Ana buƙatar a ɗauki mataki don haifar da himma (spontaneity) ko dai a cikin mutane ɗaiɗaiku ko a cikin Ummah. Ƙoƙarin haifar da ita a cikin ɗaiɗaikun mutane zai haifar da ita a cikinsu kawai, amma ba a cikin Ummah baki ɗaya ba. Sai dai ƙoƙari na haifar da ita a cikin Ummah tabbas zai haifar da ita a cikin ɗaiɗaikun mutane. Wannan saboda Ummah jimillar ɗaiɗaikun mutane ce, tare da tasirin haɗin kansu da wata ‘Aqeedah, daga inda wani tsarin rayuwa ke fitowa. Saboda haka, wajibi ne aikin haifar da himma a cikin jama'a, da kuma ɗaiɗaikun mutane, ya zama aiki a cikin Ummah baki ɗaya. Don haka, za mu tattauna hanyar haifar da himma a cikin Ummah, kuma daga wannan himmar ne ake bunƙasa ta a cikin ɗaiɗaikun mutane. Haifar da himma a cikin Ummah yana farawa ne da mayar da ‘Aqeedah daga zama al'amarin akida kawai, zuwa zama wata ra'ayi ta siyasa ko tunanin siyasa. Aikin kuma yana ci gaba har sai mun fahimci cewa dokoki da tunanin da aka gina a kan ‘Aqeedah tunanin siyasa ne.

Action needs to be taken to create spontaniety either in the individuals or in the Ummah. Attempting to create it in the individuals would only create it in them, but not in the Ummah as a whole. However, effort to create it in the Ummah would definitely create it in the individuals. This is because the Ummah is the sum of the individuals with the effect of linkage among them by an ‘Aqeedah from which a system of life emanates. Therefore, it is necessary that action to create spontaniety in the people, as well as the individuals, should be action in the Ummah as a whole. So, we discuss the way to create spontaniety in the Ummah and from this spontaniety it is developed in the individuals. The creation of spontaniety in the Ummah starts with transforming the ‘Aqeedah from being a matter of doctrine only, to being a political idea or a political thought. The action then proceeds until we realize that the rules and concepts built on the ‘Aqeedah are political thoughts.

Da zarar mun cimma wannan, sai mu fara da fahimta cikin sauri. Saboda haka, da farko yana da muhimmanci mu fara da mayar da 'Aqeedah ta zama tunanin siyasa, sannan mu mayar da tunanin da aka gina bisa 'Aqeedah ya zama tunanin siyasa. Mayar da hukunce-hukuncen da ke fitowa daga tunanin siyasa na 'Aqeedah yana fitowa ne daga mayar da 'Aqeedah kanta ta zama tunanin siyasa. Saboda haka, mutum ba ya damuwa da hukunce-hukunce matukar 'Aqeedah tana da yanayin siyasa. Don haka asali shi ne mayar da 'Aqeedah ta zama ra'ayin siyasa ko tunanin siyasa. Ta kowace hanya mutum ya fara, wannan ita ce tushe; ko ya fara da 'Aqeedah ko da hukunce-hukuncen da ke fitowa daga gare ta. Gaskiyar cewa 'Aqeedar Musulunci ita ce La ilaha illa Allah (Babu abin bautawa face Allah), Muhammadun Rasulullah (Muhammad Manzon Allah), wannan na nufin babu wanda ya cancanci a bauta masa sai Allah. Saboda haka, mutum yana gudanar da al'amuran Ummah, har da nasa al'amuran, bisa gaskiyar cewa babu wanda ya cancanci a bauta masa sai Allah. Don haka, mutum ba ya yarda da kansa ya bauta wa wanin Allah, ko ya zama bawa ga wanin Allah. Wannan yana daukaka matsayinsa a cikin Ummah da mutane, domin duk da cewa su ba sa ganin Allah kuma ba su san yanayinSa ba, yana zama abin girma a gare su ganin mutum yana kin bautar wanda mutane suka sani.

