Structuring of a Party : Page 37 - 51
Structuring of a Party : Page 37 - 51
12. 在这一阶段,必须始终认识到,整个社会是该党的主要学校。与此同时,我们也必须牢记学校与党在其培育圈层方面的区别。
12. At this stage, it must always be realised that the society in its entirety is the main school of the Hizb. At the same time, however, we must keep in mind the differences between the school and the Hizb with respect to its culturing circles.
认识到整个社会就是伊扎布的学校,源于伊扎布在当前阶段的任务性质,即唤醒正确的'Aqa'id(信仰信条)并形成正确的概念。这一任务只能通过一个教育过程来完成,在这一过程中,伊扎布的思想是老师,是汲取思想的源泉;而伊扎布的文化则是被教授的内容。伊扎布的思想与文化将体现在那些完全践行该思想的人身上。这些人将成为社会中的直接讲授者。地方委员会及其小组充当社会的课堂,而整个社会就是学校。这一教育过程要求伊扎布的成员以及采纳其理念的人,必须坚持深入学习以形成正确的理解,并且时刻不断地学习伊扎布的文化。此外,他们还须背诵伊扎布的章程、重要规定以及所采纳的基本原则。这需要一种类似学校的学习过程,每一个加入伊扎布的人都必须遵循这一过程,无论是受过教育者,还是未受教育但有受教育潜力者。一个人所受教育的程度也无关紧要,无论是大学水平还是小学水平。对任何人在培养过程中的任何放松,都会使此人即使已经加入伊扎布,也会被排除在外,并可能损害伊扎布的组织结构。
Realising that the entire society is the Hizb’s school stems from the nature of the Hizb’s task at this stage, which is to awaken the true ’Aqa’id (convictions) and produce the correct concepts. This task can only be achieved through an educational process where the Hizb’s ideology is the teacher, that is the source from which the ideas are taken, and where the Hizb’s culture is the subject being taught. The ideology and the culture of the Hizb would be manifested in those whom the ideology is completely embodied in. These individuals would be the direct instructors in the society. The local committees with their circles would serve as society’s classrooms, and the entire society would be the school. This teaching process necessitates that the Hizb’s members, and those who adopt its concepts, must maintain a profound study, so as to develop a correct understanding, and must continuously learn the Hizb’s culture at all times. In addition, they are required to memorize the constitution, the important rules, and the general principles adopted by the Hizb. This necessitates a learning process similar to that in a school, and it is imperative that every person who joins the Hizb adheres to this process, including the one who is educated, as well as the one who is not educated but has the potential to be educated. It also does not matter as to what level of education a person has, whether it is university level or elementary one. Any leniency in the culturing process with any individual will leave this individual outside the Hizb, even if he has joined it, and this may harm the Hizb structure.
在这一阶段,党在没有培养出已经掌握党的文化的干部之前,不应参与任何行动。因此,这一阶段仅仅是培养文化的阶段。
It is important at this stage for the Hizb not to get involved in any action until the Hizb has cadres who have acquired the Hizb’s culture before involving in any action. Hence this stage would only be a culturing stage.
意识到学校与政党(Hizb)在文化培养上的区别,才能防止政党的文化演变为学术文化,从而丧失其效力。因此,必须在政党的青年(Shabaab)与政党文化的学术层面之间设立一道厚重的屏障,并认识到政党文化的目标在于改变观念、在生活领域开展工作,并在乌玛中承担思想领导的角色。承载政党文化的人不得急于追求学术层面的内容。如果只需要纯粹的学术知识,那么合适的场所是学校,而不是政党。将文化导向学术层面,会削弱工作的质量,并使政党推进至第二阶段的进程受到拖延。
Realising the difference between the school and the Hizb in terms of culturing will prevent the Hizb’s culture from turning into academic culture and thus losing its effectiveness. Therefore, it is important to place a thick screen between the Shabaab of the Hizb and the academic aspect of the Hizb’s culture, and to recognise that the objective of the Hizb culture is to change the concepts, to work in the realm of life and to carry the intellectual leadership in the Ummah. One who carries the Hizb culture must not hasten towards the academic aspect. If one is in need of just academic knowledge, then the appropriate place is the school and not the Hizb. Taking the culture towards the academic aspect would take away the quality of the work and would delay the Hizb from moving towards the second stage.
