanded further, beyond its walls, creating extramural quarters with spectacular residences. A large and wealthy agricultural hinterland expanded beyond the urban limits of Caesarea. This urban expansion reflects the constant growth of the urban population, which made Caesarea the largest city in Palestine.

(Avni 2014: 42)

Already in the 3rd century AD Provincia Palaestina was centred on its wealthy, largely well-educated and highly developed Mediterranean capital city, Caesarea Maritima. Palaestina was also treated as a distinct country in the writings of its educated urban elites. From the capital Caesarea Maritima, Origen corresponded with the Roman Emperor Philip (Marcus Julius Philippus, or Marcus Iulius Philippus Augustus, who reigned from 244 to 249 AD), also known by his Latin nickname ‘Philippus Arabs’.

He was born in the northern part of Provincia Arabia, the Roman Arabia Petraea. Inhabited by a mixed population and many Arabs, this region of the Hauran would later become part of Palaestina Secunda and would be in effect ruled by Ghassanid Christian client Arab kings under nominal Byzantine control. ‘Philip the Arab’ himself went on to become a major figure in the Roman Empire (Bowersock 1994: 122). Among early Christian historians ‘Philip the Arab’ had the reputation of being sympathetic to the Christian faith. Some later Christian traditions, first mentioned by Eusebius, who was from Caesarea-Palaestina, in his Ecclesiastical History, claimed that Philip was the first Christian Roman Emperor (Eusebius 2011: VI.xxxiv). Critics, however, argue that ‘Philip the Arab’ fared well with ecclesiastical historians because of his religious tolerance and overall sympathetic attitude towards Christians (Shahid 1984: 76‒77).

After Origen’s death, Palestinian Origenism continued to spread throughout the Near East – until the general condemnation and persecution of Origenism in the mid-6th century – and the theological Library of Caesarea was managed and expanded by St Pamphilus of Caesarea (latter half of the 3rd century–309), who was chief among biblical scholars of his generation and a friend and teacher of the church historian, and Bishop of Caesarea, Eusebius (263–339 AD). Eusebius (the ‘Father of Church History’) was himself born in Caesarea and lived most of his adult life in the city. Pamphilus devoted his life to searching out and obtaining ancient texts for the library, which became one of the most famous and richest in Antiquity. It attracted church historians and theologians from all over the Roman Empire: St Basil the Great (329–379), Gregory of Nazianzus, a 4th century Archbishop of Constantinople and St Jerome (c. 347–420

AD). The latter was a ‘Father of the Church’ who is best known for his translation of the Bible into Latin. All these famous scholars came to study in Caesarea-Palaestina. Moreover, today the Caesarea text-type is widely recognised by scholars as one of the earliest types for reading the four Gospels (Streeter 1926).

While Christianity continued to play crucial role – not always positive, as cited above only the one case of the persecution of Origen and intellectual followers – in the history of the country and its people, it is this period of its great spread which was the most important for the new religion in Palestine, creating many iconic cultural texts and objects and making Palestine probably the best known country in the world at the time, due to the many descriptions, artefacts, literary, religious and historical works which made it a household name within Christianity and beyond. Some of the iconic texts about the country were produced by the ‘Father of Church History’, Eusebius of Caesarea, who took pride in in his native country of Palaestina; he repeatedly used the name Palaestina in his works, which later influenced generations of Christian writers worldwide. De Martyribus Palaestina14 by Eusebius (1861) gives us a clear indication of the consolidation of the concept of Palaestina as a country during the early Byzantine period. The Martyrs of Palestine relates to the persecution of early Christians in the capital of the country, Caesarea-Palaestina, and the country at large in the early 4th century AD. This account may have originally been composed in Palestinian Aramaic, the language of Jesus of Nazareth. Hebrew at the time of Jesus was largely an extinct language, with the Jews of Palestine speaking Aramaic, and Hebrew being confined to liturgical uses. Closely related to Arabic, Palestinian Aramaic was a language with which Eusebius was well acquainted. At the time, Aramaic was the main vernacular speech of the country and was spoken in the capital, Caesarea-Palaestina.15 Aramaic would also influence the evolution of Palestinian vernacular Arabic.