Once we achieve this, we start with quick understanding. Thus, firstly, it is necessary to start by making the ‘Aqeedah a political thought and then making the thoughts that are built on the ‘Aqeedah political thoughts. Making the rules that emanate from the ‘Aqeedah political thoughts results from making the ‘Aqeedah itself a political thought. Therefore, one does not concern himself with the rules as long as the ‘Aqeedah was of a political character. Thus, the origin is to make the ‘Aqeedah a political idea or political thought. So, in whatever way one started, this is the basis; whether one started with the ‘Aqeedah or with the rules that emanate from it. The fact that the Islamic ‘Aqeedah is Laa ilaaha illa Allah (There is no god except Allah), Muhammadun Rasoolullah (Mohammed is the Messenger of Allah), this means that no one is worthy of worship except Allah. So, one discharges the affairs of the Ummah, including one’s own affairs, with the fact that there is none worthy of worship except Allah. Thus, one does not accept for himself to worship other than Allah, or to be servant to other than Allah. This raises your status in the Ummah and the people, for while they do not see Allah and do not know His nature, it becomes great for them to see a person reject the worship of whom the people know.

Shin haka za ku ɗaukaka a idanunsu. Don haka, idan kalmar "Laa ilaaha illa Allah", wadda ma'anarta ita ce "babu wanda ya cancanci a bauta masa face Allah", ta zama wata akida ta siyasa, to hakan zai canja ra'ayinku game da mutane da kuma yadda mutane suke kallonku. Idan kun furta "Muhammadur Rasulullah", to za ku bi abin da shi, Muhammad ﷺ, ya kawo daga wurin Allah, watau za ku bi dokokin Shari'a. Idan kuka bi wannan kuka kuma jagoranci al'amuran mutane bisa gare shi, watau kuka aiwatar da shi kuma kuka sa mutane su aiwatar da shi, to za ku mayar da dukkan 'Aqeedah ta zama akida ta siyasa, ko tunanin siyasa. Sai dai idan kun fara da ahkaam (dokoki), wannan zai bayyana a matsayin abu mai sauƙi kuma mafi kusa da haifar da ɗabi'a ta kai tsaye.

So you will rise by that in their view. Thus, if the word “Laa ilaaha illa Allah”, by the meaning “there is none worthy of worship except Allah” became a political idea, it would change your view towards the people and how the people view you. If you declare “Muhammad Rasoolullah”, then you will abide by what he, Mohammed , brought from Allah, i.e. you will abide by the rules of Shar’. If you abide by this and take charge of the people’s affairs in accordance with it, i.e. act upon it and make the people act on it, then you will transform the whole ‘Aqeedah into a political idea, or a political thought. However, if you start with ahkaam (rules), this would appear to be easier and closer to generating spontaniety.

Wannan shi ne saboda abin da ke haɗa ku da mutane shi ne ‘Aqeedah, tare da hukunce-hukuncen da ke fitowa daga gare ta. Idan aka ɗauki waɗannan hukunce-hukunce bisa Imani, to hakikanin lamarin shi kaɗai zai nuna saurin fahimta da saurin haɗuwa. Mai sauraron ƙarar matar a gaban Ameer ul-Mu’mineen game da mijinta, a majalisar Umar bin al-Khattab, bai damu da ‘Aqeedah ta Musulunci ba, domin ya san ita da Ameer ul-Mu’mineen sun yi imani da ita. Shi ya damu ne kawai da abin da ya shafi wannan daga cikin hukunce-hukuncen da ke fitowa daga gare ta, wato fifita haƙƙin mata a kan haƙƙin Allah. Don haka ya gamsu da hakan, kuma ya haɗa abin da ya zo masa nan take da wannan hukunci da ke fitowa daga ‘Aqeedah. Da wannan haɗin ga hukuncin kaɗai, ya samu saurin fahimta. Ba ya buƙatar haɗa abin da ya shafi ‘Aqeedah, domin ya san cewa matar tana imani da wannan ‘Aqeedah, kuma ta kai korafinta ga Ameer ul-Mu’mineen saboda shi ma yana imani da ita. Mutumin ya samu saurin fahimta ne daga haɗa abin da ya shafi hukunci shar’i, ba daga ‘Aqeedah ba sannan ya haɗa shi da hukunci shar’i. Saboda haka, samar da saurin fahimta daga ahkaam shar’iyyah, watau daga abin da ke fitowa daga ‘Aqeedah, shi ne mafi sauƙi kuma mafi sauƙin samu. Don haka, samar da saurin fahimta a cikin mutane yana buƙatar kawai a mayar da ahkaam shar’iyyah tunanin siyasa, wanda ta hanyarsa ake gudanar da al’amura, kuma ta hanyarsa kaɗai ake riƙe mutane da alhakinsu.

