要使穆斯林的内心产生自发性，必须采取行动，或是针对个人，或是针对整个乌玛。若仅针对个人，其效果只会局限于个人本身，而无法触及整个乌玛。反之，若致力于在乌玛中创造这种自发性，则必然会在个人身上产生这种自发性。这是因为乌玛是由个人组成的整体，而个人之间通过一种"阿克ида"（信仰）相互联结，由此产生一套生活体系。因此，要在民众中，也要在个人中创造自发性，行动就必须针对整个乌玛。所以，我们来讨论如何在乌玛中创造自发性，并由此在个人身上培养这种自发性。在乌玛中创造自发性，首先要将"阿克ida"从仅仅是一种教义，转变为一种政治观念或政治思想。之后，这一行动将持续推进，直至我们认识到，建立在"阿克ida"之上的各项规则和概念，本身就是政治思想。

Action needs to be taken to create spontaniety either in the individuals or in the Ummah. Attempting to create it in the individuals would only create it in them, but not in the Ummah as a whole. However, effort to create it in the Ummah would definitely create it in the individuals. This is because the Ummah is the sum of the individuals with the effect of linkage among them by an ‘Aqeedah from which a system of life emanates. Therefore, it is necessary that action to create spontaniety in the people, as well as the individuals, should be action in the Ummah as a whole. So, we discuss the way to create spontaniety in the Ummah and from this spontaniety it is developed in the individuals. The creation of spontaniety in the Ummah starts with transforming the ‘Aqeedah from being a matter of doctrine only, to being a political idea or a political thought. The action then proceeds until we realize that the rules and concepts built on the ‘Aqeedah are political thoughts.

一旦实现这一点,我们便开始进行快速理解。因此,首先必须把"阿给代"(伊斯兰信仰)变成一种政治思想,然后使建立在这一信仰之上的各种思想成为政治思想。从"阿给代"所衍生的规则,是由于"阿给代"本身已成为一种政治思想而产生的。因此,只要"阿给代"具有政治属性,人就不必去关注那些规则。所以,根本在于把"阿给代"变成一种政治观念或政治思想。无论一个人是从"阿给代"入手,还是从由它衍生的规则入手,这都是基础。伊斯兰的"阿给代"是"万物非主,唯有真主"(Laa ilaaha illa Allah),"穆罕默德是真主的使者"(Muhammadun Rasoolullah),这意味着除真主之外,没有谁值得崇拜。于是,一个人处理乌玛的事务,包括处理自己的事务,都以"除真主之外没有值得崇拜者"这一事实为准则。因此,他不接受自己崇拜真主以外的任何事物,也不接受自己成为真主以外任何事物的仆人。这会提升他在乌玛和民众中的地位,因为民众虽然看不见真主,也不了解祂的本质,但当他们看到一个人拒绝崇拜他们所熟知的对象时,这对他们而言便是一件了不起的事情。

Once we achieve this, we start with quick understanding. Thus, firstly, it is necessary to start by making the ‘Aqeedah a political thought and then making the thoughts that are built on the ‘Aqeedah political thoughts. Making the rules that emanate from the ‘Aqeedah political thoughts results from making the ‘Aqeedah itself a political thought. Therefore, one does not concern himself with the rules as long as the ‘Aqeedah was of a political character. Thus, the origin is to make the ‘Aqeedah a political idea or political thought. So, in whatever way one started, this is the basis; whether one started with the ‘Aqeedah or with the rules that emanate from it. The fact that the Islamic ‘Aqeedah is Laa ilaaha illa Allah (There is no god except Allah), Muhammadun Rasoolullah (Mohammed is the Messenger of Allah), this means that no one is worthy of worship except Allah. So, one discharges the affairs of the Ummah, including one’s own affairs, with the fact that there is none worthy of worship except Allah. Thus, one does not accept for himself to worship other than Allah, or to be servant to other than Allah. This raises your status in the Ummah and the people, for while they do not see Allah and do not know His nature, it becomes great for them to see a person reject the worship of whom the people know.