13. 第二阶段是与乌玛互动的阶段,其中包含斗争。第二阶段非常微妙。它的成功将证明党组织建立的正确性,而它的失败则将表明存在需要加以纠正的缺陷。由于这一阶段建立在前一阶段之上,第一阶段的成功是第二阶段成功的前提。然而,仅仅在第一阶段的文化培育中取得成功,并不足以带来第二阶段的成功。文化培育上的成功必须让民众知晓,他们应当了解存在一个有效运作的宣教工作,并且应当了解党组织的成员肩负着宣教的使命。此外,成员在学习小组中的文化转变过程中,以及在与所生活社会的接触中,并通过其影响该社会的努力,必须已经培养出集体精神。当他们进入第二阶段时,这种集体态度将会存在,它将促进他们与乌玛的互动。
13. The second stage of the Hizb is the stage of interaction with the Ummah, which invloves struggle. The second stage is very delicate. Its success would attest to the correctness of the formation of the Hizb, while its failure would prove there is a defect that should be addressed. Since this stage is built upon the preceding one, success in the first stage is a pre-requisite for success in the second stage. However, the mere success in culturing in the first stage is not sufficient to bring success in the second stage. The success in culturing must be made known to the people, and they should know that there is a functioning Da’wah and should know that the Hizb’s member carries a Da’wah. Furthermore, it is necessary for the members to have developed the collective spirit during their cultural transformation in the study-circles and by their contact with the society they live in, and through their attempts to influence that society. This collective attitude will be present when they move to the second stage, which will facilitate their interaction with the Ummah.
14. 党员在未达到文化成熟之前,不会从培养阶段进入互动阶段。文化上的成熟,通过使其纳夫西耶(倾向与情感)与阿给里耶(思维方式)相一致,使他成为一个伊斯兰人格。安拉的使者ﷺ说:
14. The Hizb’s member does not proceed from the culturing stage to the interaction stage until he has matured culturally. Maturity in culture makes him an Islamic personality by conforming his Nafsiyyah (inclinations and feelings) to his Aqliyyah (mentality). The Messenger of Allah (saw) said:
“你们中任何人都不算真正信仰,直到他的意愿与我所带来的教导相符。”ﷺ
“None of you will have real belief until his inclinations conform to what I came with.”.
除了文化上的成熟之外,党员在进入互动阶段之前,必须先让民众知道他在承载伊斯兰的召唤(Da'wah)。通过他在小组中的参与以及与社会的交流,应当增强党员的集体态度,消除他任何孤立自守的倾向。孤立是怯懦与绝望的混合,必须从个人和社会中根除。
In addition to maturity in the culture, the Hizb’s member does not proceed to the interaction stage until it became known to the people that he is carrying an Islamic Da’wah. The collective attitude should have been strengthened in the member through his presence in the circles and his communication with society, to remove from him any tendency towards isolation. Isolation is a blend of cowardice and despair, which must be uprooted from the individuals and society.
15. 党应当自然地从文化阶段过渡到互动阶段。如果它过早地试图推进,就无法做到。在文化阶段,党越过了起点。在这一阶段,文化使思想体现于个人之中,并使社会清晰地感受到da‘wah与该思想的存在。一旦思想体现于个人之中,社会也感受到了da‘wah的存在,党就越过了起点,并应当朝着发动点(Nuqtat al-Intilaq)迈进。为了使党朝发动点推进,它必须向乌玛发声。党必须先多次尝试向乌玛发声,才能取得成功。党通过在圈子中集中进行文化培育、在可能的地方对民众进行大规模文化培育、揭露殖民者的阴谋以及采纳乌玛的利益来向乌玛发声。当党在这四项任务上取得成功时,它便转向向乌玛发声,并自然地走向发动点。这种自然的推进使党从第一阶段的文化培育进入第二阶段的互动。此外,这种自然的推进确保党只在恰当的时机并以自然的方式开始与乌玛互动。
15. The Hizb should move from the cultural stage to the interaction stage naturally. If it tries to proceed prematurely, it will not be able to. During the cultural stage, the Hizb passes the starting point. During this stage, the culture makes the ideology embodied within the individuals, and makes the society clearly feel the presence of the Da’wah and the ideology. Once the ideology is embodied within the individuals, and the society feels the presence of the Da’wah, the Hizb will pass the starting point and the Hizb should move towards the launching point (NuqTat al-InTilaaq). In order for the Hizb to proceed towards the launching point, it must address the Ummah. The Hizb must first make many attempts to address the Ummah before it will be successful. The Hizb addresses the Ummah through concentrated culturing in circles, mass culturing of the people wherever possible, exposing the plans of the colonialists, and adopting the interests of the Ummah. When the Hizb succeeds in these four tasks, it moves towards addressing the Ummah, and proceeds to the launching point naturally. This natural progression carries the Hizb from the first stage of culturing to the second stage of interaction. Furthermore, this natural progression ensures that the Hizb begins to interact with the Ummah only at the right time and in a natural way.