This is because what gathers between yourself and the people is the ‘Aqeedah, including the rules that emanate from it. If you take these rules based on Imaan, then the reality alone will indicate quick understanding and quick linkage. The listener to the woman’s complaint to the Ameer ul-Mu’mineen about her husband, in the assembly of Omar bin al-Khattab, did not concern himself with the Islamic ‘Aqeedah, for he knew that she and the Ameer ul- Mu’mineen believed in it. He rather concerned himself with what relates to this of rules that emanate from it, which is the preference of the right of the wife to the right of Allah . So he was satisfied with that and linked quick observance that occurred to him with this hukm emanating from the ‘Aqeedah. With this linkage to the hukm alone, he had spontaniety. He did not need to make linkage to the ‘Aqeedah, for he knew that the woman believed in this ‘Aqeedah and raised her complaint to the Ameer ul-Mu’mineen for he believed in this ‘Aqeedah also. The man had spontaniety from linking to the hukm shar’ee and not from the ‘Aqeedah followed by linking to the hukm shar’ee. Therefore, the generation of spontaniety from the ahkaam shar’iyyah, i.e. from that which emanates from the ‘Aqeedah, is easier and more attainable. Thus, generation of spontaniety in the people only requires making the ahkaam shar’iyyah political thoughts, by which the affairs are discharged and by which alone the people are held accountable.

Amma duk wannan ya dogara ne da fahimtar cewa mutane suna imani da abin da hukunce-hukuncen shari'a (ahkaam shar'iyyah) suke fitowa daga cikinsa, wato 'Aqeedah. Misali, idan kai ne za ka jagoranci al'amuran mutanen Masar, inda mutanen Masar duk Musulmai ne kuma dukansu suna imani da 'Aqeedah ta Musulunci, to idan kana so ka haifar da sha'awar aiki (spontaneity) a cikinsu, abin da kawai za ka yi shi ne ka mayar da hukunce-hukuncen shari'a tunanin siyasa a idanunsu. Sai sha'awar aiki ta kasance a Masar. Amma idan kana so ka haifar da ita a Faransa, misali, inda mutane ba sa imani da 'Aqeedah ta Musulunci, wajibi ne ka fara da mayar da 'Aqeedah ta Musulunci tunanin siyasa a idanunsu. Sai sha'awar aiki ta kasance a cikinsu, ko da yake a hankali kuma a jere. Akwai banbanci tsakanin aiki a Faransa da aiki a Masar. Tun da muna son haifar da sha'awar aiki a cikin kasashen Musulunci, tattaunawar za ta kasance ne kan hukunce-hukuncen shari'a da suke fitowa daga 'Aqeedah. Wannan yana da sauri kuma yana da sauki idan ana neman haifar da sha'awar aiki.

However, all of this depends on understanding that the people believe in that from which the ahkaam shar’iyyah emanate, which is the ‘Aqeedah. If, for example, you took charge of the affairs of the people in Egypt, where the people of Egypt are Muslims and all of them believe in the Islamic ‘Aqeedah, then if you wanted to generate spontaniety in them, all that you would have to do is make the ahkaam shar’iyyah political thoughts in their view. Spontaniety would then exist in Egypt. However, if you wanted to generate it in France, for example, where the people do not believe in the Islamic ‘Aqeedah, it is necessary that you proceed first by making the Islamic ‘Aqeedah a political thought in their view. Spontaniety would then exist in them, albeit slowly and in succession. There is a difference between working in France and working in Egypt. Since we wish to generate spontaniety in the Islamic countries, the discussion will be on the ahkaam shar’iyyah that emanate from the ‘Aqeedah. This is quicker and easier when trying to generate spontaniety.