所以，在他们看来，你将因此而崛起。因此，如果“Laa ilaaha illa Allah”（除安拉外再无应受崇拜者）这句话的含义成为一种政治理念，它就会改变你对人们的看法，也改变人们对你的看法。如果你宣告“穆罕默德是安拉的使者”，那么你就会遵循他穆罕默德从安拉那里所带来的一切，也就是说，你会遵守伊斯兰教法（Shar'）的规定。如果你遵循这些，并依照它来处理民众的事务，即践行它，并使民众也践行它，那么你就会把整个“Aqeedah”（信仰）转变为一种政治理念或政治思想。然而，如果你从“Ahkaam”（律例）入手，这似乎会更容易，也更接近于自然而然地产生行动的动力。

So you will rise by that in their view. Thus, if the word “Laa ilaaha illa Allah”, by the meaning “there is none worthy of worship except Allah” became a political idea, it would change your view towards the people and how the people view you. If you declare “Muhammad Rasoolullah”, then you will abide by what he, Mohammed , brought from Allah, i.e. you will abide by the rules of Shar’. If you abide by this and take charge of the people’s affairs in accordance with it, i.e. act upon it and make the people act on it, then you will transform the whole ‘Aqeedah into a political idea, or a political thought. However, if you start with ahkaam (rules), this would appear to be easier and closer to generating spontaniety.

这是因为，你与民众之间相连的，正是“阿꞉格伊黛”（信条）以及由它派生出的各项律例。如果你基于信仰（Imaan）来执行这些律例，那么仅凭现实本身，就足以显示迅速的理解和迅速的联想。 欧麦尔·本·哈塔卜的集会中，那位妇女向信士们的长官投诉丈夫，而听她诉说的人并没有去顾及伊斯兰的“阿꞉格伊黛”，因为他知道她和信士们的长官都信奉它。他所关注的，是由此派生的律例中的相关部分，即妻子的权利优先于真主的权利。于是他对此感到满意，并将当时出现在他心中的察觉，与这条由“阿꞉格伊黛”派生出的律例相连。他仅仅通过与这条律例的联系便获得了自发的反应，无需再与“阿꞉格伊黛”相连，因为他知道那妇女信奉这一“阿꞉格伊黛”，并且她向信士们的长官提出申诉，是因为长官也信奉它。这个人的自发反应，来自于与沙里亚律例的联系，而不是先与“阿꞉格伊黛”相连、再与沙里亚律例相连。 因此，从沙里亚律例即由“阿꞉格伊黛”派生的部分中产生自发反应，更加容易，也更能够达到。由此可见，要在民众中产生自发反应，只需使沙里亚律例成为政治思想，凭借它来处理事务，也唯有凭借它，民众才被追究责任。

This is because what gathers between yourself and the people is the ‘Aqeedah, including the rules that emanate from it. If you take these rules based on Imaan, then the reality alone will indicate quick understanding and quick linkage. The listener to the woman’s complaint to the Ameer ul-Mu’mineen about her husband, in the assembly of Omar bin al-Khattab, did not concern himself with the Islamic ‘Aqeedah, for he knew that she and the Ameer ul- Mu’mineen believed in it. He rather concerned himself with what relates to this of rules that emanate from it, which is the preference of the right of the wife to the right of Allah . So he was satisfied with that and linked quick observance that occurred to him with this hukm emanating from the ‘Aqeedah. With this linkage to the hukm alone, he had spontaniety. He did not need to make linkage to the ‘Aqeedah, for he knew that the woman believed in this ‘Aqeedah and raised her complaint to the Ameer ul-Mu’mineen for he believed in this ‘Aqeedah also. The man had spontaniety from linking to the hukm shar’ee and not from the ‘Aqeedah followed by linking to the hukm shar’ee. Therefore, the generation of spontaniety from the ahkaam shar’iyyah, i.e. from that which emanates from the ‘Aqeedah, is easier and more attainable. Thus, generation of spontaniety in the people only requires making the ahkaam shar’iyyah political thoughts, by which the affairs are discharged and by which alone the people are held accountable.