Byzantine Palestine also gave birth to the 6th century world’s most important historian, Prokopios of Caesarea Maritima, an illustrious scholar from Palaestina Prima, the principal historian of the 6th century Byzantine Empire and of the reign of Emperor Justinian. Prokopios travelled extensively throughout the Mediterranean region and the Near East, accompanied the Byzantine general Belisarius as secretary in the wars of Justinian and commented extensively on the Ghassanid tribal Arab kings (top phylarchs)

of Palaestina Secunda, Palaestina Prima and Palaestina Salutaris. In his multi-volume work, The Wars of Justinian (c. 560), Prokopios wrote:

The boundaries of Palestine extend toward the east to the sea which is called the Red Sea. Now this sea, beginning at India, comes to an end at this point in the Roman domain. And there is a city called Aelas [present-day ‘Aqabah] on its shore, where the sea comes to an end, as I have said, and becomes a very narrow gulf. (Prokopios 2014)

Prokopios (Greek: Prokopios ho Kaisareus; Latin: Procopius Caesariensis) added that Chosroes (Khosrow I, 501–579), the Shahanshah (King of Kings) of the Sasanian Empire of Persia from 531 to 579, had a great desire to make himself ruler of Palaestina on account of its extraordinary fertility, its wealth and the great number of its inhabitants (cited in Gibbon 1838, Vol. 1: 40; also Prokopios 2014). Commenting on Prokopios’ observation about the fertility of the country, the English historian Edward Gibbon, in his most important work, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, published in eight volumes between 1776 and 1788, wrote that the Roman historian Tacitus described Palestine as follows: ‘the inhabitants are healthy and robust; the rains moderate; the soil fertile’ (Gibbon 1838, Vol. 1: 40). Gibbon added: ‘Palestine, and the holy wealth of Jerusalem, were the ... objects that attracted the ambitions, or rather the avarice, of Chosroes [I]’ (Gibbon 1840, Vol. 5: 173). He further added that the Muslim Arabs ‘thought the same, and were afraid that Omar, when he went to Jerusalem, and charmed with the fertility of the soil and purity of the air, would never return to Medina’ (Gibbon 1838, Vol. 1: 40).

During the early Christian period, particularly from the 4th century onwards, the Holy Land – a nebulous, abstract and semi-mythical location – was transformed into a real country called Palaestina, with thriving cities, ports, beautiful churches and numerous monasteries, famous philosophical schools and libraries, an extensive road system, villages and a large, commercially and culturally active population, which added to the interest shown by (Latin-speaking) Europeans. It was in the course of this early Christian period that the Latin term Terrae Sanctae became synonymous in Christian texts with the extensive use of the term Palaestina by Christian pilgrims and local historians. On the Martyrs of Palestine (311 AD)

was written by the church historian and Bishop of Caesarea-Palaestina, Eusebius (AD 263–339), ‘Father of Church History’, who composed his monumental work Historia Ecclesiastica and his Onomasticon (On the Place Names in the Holy Scripture) (1971), a comprehensive geographical-historical study of Palestine, in the city: ‘Eusebius states that he compiled On the Place Names in the Holy Scripture by working through the Bible piecemeal’ (Barnes 1981: 109). This major biblical enterprise has been described by British classicist Timothy David Barnes (1981: 106) as a ‘biblical gazetteer which is still the main literary source for the historic geography of Palestine both in biblical times and under the Roman Empire’.

Although his Onomasticon was partly based on religiously constructed and officially sanctioned scriptural geography and religious memory, Eusebius uses the name Provincia Palaestina repeatedly and in application to the whole country from Lebanon in the north to Egypt in the south, and this Roman/Byzantine administrative and official use influenced later generations of Christian and European writers. A native of Caesarea-Palaestina, whose language was Greek, Eusebius, in his Oration in Praise of Constantine, writes proudly about the special attention given to ‘our Provencia Palaestina’:

he [Emperor Constantin] has selected two places [for his churchbuilding programme] in the eastern division of the empire, the one in [‘our province’] Palestine (since from thence the life-giving stream has flowed as from a fountain for the blessing of all nations), the other in that metropolis of the East which derives its name from that of Antiochus; in which, as the head of that portion of the empire, he has consecrated to the service of God a church of unparalleled size and beauty. The entire building is encompassed by an enclosure of great extent, within which the church itself rises to a vast elevation, of an octagonal form, surrounded by many chambers and courts on every side, and decorated with ornaments of the richest kind.16