Don domin samar da kwarin gwiwa (spontaneity) a cikin mutane, wajibi ne a fara, kafin komai, da sanya ahkaam shar'iyyah ta zama tunanin siyasa a idanunsu - al'amari mai sauki kuma mai yiwuwa. Mutane sun yi imani da Aqeedar Musulunci kuma suna bin ta da ahkaaminta.

To generate spontaniety in people, it is necessary to start first, before anything else, by making the ahkaam shar’iyyah a political thought in their view - a matter that is easy and feasible. The people believe in the Islamic ‘Aqeedah and abide by it and by its ahkaam.

Kawai ana buƙatar a ƙirƙiri a cikinsu tunanin cewa wannan hukunci ne na shari'a (hukm shar'ee), kuma wajibi ne a bi abin da ya samo asali daga 'Aqeedah, kamar yadda wajibi ne a bi 'Aqeedah kanta.

One only has to generate in them the idea that this is hukm shar’ee and that it is necessary to abide by what emanates from the ‘Aqeedah, the same way as it is necessary to abide by the ‘Aqeedah.

Wannan saboda imani da kafirci suna faruwa ne kawai daga yin biyayya ga ahkaam shar'iyyah ko kuma rashin yin hakan. Da zarar wannan ya kasance a cikin mutane, al'amarin mayar da ahkaam zuwa tunanin siyasa zai dogara ne a kansu, kuma zai sami tasiri a kansu, don haka su da kansu za su mayar da ahkaam shar'iyyah tunanin siyasarsu. Aikin mutum a lokacin zai zama ƙarfafawa da jagora. Saboda haka, idan sun ga cewa 'yancin jama'a gaba ɗaya da 'yanci sun saɓa wa 'Aqeedah, ko kuma ba sa fitowa daga gare ta, to zai zama mai sauƙi a gare su su watsar da su, kuma ba za ka buƙaci damuwa da hakan ba. Amma idan suka ci gaba da ganin su a matsayin waɗanda suke fitowa daga 'Aqeedah ko ba sa saɓa mata ba, to zai yi musu wahala su watsar da su, ko da kuwa tunanin siyasa ne. Wannan saboda suna da alaƙa da 'Aqeedah da suke imani da ita. Saboda haka, wajibi ne su fahimci cewa waɗannan 'yanci ba sa fitowa daga 'Aqeedah. Suna saɓa mata kuma ba sa fitowa daga gare ta.

This is because Imaan and Kufr only occur from abiding by the ahkaam shar’iyyah or not. Once this exists in the people, the matter of transferring the ahkaam into political thoughts would depend on them and would gain influence over them, so they themselves would make the ahkaam shar’iyyah their political thoughts. One’s task would then be the stimulation and direction. Thus, if they view that the general liberties and freedoms contradict the ‘Aqeedah, or they do not emanate from it, it would be easy for them to abandon them and you would not need to be concerned with that. However, if they continued to view them as emanating from the ‘Aqeedah or not contradictory to it, then it would be difficult for them to abandon them, even if they were political thoughts. This is because they are linked to the ‘Aqeedah which they believe in. Thus, it is necessary that they understand that these freedoms do not come from the ‘Aqeedah. They contradict it and do not emanate from it.

Ba tare da wannan ba, ba zai yiwu su bar 'yancin jama'a na gaba ɗaya ba. Haka kuma, cewa Nasara kafiri ne, cewa giya haram ce, cewa mamaya da mulkin kafirai ba a halatta ba, ko sun fito daga Yamma ko Gabas, cewa bin hukuncin shari'a farilla ne, duk waɗannan da makamantansu suna da sauƙin fahimta idan an haɗa su da 'Aqeedah. Saboda haka, karanta faɗin Allah {Lalle ne waɗanda suka ce: "Lalle Allah shi ne Almasihu ɗan Maryam", tabbas sun kafirta} [TMQ Al-Ma'idah: 72], ya isa ga Musulmi ya ɗauki Nasara a matsayin kafiri. Haka kuma karanta faɗin Allah {Shin to, za ku daina?} [TMQ Al-Ma'idah: 91] ya isa a san ayar giya da cewa haram ce. Hakazalika, faɗin Allah {Allah bai taɓa ba kafirai hanya a kan muminai ba} [TMQ An-Nisa'i: 141], yana bayyana a sarari cewa mamaye da mulkin Musulmi da kafiri ba a halatta ba. Karanta faɗin Allah {Amma a'a, na rantse da Ubangijinka, ba za su yi imani ba sai sun naɗa ka alƙali a cikin abin da suka yi saɓani a kansa} [TMQ An-Nisa': 65], da karanta faɗin Allah {Abin da Manzon ya kawo muku, ku karɓa, abin da ya hana ku kuma, ku hanu daga gare shi} [TMQ Al-Hashr: 7], yana sa mutum ya yi imani cewa gazawar shugaba wajen bin hukuncin shari'a zunubi ne ko kafirci.