然而,这一切都取决于人们是否信仰那些沙里亚教法(ahkaam shar'iyyah)所由派生的根本,即"阿贡拉德"(‘Aqeedah,信仰)。例如,如果你接手管理埃及人民的事务,而埃及人民都是穆斯林,都信仰伊斯兰的阿贡拉德,那么如果你想在他们中间激发自发性(spontaneity),你所需要做的,只是让沙里亚教法在他们看来成为政治思想。如此一来,自发性便会在埃及出现。然而,如果你想在法国等地激发它,那里的人民并不信仰伊斯兰的阿贡拉德,那么你就必须先让伊斯兰的阿贡拉德在他们看来成为一种政治思想。如此,自发性才会在他们中间出现,只是速度缓慢,需要逐步进行。在法国工作与在埃及工作是有区别的。既然我们希望在伊斯兰国家激发自发性,那么讨论便将围绕从阿贡拉德派生出来的沙里亚教法展开。在激发自发性方面,这样做更快捷、更容易。

However, all of this depends on understanding that the people believe in that from which the ahkaam shar’iyyah emanate, which is the ‘Aqeedah. If, for example, you took charge of the affairs of the people in Egypt, where the people of Egypt are Muslims and all of them believe in the Islamic ‘Aqeedah, then if you wanted to generate spontaniety in them, all that you would have to do is make the ahkaam shar’iyyah political thoughts in their view. Spontaniety would then exist in Egypt. However, if you wanted to generate it in France, for example, where the people do not believe in the Islamic ‘Aqeedah, it is necessary that you proceed first by making the Islamic ‘Aqeedah a political thought in their view. Spontaniety would then exist in them, albeit slowly and in succession. There is a difference between working in France and working in Egypt. Since we wish to generate spontaniety in the Islamic countries, the discussion will be on the ahkaam shar’iyyah that emanate from the ‘Aqeedah. This is quicker and easier when trying to generate spontaniety.

为了在民众中激发自发性，首先必须做的，是让伊斯兰律法（al-ahkaam ash-shar‘iyyah）成为他们观念中的一个政治议题，一件容易且可行的事情。民众信奉伊斯兰的‘Aqeedah（信仰），并遵从它以及它的律法。

To generate spontaniety in people, it is necessary to start first, before anything else, by making the ahkaam shar’iyyah a political thought in their view - a matter that is easy and feasible. The people believe in the Islamic ‘Aqeedah and abide by it and by its ahkaam.

只需要在他们心中树立这样的观念：这是一项shar'ee（法律上的）hukm（判定），必须遵守源自'Aqeedah（信仰）的内容，正如必须遵守'Aqeedah本身一样。

One only has to generate in them the idea that this is hukm shar’ee and that it is necessary to abide by what emanates from the ‘Aqeedah, the same way as it is necessary to abide by the ‘Aqeedah.

这就是因为，信仰与否（Imaan和Kufr）只取决于人是否遵守伊斯兰律例（ahkaam shar'iyyah）。一旦这种遵守在人们心中确立，将律例转化为政治思想的事，便会取决于他们自身，并对他们产生影响，于是他们自己就会把伊斯兰律例当作自己的政治思想。此时，人的任务便只是激励与引导。因此，如果他们认为一般的自由与权利与‘Aqeedah相矛盾，或者它们并非源自‘Aqeedah，那么他们就很容易放弃这些东西，你也就无需为此担忧。然而，如果他们仍然认为这些自由源自‘Aqeedah，或者与之并不矛盾，那么即便它们只是政治思想，他们也很难放弃，因为这些思想与他们所信奉的‘Aqeedah相连。所以，必须让他们明白，这些自由并非源自‘Aqeedah，它们与之相矛盾，也并非从中派生而来。