16. 与乌玛的这种互动对于党在履行其职责时取得成功至关重要。党的成员必须与乌玛互动,因为无论他们人数多少、力量多强,若没有乌玛的协作,他们自身是无法完成任何行动的。他们也无法激励乌玛与其合作,而只有在这种互动取得成功之后,乌玛才会与他们合作。互动并不意味着党员把一大群人聚拢在自己周围,而是意味着乌玛将党的思想体系——即伊斯兰——采纳为自己的思想体系。这一思想体系早已存在于乌玛的文化与历史遗产之中,也存在于她的情感之中。它是乌玛的一种情感,这种情感发展成为一种思想,并在党由此产生的那一精选群体中凝结成型。这些情感、这种思想以及为某一特定目标而行动的基础,体现了该思想体系的真正表达。因此,这一思想体系——伊斯兰——是乌玛内心的情感,而党则是这一情感的表达。如果党的表述清晰,语言雄辩,表达诚实,乌玛就会迅速理解这一思想体系并与党互动。结果,整个乌玛都将被视为党的一部分,而那一精选群体将通过党的组织架构领导这场运动。通过这场运动,由党领导的乌玛将迈向第三阶段。这是党通过取得权力、全面实施该思想体系的阶段。由当权者实施该思想体系,是落实这一理念的唯一方法,也是该思想体系的组成部分。
16. This interaction with the Ummah is essential for the Hizb’s success in its duty. The Hizb’s members must interact with the Ummah, because they, by themselves, will not be able to carry out an action, regardless of their number or strength, unless the Ummah worked with them. They will not also be able to motivate the Ummah to work with them nor she will work them unless they succeeded in this interaction. The interaction does not mean that the members gather a large group of people around them, rather it means that the Ummah adopts the ideology of the Hizb, which is Islam, as her own. This ideology already exists in the cultural and historical heritage of the Ummah, and in her sentiments. It is the feeling of the Ummah that evolved into a thought, which has been crystallized in a select group of people that the Hizb has emerged from. The basis of these feelings, that thought and action must be for a specific objective, represents the true expression of the ideology. Hence the ideology - Islam - is the inner feeling of the Ummah, and the Hizb is the expression of this feeling. If the Hizb is clear in its address, eloquent in its language, and honest in its expression, the Ummah will quickly understand the ideology and interact with the Hizb. As a result, the entire Ummah will be considered as the Hizb, and the select group will carry the leadership of the movement through the Hizbi structure. Through this movement, the Ummah, led by the Hizb, will proceed towards the third stage. This is the stage of comprehensively implementing the ideology by the Hizb, by acquiring the authority. The implementation of the ideology by the authority is the only method to implement the idea, and it is part of the ideology.
然而,这种互动存在若干障碍。为了能够克服它们,必须认识到这些障碍并了解其性质。障碍很多,其中最重要的有:
However, there are several obstacles in the way of such interaction. It is necessary to be aware of them and to know their nature in order to be able to overcome them. The obstacles are numerous, the most important of which are:
A. 意识形态与社会中实际执行的制度之间的矛盾。
A. The contradiction between the ideology and the system being implemented in society.
“哈兹b”的思想将是一种与社会中现行制度相比全新的生活体系。它将与统治阶级施加于社会的现有制度相矛盾。因此,这一阶级会将这一思想视为对自身及其存在的威胁,必然会与之对抗,并通过各种手段加以斗争,例如宣传攻势、骚扰以及对Da'wah(伊斯兰呼吁)承载者的人身迫害。因此,在通过呼吁其思想来与乌玛(穆斯林共同体)互动的同时,思想的承载者必须以一切可能的方式保护自己免受伤害,以阐明其Da'wah来反击误导性的宣传,并在实现这一目标的过程中忍受各种艰难困苦。
The Hizb’s ideology will be a new system for life compared to the prevailing system in society. It will contradict the existing system that the ruling class implements upon society. Hence, this class will regard this ideology as a threat to itself and its entity, and will inevitably confront it and fight it through various means, such as propaganda, harassment and physical persecution of the Da’wah carriers. Therefore, while working for the interaction with the Ummah by calling for their ideology, it is essential for the carriers of the ideology, to protect themselves from harm by all possible means, and to counter the misleading propaganda by explaining their Da’wah, and to endure all kinds of hardship in the process of achieving this.