Without this, it is not possible that they abandon the general freedoms. Also the fact that the Christian is a Kaafir, that alcohol is haraam, that domination and control by the Kuffar is not allowed, whether they were from the West or the East, that abiding by the hukm shar’ee is fard, all of these and their like are easy to understand once linked with the ‘Aqeedah. Thus, reading the saying of Allah , “They surely disbelieve, those who say: ‘Lo! Allah is the Messiah, son of Mary’” [TMQ Al Ma’idah: 72], is enough for the Muslim to consider the Christian as a Kaafir. The recitation, also, of the saying of Allah , “Will you then abstain (from them)?” [TMQ Al-Ma’idah: 91] is enough to know about the ayah of alcohol and that it is haraam. Similarly, the saying of Allah , “Allah never allows the disbelievers to have authority over the believers” [TMQ An-Nisaa’: 141], explains definitely that the domination and control of the Muslims by the Kaafir is not allowed. The recitation of His  saying, “But, no; by your Lord, they will not believe (in truth) until they make you judge of what is in dispute between them” [TMQ An-Nisa’: 65], and the recitation of His  saying, “Whatever the Rasool brought to you take it, and whatever he forbade you, abstain from it” [TMQ Al-Hashr: 7], makes one believe that the failure of the ruler in abiding by the hukm shar’ee is a sin or Kufr.

Saboda haka, al'amarin karbar ragamar lamuran duniya ta hanyar hukunce-hukuncen shari'a abu ne mai sauki a kasashen Musulunci. Idan aiki ya fara da hakan, to nasara a cikinsa abu ne mai sauki kuma tabbatacce. Don haka, aiki don samar da kwarin gwiwa da himma a tsakanin al'umma abu ne mai sauki. Wannan saboda yana farawa ne da hukunce-hukuncen shari'a da kuma mayar da su tunanin siyasa, abin da yake mai sauki kuma mai yiwuwa ne.

Thus, the matter of taking charge of the affairs by the ahkaam shar’iyyah is easy in the Islamic countries. If action starts with that, then success in it is easy and guaranteed. Therefore, work for spontaniety, i.e. to generate spontaniety in the people is easy. This is because it starts with the ahkaam shar’iyyah and transforming them into political thoughts, a matter which is easy and attainable.

Mataki na biyu ya rage, wato samar da saurin lura ko saurin fahimtar gaskiya da abin da take nunawa. Wannan shi ne abin da ake nufi da saurin lura. Wannan mataki na biyu yana buƙatar ilimantarwa da samarwa; ba ya isa kawai a jawo hankali zuwa gare shi. Akwai babban bambanci tsakanin saurin fahimtar gaskiya, watau samar da saurin lura, da samar da ƙwazo ko kuzari na ruhi (spontaneity). Abin da aka ambata a baya ya mayar da hankali ne kawai kan samar da saurin lura, amma wannan yana cikin mahallin samar da ƙwazo, domin shi ne yake haifar da ƙwazon. Duk da cewa shi ne ginshiƙi na farko, ana ɗaukarsa ginshiƙi na biyu a cikin ƙwazo. Dalili kuwa shi ne alaƙarsa da 'Aqeedah da duk abin da ya samo asali daga gare ta, ko haɗa shi da al-ahkaam ash-shar'iyyah, shi ne ke haifar da ƙwazon.