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Chapters (101)
  1. 10. Introduction : Palestine As A Name Commonly Used Throughout Ancient History
  2. 20.1 Palestine As An Official Administrative Entity
  3. 30.2 From Palestine-focused Biblical Orientalism To The New Histories Of Israel
  4. 40.3 Political Autonomy, Independence And Statehood In Palestine Over The Last Three Millennia
  5. 50.4 From The Geo-political Term Palestine To The Concept Of Palestine: Cartography, Place Names And Social Memory
  6. 60.5 Locating Palestine: The Methodological And Intellectual Framework
  7. 71. The Philistines And Philistia As A Distinct Geo-political Entity
  8. 81.1 The Philistines As Indigenous People: Epigraphic And Archaeological Evidence For Peleset And The Philistines
  9. 91.2 The Name ‘ Cana’an’ In The Late Bronze Period
  10. 101.3 The Name Palestine Takes Over From The Late Bronze Age Onwards
  11. 111.4 The Names Piliste And Philistia In Assyrian Sources
  12. 121.5 Iron Age Philistia As A Distinct Polity: The Country Of The Peleset From Gaza To Tantur (1200‒712 Bc)
  13. 131.6 The Highly Developed Cities Of Philistia
  14. 141.7 The ‘ Way Of The Philistines’: Palestine As A Transit Country And The Historic Road Of Via Maris
  15. 151.8 Philisto-arabian Coins: Currency, Power And Autonomy In Philistia (6th–4th Centuries Bc)
  16. 162. The Conception Of Palestine In Classical Antiquity And During The Hellenistic Empires
  17. 172.1 The Greek Name Παλαιστίνη In Classical And Foundational Greco-hellenic Sources
  18. 182.2 The Conception Of Palaistinê By The Founding Father Of History
  19. 192.3 The Name Palestine In Aristotle’s Meteorology
  20. 202.4 Palaestina On The World Map Of Ptolemy: The Use Of The Term Palaestina By Greek Geographers And Historians During The Seleucid And Ptolemaic Empires
  21. 213. From Philistia To Provincia ‘syria Palaestina’
  22. 223.1 The Upgrading Of Palestine By Hadrian: The Official Designation Of The Province Of ‘syria Palaestina’ (135‒390 Ad)
  23. 233.2 FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS: FROM ‘SYRIA PALAESTINA’ TO PALAESTINA
  24. 243.3 The 1st Century Geography Of Palaestina By Strabo, Pliny The Elder And Pomponius Mela
  25. 253.4 The Official Designation Of Palaestina By Classical Jewish Scholars
  26. 263.5 The Rise Of Caesarea-palaestina
  27. 274. The ( Three In One) Provincia Palaestina
  28. 284.1 Caesarea Maritima As A Mediterranean Capital Of Culture: The City’s Metropolitan Elite
  29. 294.2 Nicaea And Historical Ecclesiastical Representations Of Palestine: The Archiepiscopal See Of Caesarea
  30. 304.3 The Emergence Of Independent Palestinian Church: Political Versus Religious Capitals In Palestine
  31. 314.4 Latin Palestine
  32. 324.5 Religio-cultural And Institutional Memories Of Provincia Palaestina And Modern Palestine
  33. 334.6 Material Evidence And Powerful Symbols Of Byzantine Palaestina (παλαιστινη): The 1884 Archaeological Discovery Of The Madaba Mosaic Map
  34. 344.7 The ‘ Athens Of Asia’ In Palaestina: Gaza As A Mediterranean Centre Of Classical Literature And Rhetoric
  35. 354.8 Popular Religion And The Relaxed Setting Of Gaza: The Rose Festival Of Gaza
  36. 364.9 Monastic School Of Gaza And The Monasteries Of Palaestina: The Desert Fathers And Mothers And Their Worldwide Impact
  37. 375. Arab Christian Palestine