B. 另一个障碍是文化差异。
B. Another obstacle would be the cultural difference.
在伊斯兰教乌玛内部存在各种不同的思想之外,社会中还存在着各种文化。然而,乌玛拥有同一种情感。各种文化,尤其是殖民主义者的文化,与这种情感相对立;而作为意识形态的文化,即伊斯兰文化,才是乌玛情感的真实表达。然而,社会中关于文化的公共舆论、学校、机构和文化中心的课程,以及政治和文化运动,都被使其迎合于外国文化。因此,拥有自身文化的政党(Hizb)有必要与其他文化和其他思想作斗争,以显现乌玛情感与感受的真实表达,从而引导乌玛跟随该政党前进。 政党以其文化和思想,必然会与乌玛所承载的其他文化和思想发生冲突,但这种互动不应采取徒劳争辩的形式。政党成员应当在曲线旁画出直线,避免陷入可能导致自我主义、并妨碍人看清真理的徒劳争辩。相反,应当阐释政党的思想,揭露其他思想的谬误、其他文化的虚假,以及它们后果的危害。最终,乌玛将远离虚妄,转而倾向于政党的文化与思想。即便是承载外国文化和错误思想的人,只要他们真诚、有觉悟且客观,一旦外国文化的谬误在他们面前显露,他们最终也会远离这些东西。 这项任务将是政党面临的最艰巨的任务之一。在外国文化影响强大的地方与乌玛互动,会比在外国文化影响较弱的地方更为困难。 此外,在受过外国文化教育的人较少的地方,复兴的可能性会比他们人数众多的地方更大。因此,政党应当了解其所要互动的社会,以便采取最适合该社会的方式推进工作。
In addition to disparate thoughts in the Ummah, there exist various cultures in society. The Ummah however, has one feeling. The various cultures, especially the culture of the colonialists, are the antithesis of these feelings, while the ideology’s culture, the Islamic culture, is the true expression of the Ummah’s feelings. However, public opinion in society regarding the culture, the curriculums in schools, institutions and cultural centres, as well as political and cultural movements, are all made to conform to foreign culture. Therefore, it is necessary for the Hizb, with its own culture, to struggle against other cultures and other thoughts to make visible the true expression of the Ummah’s feelings and sensations, which would lead the Ummah to proceed with the Hizb. While the Hizb, with its culture and thought, will inevitably enter into a conflict with other cultures and thoughts carried by the Ummah, the interaction should not take the form of futile arguments. The members of the Hizb should draw the straight line alongside the crooked line and avoid engaging in futile arguments that could lead to egoism and could obstruct the person from seeing the truth. Instead, the thoughts of the Hizb should be explained, and the error of other thoughts, the falsehood of other cultures, as well as the dangers of their consequences, should be exposed. Eventually the Ummah would turn away from the falsehood and incline towards the Hizb’s culture and thoughts. Even the people carrying the foreign culture and false thoughts would eventually turn away from them, if they were sincere, aware and objective, once the foreign culture’s fallacy becomes apparent to them. This task will be one of the most difficult ones for the Hizb. Interaction with the Ummah in places where foreign culture is strong will be more difficult than in places where the influence of foreign culture is less. Also, the likelihood of revival in places where those educated with foreign culture are few would be greater than in places where their number is high. Therefore, the Hizb should be aware of the community with which it aims to interact, so that it can proceed in a course that is most suitable for that society.