The second matter remains, that is the generation of quick observance or quick understanding of the reality and whatever it indicates. This is what is meant by quick observance. This second matter requires education and generation; it is not enough just to draw attention to it. There is a great difference between quick understanding of reality, i.e. generation of quick observance and the generation of spontaniety. What was mentioned before only focused on generating quick observance, though this was in the context of generating spontaniety, for it is this that generates spontaniety. Though it was the first pillar, it is however considered the second pillar in spontaniety. This is because its linkage with the ‘Aqeedah and whatever emanates from it, or linking it with the ahkaam shar’iyyah, is what generates spontaniety.

Haka kuma, samar da lura cikin sauri kadai bai isa ba, kuma ba lallai ne ya haifar da hazaka ta ainihi ba, duk da cewa shi ne ginshiki na farko a cikinta. Abin da ake bukata shi ne sanin manufar mai magana. Wannan manufa ba za a fahimce ta ba sai ta hanyar alaka da hukunci na shari'a (hukm shar'i) da yake fahimta kuma yake sane da cewa yana fitowa daga 'Aqeedah.

Generating quick observance alone is not enough and it does not necessarily generate spontaniety, though it is the first pillar in it. It is rather necessary to know the purpose of the speaker. This purpose is only understood from the linkage with the hukm shar’ee which he understands and knows emanates from the ‘Aqeedah.

Saboda haka, wajibi ne dangantaka ta kasance domin a sami alaka da ita da kuma sanin manufar. Sannan lura mai sauri zai iya kasancewa.

Therefore, it is necessary that the bond exist so as to make linkage with it and to know the purpose. Then quick observance can exist.

Duk da cewa magana ce ake faɗa da kuma abin da ke faruwa a zahiri ne ke haifar da saurin bin doka, sai dai idan an haɗa su da wata alaƙa, mutane ba za su nuna saurin biyayya ta halitta ba.

Though it is the speech that is said and the reality that occurs that generates quick observance, unless they are linked with the bond there would not be spontaniety in the people.

Saboda haka, idan wata al'umma, kamar al'ummar Musulunci, ta yi nasarar mayar da wannan ra'ayi zuwa tunanin siyasa, za ta sami saurin aiki idan ta danganta abubuwan da ke faruwa kullum da abin da ke fitowa daga 'Aqeedah. Don haka matsalar tana cikin saurin aiki, kodayake a zahiri tana da alaka da saurin fahimtar gaskiyar lamari, watau samar da lura ko saurin lura. Duk da haka, kafin hakan da bayansa, tana da alaka da mayar da ra'ayi da hukm shar'ee zuwa tunanin siyasa. Shi ya sa ake yin watsi da saurin lura ko saurin fahimtar gaskiyar lamari. Maimakon haka, abin da ake mayar da hankali a kai shi ne mayar da ra'ayin Musulunci da ahkaam shar'iyyah zuwa tunanin siyasa. Saboda haka, samar da saurin aiki a cikin al'umma ko cikin mutane ana cimma shi ta hanyar, da farko kuma kafin komai, mayar da ra'ayin Musulunci ra'ayin siyasa. Bayan haka saurin aiki zai kasance. Haka ya kamata a samar da saurin aiki, kuma wannan samarwa dole ne ya kasance bisa tushen Musulunci.

Therefore, if an Ummah, like the Islamic Ummah, managed to transform the idea into a political thought, she would have spontaniety if she linked the events that take place daily to what emanates from the ‘Aqeedah. Thus, the issue lies in spontaniety, though it is apparently connected with quick understanding of reality, i.e. generating observance or quick observance. However, it is, before and after that, related to transformation of the idea and the hukm shar’ee into political thoughts. That is why quick observance or quick understanding of reality is ignored. The focus instead is the transformation of the Islamic idea and the ahkaam shar’iyyah into political thoughts. Therefore, generating spontaniety in the Ummah or in the individuals is achieved by, firstly and before everything, making the Islamic opinion a political opinion. After that spontaniety will exist. This is how spontaniety must be generated and this generation must be on the basis of Islam.

Ra'ayin Musulunci ne ke fara zuwa. Sannan ya zama ra'ayin siyasa. Daga nan sai kuma samar da yanayin kwatsam.