This is because Imaan and Kufr only occur from abiding by the ahkaam shar’iyyah or not. Once this exists in the people, the matter of transferring the ahkaam into political thoughts would depend on them and would gain influence over them, so they themselves would make the ahkaam shar’iyyah their political thoughts. One’s task would then be the stimulation and direction. Thus, if they view that the general liberties and freedoms contradict the ‘Aqeedah, or they do not emanate from it, it would be easy for them to abandon them and you would not need to be concerned with that. However, if they continued to view them as emanating from the ‘Aqeedah or not contradictory to it, then it would be difficult for them to abandon them, even if they were political thoughts. This is because they are linked to the ‘Aqeedah which they believe in. Thus, it is necessary that they understand that these freedoms do not come from the ‘Aqeedah. They contradict it and do not emanate from it.

没有这一点，他们就不可能放弃一般的自由。另外，基督徒是卡菲尔（Kaafir，不信者），饮酒是哈拉姆（haraam，禁止的），不允许非穆斯林（无论来自西方还是东方）的统治和控制，遵行哈昑沙尔仪（hukm shar'ee，伊斯兰教法的判决）是法尔德（fard，主命），所有这些及类似的问题，一旦与信仰（'Aqeedah）联系起来，就很容易理解。因此，诵读安拉的话："那些说'安拉就是麦西哈，玛利亚之子'的人，确已不信。"[TMQ 《筵席》：72]，对穆斯林而言就足以认定基督徒是卡菲尔。同样，诵读安拉的话："那么，你们将戒绝他们吗？"[TMQ 《筵席》：91]，就足以让人知道关于饮酒的经文，以及饮酒是哈拉姆。同样，安拉的话："安拉绝不让不信者统治信士。"[TMQ 《妇女》：141]，明确说明不允许不信者支配和控制穆斯林。诵读安拉的话："但不然！你的主发誓，他们在对于彼此间的争端，未以你为裁判之前，他们不是信士。"[TMQ 《妇女》：65]，以及诵读安拉的话："使者带给你们什么，你们就接受什么；他禁止你们什么，你们就戒除什么。"[TMQ 《放逐》：7]，会使人相信，统治者不遵行哈昑沙尔仪，是一种罪过或者不信。

Without this, it is not possible that they abandon the general freedoms. Also the fact that the Christian is a Kaafir, that alcohol is haraam, that domination and control by the Kuffar is not allowed, whether they were from the West or the East, that abiding by the hukm shar’ee is fard, all of these and their like are easy to understand once linked with the ‘Aqeedah. Thus, reading the saying of Allah , “They surely disbelieve, those who say: ‘Lo! Allah is the Messiah, son of Mary’” [TMQ Al Ma’idah: 72], is enough for the Muslim to consider the Christian as a Kaafir. The recitation, also, of the saying of Allah , “Will you then abstain (from them)?” [TMQ Al-Ma’idah: 91] is enough to know about the ayah of alcohol and that it is haraam. Similarly, the saying of Allah , “Allah never allows the disbelievers to have authority over the believers” [TMQ An-Nisaa’: 141], explains definitely that the domination and control of the Muslims by the Kaafir is not allowed. The recitation of His  saying, “But, no; by your Lord, they will not believe (in truth) until they make you judge of what is in dispute between them” [TMQ An-Nisa’: 65], and the recitation of His  saying, “Whatever the Rasool brought to you take it, and whatever he forbade you, abstain from it” [TMQ Al-Hashr: 7], makes one believe that the failure of the ruler in abiding by the hukm shar’ee is a sin or Kufr.

因此,在伊斯兰国家中,依据伊斯兰教法(ahkaam shar'iyyah)来主持事务是容易的。如果行动从此开始,那么在其中取得成功就既容易又有保障。因此,致力于激发自发性,即在民众中产生自发性,也是容易的。这是因为它从伊斯兰教法出发,并将其转化为政治思想,而这是一件容易且可以达到的事情。

Thus, the matter of taking charge of the affairs by the ahkaam shar’iyyah is easy in the Islamic countries. If action starts with that, then success in it is easy and guaranteed. Therefore, work for spontaniety, i.e. to generate spontaniety in the people is easy. This is because it starts with the ahkaam shar’iyyah and transforming them into political thoughts, a matter which is easy and attainable.