C. 另一个主要障碍,是乌玛内部那些固守现状的人(实用主义者)。
C. Another major obstacle would be those individuals within the Ummah who adhere to the status quo (pragmatists).
由于外来文化的毒害以及无知的盛行,乌玛中存在两类实用主义者。第一类人接受现状,并将其视为不可避免之事而屈从于它,因为他们以现状作为思考的根据,并从中寻求解决问题的办法。要克服这一群体,需要深入的讨论,经过讨论,他们会意识到,要改变现状,就应当把现状本身作为思考的对象。如此一来,他们便有可能放弃目前的思想。第二类是"Adh-Dhalaamiyyeen"群体,他们拒绝睁开双眼(生活在光明之中),因为他们已经习惯于生活在黑暗、琐碎与肤浅之中。此外,他们身体懒散,精神萎靡,固守他们发现先辈所遵循的旧习俗。他们才是真正的实用主义者,因为他们与现状性质相同,思想停滞不前。因此,这一群体需要更大的耐心。要克服这类人,需要对他们进行培养,并努力纠正他们的观念。
Due to the poisoning by the foreign culture, and the prevalence of ignorance, two types of pragmatists exist in the Ummah. The first type accept the status quo and surrender to it as an inevitable matter, because they adopt the situation as the source of their thinking and take solutions to their problems from it. Overcoming this group requires deep discussions, after which they would realize that the current situation should be taken as the subject of thinking in order to change it. As a result, it would be possible for them to abandon their current thought. The second type is the “Adh-Dhalaamiyyeen” section who refuse to open their eyes (live in the light), because they have become accustomed to living in darkness, triviality and superficiality. In addition, they suffer from physical laziness and mental lethargy and cling to the old ways which they found their forefathers adhering to. They are the true pragmatists, because they are of the same nature as the status-quo, and their thought is stagnant. Therefore, this group requires more perseverance. Overcoming such people requires culturing them and striving to rectify their concepts.
D. 阻碍伊斯兰宣教(Da'wah)的另一大障碍,是人们对自身利益的执着。人天性上既依恋自身在世间的利益,同时又坚守自己的思想信仰。有时一个人的利益会与宣教相冲突,他便可能试图两者兼顾。要克服这一障碍,每一位接受该思想的人都必须把宣教与政党(Hizb)作为中心,使自身的个人利益围绕它运转。因此,他不会允许任何与宣教相违背、阻碍宣教或使他忘记宣教的事情存在。如此一来,他便将宣教从围绕其利益运转,转变为让其利益围绕宣教运转。
D. Another major obstacle in the path of the Da’wah is the attachment of the people to their interests. Human beings are by nature tied to their personal interests in life while simultaneously attached to the ideology. It may happen that one’s interests conflict with the Da’wah, and one may attempt to accommodate both. Overcoming this obstacle requires every person who embraces the ideology to consider the Da’wah and the Hizb as the focus around which his personal interests revolve. Therefore, he would not allow anything which contradicts, hinders, or makes him forget the Da’wah. By doing so, he shifts the Da’wah from revolving around his interests to making his interests revolve around the Da’wah.
E. 阻碍伊斯兰宣教(Da’wah)的另一个障碍,在于难以为了伊斯兰和传播其宣教而牺牲世俗生活中的事务,例如财富和生意。要克服这一障碍,应提醒信士:安拉(SWT)已用天堂作为代价,从信士手中购买了他们的生命和财产。这一提醒应当足够,而牺牲这些事务的选择应留给个人自行决定,不得有任何强迫。先知ﷺ在派遣阿卜杜拉·伊本·贾赫什率军前往纳赫拉(位于麦加与塔伊夫之间)监视古莱氏人时,曾写信给他说:
E. Another obstacle that stands in the way of the Da’wah involves the difficulty in sacrificing matters of worldly life, such as wealth and business, for the sake of Islam and for carrying its Da’wah. To overcome this obstacle, the believer is reminded that Allah (swt) has bought from the believers their lives and their wealth in return for Paradise. This reminder should suffice, and the choice should be left to the individual to sacrifice these matters without any coercion. The Rasool Allah (saw) wrote in a letter to ’Abdullah Ibn Jahsh, when he sent him to lead an expedition to keep an eye on Quraysh at Nakhlah, between Makkah and Ta’if:
“不要强迫你的任何同伴与你同行,要依照我的命令,与跟随你的人一同出发。”
“Do not coerce anyone of your companions to proceed with you, and go forth with my order with those who follow you.”.
F. 看来,未来的困难之一将是社会内部的城乡差异。城市的环境不同于乡村,乡村的环境又不同于贝都因人的环境。因此,城市的物质进步程度不同于乡村,乡村又不同于贝都因人的营地与帐篷。由此,生活物质层面的这些差异,可能会让政党(Hizb)产生一种观念,认为各个环境在文化塑造或意识形态取向上也存在差异。这是一个非常危险的谬误,因为乌玛(Ummah)无论其城市化形态如何,依然是同一个乌玛,拥有相同的情感与意识形态。对乌玛的宣教(Da'wah)在城市、乡村或贝都因人的营地中都应当相同,同样,与之互动的工作也应当相同。
F. It seems that one of the difficulties will be urban differences within societies. The environment in cities is different from those in villages, which in turn differs from the environments of the Bedouins. As a result, the degree of material progress in the city is different than that in the village, which differs from that in the Bedouins’ sites and tents. Therefore, these differences in patterns of material aspects of life, may suggest to the Hizb the notion of a difference in the culturing or in the ideological orientation towards each setting. This is a very dangerous fallacy because the Ummah, regardless of her patterns of urbanization, is still one Ummah with the same feelings and ideology. The Da’wah to the Ummah should be the same in a city, a village, or in a Bedouin camp, and similarly the work towards interacting with her should be the same.