  38. 385.1 Arabic Classical Poetry And Byzantine Palestine: Al-nabighah Adh-dhubyani
  39. 396. The Arab Province Of Jund Filastin
  40. 406.1 Palestinian Syriac Aramaic, Palestinian Arabic And Palestinian Toponyms
  41. 416.2 The Continuities And Transformation Of The Province Of Jund Filastin
  42. 426.3 The Extent Of The Arab Province Of Jund Filastin: From Marj Ibn ‘amer To The Red Sea
  43. 436.4 The Secular And Sacred Capitals Of The Province Of Filastin: The Grandeur Of Ilya (bayt Al-maqdis) And Al-ramla Under The Umayyads
  44. 446.5 Jund Filastin As The Richest Province Of Al-sham Region
  45. 456.6 Coins Minted ‘in-filastin’ (‘ بفلسطين ’): Palestine Currency, Monetary Autonomy And Numismatic Evidence From Arab Islamic Palestine
  46. 466.7 Reconfiguration Of Palestine Under The Fatimids: The Province Of Jund Filastin And The Military Governor Of Palestine 11 ) (متولي حرب فلسطين) Th Century)
  47. 477. Between Egypt And Al-sham
  48. 487.1 Palestine On Arab And Venetian World Maps (12th‒15th Centuries): The Maps Of Muhammad Al-idrisi (1154), Pietro Vesconte, Marino Sanudo And Fra Mauro (1450)
  49. 497.2 Ayyubid Palestine And The Re-establishment Of Islamic Jerusalem In Post-crusade Palestine: The Decline Of Palestine’s Coastal Cities And Rise Of The Interior Urban Centres
  50. 507.3 The Leading Role Of Al-quds Under The Mamluks: The Capital Of Mamluk Palestine And The ‘city Without Walls’ (1260‒1517)
  51. 517.4 The Sea Versus The Mountain: Safad As A New Regional Capital Of The Galilee
  52. 527.5 The Social Memory Of Palestine During The Mamluk And Early Ottoman Periods: Filastin In Local Muslim Social Memory
  53. 537.6 The Mosaics Of Historic Palestine, Continuities And Transformation: The Palestinian Glasswork Industry Of Al-khalil And The School Of Mosaics Of Al-quds
  54. 548. Palestinian Statehood In The 18th Century
  55. 558.1 Revivalism And Rediscovery Under Ottoman Rule: The Arab Islamic Jurisprudence Of Palestine And Indigenous Memories Of Filastin Under The Ottomans (1517‒1860s)
  56. 568.2 Al-dawlah Al-qutriyyah: Palestinian Statehood And The Regimes Of Dhaher Al-ʿumar And Ahmad Pasha Al-jazzar In The 18th Century
  57. 578.3 History Of Urban Elites Versus History ‘from Below’: New Leadership, Palestine’s Cotton Trade With Europe And The Industrial Revolution
  58. 588.4 Hourani’s ‘urban’ Elites Paradigm?
  59. 598.5 Taxation, Frontier Provinces And The Rise Of Autonomous Power In 18th Century Palestine
  60. 608.6 Nominal Sovereignty Versus Practical Sovereignty
  61. 618.7 Reading The History Of Modern Palestine Through The Eyes Of The Indigenous People
  62. 629. Being Palestine, Becoming Palestine
  63. 639.1 New Representations Of Palestine, 1805‒1917
  64. 649.2 Western Travelogues Of Palestine: The Distinction Between Palestine/ Holy Land And Syria
  65. 659.3 Palestine-focused Russian Orientalism In The Late Ottoman Period
  66. 669.4 Strategic Ambitions And The British Peaceful Crusade: Science, Empire And The Mapping Of Palestine By The Palestine Exploration Fund (1865–1877)
  67. 679.5 The Historic And Geographic Maps Of Palestine: The National Geographic
  68. 689.6 Paradigm Shift In Late Ottoman Palestine (1872‒1917): Historical Continuities And Administrative Division Of Palestine
  69. 699.7 The Reimagining Of Palestinian Territorial Identity And Proto-nationalism In Late Ottoman Palestine: Khalil Beidas And Palestinian Cultural Nationalism