第二件事依然存在，即培养对现实的敏锐观察或敏锐理解，以及现实所指示的一切。这就是所谓的敏锐观察。这第二件事需要教育与培养，仅仅引起对它的注意是不够的。对现实的敏锐理解，即培养敏锐观察，与培养自发性之间有很大的区别。前面所提到的，只着眼于培养敏锐观察，尽管这是在培养自发性的语境中提出的，因为正是它产生了自发性。虽然它是第一根支柱，但在自发性中它被视为第二根支柱。这是因为它与“阿கீदة”及由其衍生的一切相联系，或将其与伊斯兰教法的裁决（ahkaam shar'iyyah）相联系，才是产生自发性的原因。

The second matter remains, that is the generation of quick observance or quick understanding of the reality and whatever it indicates. This is what is meant by quick observance. This second matter requires education and generation; it is not enough just to draw attention to it. There is a great difference between quick understanding of reality, i.e. generation of quick observance and the generation of spontaniety. What was mentioned before only focused on generating quick observance, though this was in the context of generating spontaniety, for it is this that generates spontaniety. Though it was the first pillar, it is however considered the second pillar in spontaniety. This is because its linkage with the ‘Aqeedah and whatever emanates from it, or linking it with the ahkaam shar’iyyah, is what generates spontaniety.

仅仅产生快速的观察是不够的，它也不一定能产生自发性，尽管它是其中的第一根支柱。相反，必须理解说话者的目的。这一目的只有通过与他所理解并知道源自'Aqeedah（信仰）的沙尔仪律例（hukm shar'ee）之间的联系才能被把握。

Generating quick observance alone is not enough and it does not necessarily generate spontaniety, though it is the first pillar in it. It is rather necessary to know the purpose of the speaker. This purpose is only understood from the linkage with the hukm shar’ee which he understands and knows emanates from the ‘Aqeedah.

因此，必须存在这种联系，以便与之建立关联并知晓其目的。然后，迅速的遵守才能够实现。

Therefore, it is necessary that the bond exist so as to make linkage with it and to know the purpose. Then quick observance can exist.

虽然真正促成迅速遵行的，是所说的话语与所发生的实际情况，但若二者没有与纽带相连，人们便不会自发地去遵行。

Though it is the speech that is said and the reality that occurs that generates quick observance, unless they are linked with the bond there would not be spontaniety in the people.

因此,如果一个乌玛(Ummah),例如伊斯兰乌玛,能够把这一观念转化为政治思想,那么当她把每天发生的事件与源自"阿嘎伊德"(ʿAqeedah)的东西联系起来时,她就会具备自发性。由此可见,问题在于自发性。尽管自发性表面上与迅速理解现实相关联,即产生观察或迅速观察,但无论在此之前还是之后,它都与把观念和"哈卡姆·沙尔ʿ"(hukm shar'ee)转化为政治思想有关。正因如此,迅速观察或迅速理解现实被忽视了,重点反而在于把伊斯兰观念和"阿哈卡姆·沙尔ʿIyyah"(ahkaam shar'iyyah)转化为政治思想。因此,要在乌玛或个人中培养自发性,首先且在一切之前,就是使伊斯兰的见解成为政治见解。此后,自发性便会存在。自发性必须以这样的方式培养,而且这种培养必须以伊斯兰为基础。

Therefore, if an Ummah, like the Islamic Ummah, managed to transform the idea into a political thought, she would have spontaniety if she linked the events that take place daily to what emanates from the ‘Aqeedah. Thus, the issue lies in spontaniety, though it is apparently connected with quick understanding of reality, i.e. generating observance or quick observance. However, it is, before and after that, related to transformation of the idea and the hukm shar’ee into political thoughts. That is why quick observance or quick understanding of reality is ignored. The focus instead is the transformation of the Islamic idea and the ahkaam shar’iyyah into political thoughts. Therefore, generating spontaniety in the Ummah or in the individuals is achieved by, firstly and before everything, making the Islamic opinion a political opinion. After that spontaniety will exist. This is how spontaniety must be generated and this generation must be on the basis of Islam.