17. 政党本身在这一互动阶段可能面临两种危险:思想危险(对思想体系的危险),以及精英主义的危险。
17. The Hizb itself may face two dangers during this interaction stage: an ideological danger (a danger to the ideology), and a danger of elitism.
意识形态上的危险可能源于社群内部的潜流,源于回应其持续而迫切诉求的愿望,也源于社群中某些人对Hizb(政党)思想的主导性残余观点。这种危险之所以可能出现,是因为Hizb在与社会互动的过程中,必然要与大众交流,以便与他们互动并引导他们。届时,Hizb将拥有其意识形态,而大众则会有许多陈旧、相互矛盾且反动的思想,有前代遗留下来的东西,有危险的外来思想,也有民众对殖民主义者的模仿。当Hizb与大众互动时,它将向他们提供Hizb的观点与思想,并努力纠正他们的观念,唤醒他们内心的伊斯兰信仰(’Aqeedah),并树立正确的传统与标准。这需要进行Da’wah(宣教)与宣传,以便在该意识形态的基础上将乌玛团结在其周围,从而强化乌玛对该意识形态的信念,激发她对Hizb理念的信心,培养她对Hizb的尊重与认同,并使乌玛准备好在Hizb的领导下行动。届时,Hizb的职责将是增加其为乌玛所信任的成员,使他们能够全面掌控乌玛,如同军队中的将领一样。如果Hizb在这一互动阶段取得成功,它便能够在意识形态所设定的界限内引导乌玛走向其目标,而不致偏离或走入歧途。然而,如果Hizb在互动尚未完成、乌玛中的公众意识尚未形成之前便去领导大众,那么Hizb对乌玛的领导就不会按照该意识形态进行。 相反,其领导将通过探察乌玛心中正在酝酿的念头、撩拨她的情感,并虚假地描绘乌玛的抱负近在眼前、触手可及,来实现其领导。
The ideological danger may surface from the underlying currents within the community, as well as from the desire to respond to its persistent and immediate demands, and from the dominating residual opinions of a section in the community over the ideas of the Hizb. Such a danger may arise because as the Hizb interacts with society, it will communicate with the masses in order to interact with them and lead them. At that time, the Hizb will be equipped with its ideology, whereas the masses will have many old, contradictory and reactionary thoughts, legacies from the past generations, dangerous foreign ideas, as well as the people’s imitation of the disbelieving colonialists. When the Hizb interacts with the masses, it will provide them with the Hizb’s opinions and thoughts and will strive to correct their concepts, to awaken the Islamic ’Aqeedah within them, and to produce the correct traditionss and standards. This requires Da’wah and propaganda, so as to gather the Ummah around it on the basis of the ideology in a way that strengthens in the Ummah her belief in the ideology, provokes in her confidence in the Hizb concepts, builds respect and appreciation to it, and makes the Ummah ready to act under the leadership of the Hizb. At that time, the duty of the Hizb will be to increase its members who are trusted by the Ummah so that they will have full command of the Ummah, like the general in the army. If the Hizb succeeds in this phase of interaction, it will then lead the Ummah towards its objective within the boundaries set by the ideology, without being derailed or deviated. However, if the Hizb were to lead the masses before the interaction is completed and before the public awareness amongst the Ummah is generated, the leadership of the Ummah by the Hizb will not proceed according to the ideology. Rather, the leadership will be by diagnosing what is simmering in the Ummah’s mind, by tickling her sentiments, and by falsely portraying the Ummah’s aspirations as being at hand and within her grasp.