Generating the Islamic opinion comes first. Making it a political opinion comes next. Then comes the generation of spontaniety.

Misali, yaƙi da kafirai saboda su kafirai ne abu ne bayyananne, hukunci ne na shari'a. Ana karɓar jizya daga gare su don hana yaƙi. Don haka ana karɓar jizya ne saboda ana nufin zaman lafiya.

Thus for example, fighting against Kuffar, because they are Kuffar is self-evident, it is a hukm shar’ee. The jizya is taken from them to prevent fighting. Thus the jizya is taken because peace is intended.

Ana karɓar jizya ne saboda su kafirai ne waɗanda suke son zaman lafiya. Ana yaƙar su saboda su kafirai ne waɗanda suke son yaƙi. Manufar wannan shi ne, da farko, a mayar da wannan ra'ayin Musulunci zuwa ra'ayin siyasa, ba kawai ra'ayin fiqhi (na shari'a) ba. Bayan haka, watau bayan an fahimci wannan ra'ayin, sai a yaƙe su, a kuma yi zaman lafiya da su, sannan kuma sai ya zama wajibi a fahimci halin da suke ciki ta hanyar lura da abin da suke yi. Saboda haka, wajibi ne a fahimci halin da suke ciki, kuma hakan yana faruwa ne ta hanyar ayyukansu ko kuma ta hanyar maganganunspu.

The jizya is taken because they are Kuffar who want peace. They are fought against because they are Kuffar who want war. It is aimed first of all to transform this Islamic opinion into a political opinion, not merely a fiqhi (juristic) opinion. After that, i.e. after this opinion is understood, they are fought and peace is made with them, then spontaniety becomes necessary in order to understand their situation. Spontaniety is thus necessary to understand their situation. This results either from their actions or from their words.

Saboda haka, ra'yi dole ne ya fara zama na Musulunci, sannan na siyasa, sannan bayan haka ne ake samun abin da ake kira spontaniety (ɗabi'a ta halitta/tsaɗaɗi). Don haka, spontaniety wajibi ne, amma kawai bisa tushen Musulunci, wato bisa hukm shar'ee. Banda haka, ko da yake yana iya haifar da spontaniety, ba mu karɓa ba, kuma ba mu shiga cikinsa ba. Mu kawai muna karɓar ra'yin Musulunci. Duk abin da ya wuce haka ba mu karɓa ko mu shagala da shi ba. Ra'yin Musulunci ne tushe, kuma spontaniety wajibi ne ga wannan ra'yin Musulunci. Ko a lokacin da aka ga fetur a kan hanya, spontaniety ta faru daga fahimtar cewa fetur ne. Amma martanin da aka mayar bayan fahimtar hatsari ya samo asali ne daga ra'yin Musulunci. Allah ya hana mutum sanya kansa cikin hatsari. Idan Musulmi ya guje wa hatsari, guduwarsa dole ne ta dogara ne bisa hukm shar'ee. Ba ma gudu don kawai neman tsaro. Haka abin yake ga sauran misalai. Don haka, ra'yin Musulunci ne ke zuwa farko kuma gaban komai; sannan spontaniety ta biyo baya.

Therefore, the opinion must first be Islamic, then political and then after that spontaniety is achieved. Thus, spontaniety is necessary, but only on the basis of Islam, i.e. on the basis of hukm shar’ee. Other than that, though it may possibly produce spontaniety, we do not accept it, nor involve ourselves with it. We only accept the Islamic opinion. Anything other than that we do not accept or busy ourselves with. The Islamic opinion is the basis and spontaniety is necessary for this Islamic opinion. Even in the incident of seeing the petrol in the road, spontaniety occurred from understanding that it is petrol. But the reaction to the realisation of danger resulted from the Islamic opinion. Allah forbade man from placing himself in danger. When a Muslim flees from danger, his flight must be based on the hukm shar’ee. We do not flee just for the sake of safety. This applies to the other examples. Thus, the Islamic opinion comes first and before everything; then spontaniety follows.

24 Dhul-Qa'dah 1396 AH 16/11/1976 CE

24 Dhil-Qa’dah 1396 AH 16/11/1976 CE