  70. 709.8 ‘being Palestine, Becoming Palestine’ In Mahmoud Darwish’s Poetry
  71. 719.9 Vernacularisation, Indigeneity And Modern Representations Of Palestine In The Palestinian Arab Press: The Newspaper Falastin (1911–1967)
  72. 729.10 The Term Filastin In Ruhi Al-khalidi’s Unpublished Manuscript
  73. 739.11 Historic Continuities And Colonial Transformation: Palestine As A Single Official Administrative And Territorial Entity Under The British (1918‒may 1948)
  74. 749.12 Self-determination And The Proliferation Of Palestinian Nationalist Organisations: The Palestinian National Movement During The Mandatory Period
  75. 759.13 The Short-lived Newspaper Suriyya Al-janubiyyah (1919‒1920)
  76. 769.14 From Palestine To The Land Of Israel: The Palestine Communist Party (palestinishe Komunistishe Partei)
  77. 779.15 Palestinian National Institutions And Organisations In The Post-nakba Period: The Revolutionary Politics Of The Plo
  78. 789.16 Studia Palaestina: Palestine Studies And The Proliferation Of Modern Research Societies And Institutions
  79. 7910. Settlercolonialism And Disinheriting The Palestinians
  80. 8010.1 Hebrewisation: Antecedents To Zionist Toponymy
  81. 8110.2 From Karm Al-khalili To Kerem Avraham (1855): James Finn’s Colony
  82. 8210.3 Disappearing Palestinian Villages And Place Names Before 1948
  83. 8310.4 Appropriation Of Arabic Place Names, Indigenisation Of The European Settlers And Hybridisation Strategies
  84. 8410.5 Appropriation, Hybridisation And Indigenisation: The Appropriation Of Palestine Place Names By European Zionist Settlers
  85. 8510.6 The Pure Zionist Settler Colony And A Monolingual Mindset: From Palestinian Arab Masha And Sajara To Israeli Kfar Tavor And Ilaniya
  86. 8610.7 Judaisation, Hebraicisation And Biblicisation Strategies
  87. 8710.8 Zionist Toponymic Methods And Strategies In The Post-nakba Period: Key Features Of The Israeli Place Names Projects
  88. 8810.9 The Israeli Army’s Hebrew Names Committee Of 1949: Indigenising The European Settlers And Self-renaming
  89. 8910.10 Hybridity, Hebraicising And The Myth Of Restoration: Eliezer Ben-yehuda, The Committee Of The Hebrew Language And Founding Myths Of Modern Hebrew
  90. 9010.11 Hybridisation And Patterns Of Early Zionist Borrowing From, And Modelling On, Arabic And Aramaic
  91. 9110.12 Self-invention, Self-indigenisation And Self-antiquation: Personal Name Changing By Members Of The Predatory Zionist Ashkenazi Elite Of Israel
  92. 9210.13 Toponyms ‘from Above’ And State-supervised Projects: The Israeli Governmental Names Committee
  93. 9310.14 The Legendary Toponymy Of Zionist Settlers And The Latin Medieval Crusaders
  94. 9410.15 The Creation Of A Usable Past: The Power/ Knowledge Nexus
  95. 9510.16 Israeli Biblical Archaeology As A Secular Religion: Judaisation Strategies And The Assertion Of Ownership: The Superimposition Of Biblical, Talmudic And Mishnaic Names
  96. 9610.17 From Palestinian Majdal-ʿasqalan To Biblical Ashkelon
  97. 9710.17 The New Israeli Place Names And Landscape: Fashioning A European Landscape As A Site Of Amnesia And Erasure
  98. 9810.18 From Yerushalayim To Orshalim: The Transliteration Of New Hebrew Toponyms And Road Signs Into English And Arabic
  99. 9910.19 Epilogue: The Palestinian Multi-layered Identity, Toponymic Memory And The Diverse Heritage Of The Land
  100. 100Bibliography
  101. 101Notes