然而在这种情况下,群众并不会丧失其先前的情感,例如爱国主义、民族主义和教士式的灵性主义,而"群体本能"会激起这些情感。于是,诸如宗派主义和"教派主义"之类的琐碎传统,诸如独立与自由之类的旧思想,以及诸如种族主义和部落主义之类的腐朽沙文主义,都会在群众中重新浮现。群众与政党(Hizb)之间的矛盾将开始显现,群众会自行提出与该思想不相符的诉求。他们会呼吁提出有害于乌玛的短期目标,并对这些诉求满怀热情,为了实现这些诉求,他们的愤怒也会随之增长。在这种情况下,政党将不得不在两个艰难的选择之间做出抉择:要么承受乌玛的愤怒与怨恨,从而毁掉政党为主导社会而建立的一切;要么容忍自身思想的偏离,对其采取宽容态度。这两种选择对政党而言都极为危险。如果群众与思想发生冲突,政党成员必须唯独坚持该思想。即便政党成员因此遭受乌玛的怨恨,这种负面情绪也只是暂时的。他们对该思想的坚守将重新赢得乌玛的信任。因此,政党应时刻告诫自己,即使是轻微地,也不得与该思想相矛盾,或偏离其实质。该思想是政党的生命,也是其生存的保障。为了避免这类严峻局面并防止此种危险,政党应努力在乌玛中培育该思想,保持政党思想与概念的清晰,并致力于维持其思想与概念对乌玛的主导地位。 通过在培育阶段保持谨慎、开展大规模的教育,通过细致地揭露殖民者的阴谋,通过时刻关注乌玛及其利益,通过使该党与其思想融为一体,通过不断审视该党的思想和概念,使其保持清晰,并为实现所有这些竭尽一切可能的努力,无论这需要付出多大的努力和承受多少苦难,所有这一切都将得以实现。
However, in this case, the masses will not have lost their previous emotions, such as patriotism, nationalism and priestly spiritualism, and the ‘mob instinct’ will stir such emotions. Thus trivial traditions, such as sectarianism and “madhabism,” old thoughts such as independence and freedom, and corrupt chauvinism such as racism and tribalism, will re-emerge amongst the masses. The contradictions between the masses and the Hizb will begin to surface, and the masses will assume for themselves demands which do not conform to the ideology. They will call for short-term aims harmful to the Ummah and become enthused over these demands, and their rage will increase in order to achieve these demands. In this case, the Hizb will have to choose between two difficult options: either to face the anger of the Ummah and her resentment and thus destroying all that the Hizb had built in order to dominate the society; or to face a deviation from its ideology and become lenient towards it. Either of these two options poses a great danger to the Hizb. If the masses and the ideology come into conflict, it is imperative for the Hizb members to adhere to the ideology alone. Even though the Hizb members would be subjected to the Ummah’s resentment, for this negative feeling would only be temporary. Their adherence to the ideology will win them the trust of the Ummah again. Hence, the Hizb should always caution itself not to contradict the ideology or deviate from its essence, even slightly. The ideology is the life of the Hizb and the guarantor of its survival. In order to ward off such grave situations and to prevent such a danger, the Hizb should endeavor to cultivate the ideology in the Ummah, to maintain the clarity of the Hizb’s thoughts and concepts and to work towards maintaining the predominance of its thoughts and concepts over the Ummah. All of this will be facilitated by being careful in the culturing stage and mass education, by meticulously exposing the colonialists’ plans, by constantly watching over the Ummah and her interests, by melting the Hizb with the ideology, by constantly examining thoughts and the concepts of the Hizb so that they remain clear, and by expending every possible effort in achieving all of this, no matter how much effort and suffering this may cost.
第二种危险是对Hizb的威胁,即精英主义,它可能渗透到Hizb的成员自身,而不是Ummah。当Hizb代表Ummah或Ummah的大多数时,它便享有崇高的地位、受人尊敬的位置,以及Ummah和有影响力人士的全然钦佩,而这种地位可能滋生傲慢。因此,Hizb的成员可能认为自己优于Ummah,认为他们的角色是领导者,而Ummah的角色是被领导者。由此,他们可能轻视Ummah或其中的个体。如果这种情况发生,Ummah将开始感到Hizb是一个与自己不同的阶层。Hizb也将开始视自己为一个不同的阶层。这种感觉将标志着Hizb崩溃的开始,因为它会削弱Hizb对普通大众个体的关切,并动摇他们对Hizb的信心。Ummah将开始疏远Hizb,而一旦Ummah疏远了Hizb,Hizb便会崩溃。要恢复并重新赢得Ummah的信任与信心,将需要付出巨大的努力。因此,Hizb的成员应当以Ummah中普通个体的身份生活,除了Ummah的仆人之外,不应把自己视为别的什么。他们应当认识到,作为Hizb成员,其角色是服务Ummah,因为这能保障他们免受伤害,不仅有助于维持大众的信心,也将在第三阶段使他们受益,那时他们将获得实施该思想体系的权力。作为统治者,他们在民众眼中仍然是Ummah的仆人,这将使他们更容易实施该思想体系。