伊斯兰观点的生成在先。将其变为政治观点在后。随后才是自发性的生成。

Generating the Islamic opinion comes first. Making it a political opinion comes next. Then comes the generation of spontaniety.

因此，例如与“库法尔”（不信者）作战，因为他们是库法尔，这是显而易见的，属于一项伊斯兰教法的裁定（hukm shar‘ee）。征收吉兹亚（人头税）是为了阻止战争。因此，征收吉兹亚是因为所要达到的目的是和平。

Thus for example, fighting against Kuffar, because they are Kuffar is self-evident, it is a hukm shar’ee. The jizya is taken from them to prevent fighting. Thus the jizya is taken because peace is intended.

因为缴纳吉兹亚（人头税）的人是希望和平的卡菲尔（不信者），所以向他们征收吉兹亚；因为与之作战的人是希望战争的卡菲尔，所以与他们作战。其首要目的在于将这一伊斯兰观点转化为一种政治观点，而不仅仅是一种教法（fiqh）观点。此后，即在这一观点被理解之后，他们会遭到作战，并与他们议和，于是便有必要通过自发性来理解他们的处境。因此，自发性对于理解他们的处境是必要的。这种理解要么源于他们的行为，要么源于他们的言论。

The jizya is taken because they are Kuffar who want peace. They are fought against because they are Kuffar who want war. It is aimed first of all to transform this Islamic opinion into a political opinion, not merely a fiqhi (juristic) opinion. After that, i.e. after this opinion is understood, they are fought and peace is made with them, then spontaniety becomes necessary in order to understand their situation. Spontaniety is thus necessary to understand their situation. This results either from their actions or from their words.

因此,观点必须首先是伊斯兰的,其次是政治的,之后才能实现自发性。所以,自发性是必要的,但只能以伊斯兰为基础,即以哈克姆·沙尔ISH(hukm shar'ee)为基础。除此之外,即便它可能产生自发性,我们也不接受,也不去参与。我们只接受伊斯兰的观点。除此之外的任何东西,我们都不接受,也不去关注。伊斯兰的观点是基础,而自发性对这一伊斯兰观点来说是必要的。即使是看到路上有汽油的事件中,自发性也是从理解那是汽油而产生的。但对危险的认知所引发的反应,则来自伊斯兰的观点。安拉禁止人让自己置身于危险之中。当穆斯林逃离危险时,他的逃离必须以哈克姆·沙尔ISH为基础。我们并非仅仅为了安全而逃跑。其他例子同样如此。因此,伊斯兰的观点居于首位,先于一切;然后才是自发性随之而来。

Therefore, the opinion must first be Islamic, then political and then after that spontaniety is achieved. Thus, spontaniety is necessary, but only on the basis of Islam, i.e. on the basis of hukm shar’ee. Other than that, though it may possibly produce spontaniety, we do not accept it, nor involve ourselves with it. We only accept the Islamic opinion. Anything other than that we do not accept or busy ourselves with. The Islamic opinion is the basis and spontaniety is necessary for this Islamic opinion. Even in the incident of seeing the petrol in the road, spontaniety occurred from understanding that it is petrol. But the reaction to the realisation of danger resulted from the Islamic opinion. Allah forbade man from placing himself in danger. When a Muslim flees from danger, his flight must be based on the hukm shar’ee. We do not flee just for the sake of safety. This applies to the other examples. Thus, the Islamic opinion comes first and before everything; then spontaniety follows.

24 Dhil-Qa’dah 1396 AH 16/11/1976 CE

24 Dhil-Qa’dah 1396 AH 16/11/1976 CE