The second danger to the Hizb, namely elitism, may penetrate the members of the Hizb themselves and not the Ummah. When the Hizb represents the Ummah or the majority of the Ummah, it enjoys an exalted position, a respected place, and complete admiration from the Ummah and the influential people, and this position may arouse arrogance. Hence the Hizb’s members may consider themselves to be superior to the Ummah, and to believe that their role is to be leaders while believing that the role of the Ummah is to be led. Thus, they may look down upon the Ummah or her individuals. If this were to happen, the Ummah will begin to feel that the Hizb is a class different from her. The Hizb will also begin to perceive itself as a different class. This feeling will mark the beginning of the collapse of the Hizb, because it will weaken the Hizb’s concern about the ordinary individuals of the masses, and it will undermine their confidence in the Hizb. The Ummah will start to turn away from the Hizb, and once the Ummah has turned away from the Hizb, the Hizb will collapse. Restoring and re-gaining the Ummah’s trust and confidence will require a great deal of effort. Therefore the Hizb’s members should proceed through life as simple individuals of the Ummah and not think of themselves as anything but servants of the Ummah. They should realize that their role as Hizb’s members is to serve the Ummah because this guarantees them immunity and will benefit them not only in maintaining the confidence of the masses, but also in the third stage when they will have acquired the authority to implement the ideology. As rulers they would remain servants of the Ummah in the eyes of the people, which would make it easy for them to implement the ideology.
第三阶段是获得权威。
18. The third stage is acquiring the authority.
该政党通过乌玛并开展寻求援助(Nusrah)的工作来获取权力。它全面落实该意识形态,这一方式被称为激进路线。这一方式不允许在政府中分享权力,而是夺取全部权力,并以此作为全面实施整套意识形态的手段。它全面实施伊斯兰意识形态,不接受渐进的方式,无论现实处境如何。
The Hizb acquires the authority through the Ummah and the works of seeking Nusrah. It implements the ideology in its totality, which is known as the radical method. This method does not allow sharing authority in government, but seizes complete power and uses it as a method to implement the complete ideology. It implements the Islamic ideology in a comprehensive manner and does not accept the gradual method, regardless of existing circumstances.
一旦国家全面、彻底地实施了该思想体系,随后就应当承担起传播伊斯兰宣教(Da'wah)的使命。因此,国家应在财政预算中专门划拨一笔经费用于宣教。国家将根据具体情况,或通过其国际关系,或通过政党(Hizb)来主持宣教工作。即便政党获得了权力,它仍将作为政党继续运作,其组织机构也将保持原样,无论其成员是否担任执政职务。获得权力被视为在国家以及世界各地实现政党思想的第一个实际步骤。政党在现实生活中所遵循的这些步骤,旨在将思想转化为实践,包括:通过恢复伊斯兰的生活方式将思想融入生活,复兴社会,并将宣教传播至全世界。到那时,政党才会开始履行其创建时所肩负的实际使命。因此,政党是建立伊斯兰国家、维系国家、实施伊斯兰、增强其实施力度、延续这一实施并将伊斯兰宣教传播到世界的真正保障。这是因为,一旦政党建立了国家,它将对国家起到监督(raqeeb)作用,督促国家履行职责,并引领乌玛(Ummah)完成这一使命。与此同时,它还将在伊斯兰国家及世界其他地区开展伊斯兰宣教。
Once the state has implemented the ideology completely and comprehensively, it should then proceed to carry the Islamic Da’wah. Hence it should assign in the State’s budget a special fund for propagating the Da’wah. The State will oversee the Da’wah either through the State’s international relations, or through the Hizb, according to the circumstances. Despite the Hizb’s acquisition of authority, it will continue operating as a Hizb and its apparatus will also remain as such, whether its members are holding ruling positions or not. The authority is considered as the first practical step towards the implementation of the Hizb’s ideology in the state as well as in every part of the world. These are the steps in which the Hizb proceeds in life in order to transfer the idea into practice, which include transferring the ideology into the life by resuming the Islamic way of life, reviving the society, and carrying the Da’wah to the world. At that time, the Hizb would begin the practical role for which it was founded. Hence, the Hizb is the true guarantee of establishing the Islamic State, maintaining it, implementing Islam, enhancing its implementation, continuing this implementation, and carrying the Islamic Da’wah to the world. This is because, once it established the State, it will act as a monitor (raqeeb) over the State. It will hold it accountable, and it will lead the Ummah in this mission. At the same time, it would carry the Islamic Da’wah in the Islamic countries and all other parts of the world.