Athari ya Harakati ya Umishonari
The Impact Of The Missionary Movement
Harakati za umisionari zilikuwa na athari mbaya sana katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Kile ambacho makafiri hawakuweza kukifanikisha kwa miaka elfu moja kwa kutumia nguvu, wamisionari walikifanikisha ndani ya karne moja.
The missionary movement had a devastating impact on the Muslim world. What the Kuffar could not achieve in a thousand years by the use of force, the missionaries achieved within a century.
Ukuaji wa asili wa harakati za umishonari na ushiriki wake wa wazi na wenye ufanisi katika harakati za elimu ulitokana na majaribio ya mageuzi yaliyofanywa na Dola ya Kiislamu katika karne ya 19. Kuanzishwa kwa shule, vyuo na vyuo vikuu kuliwawezesha wamishonari kuingiza utamaduni wa Kufr katika utamaduni wa Uislamu. Dhana ya jihadi ya kushambulia ilipingwa, kanuni ya Magharibi ya usawa wa raia wote mbele ya sheria ilihubiriwa, na mashaka yakaibuliwa kuhusu kufaa kwa Shari‘ah katika zama za teknolojia. Uvumilivu wa dini ulifundishwa, hata pale wafuasi wa dini hizo walipovuka mipaka ya Shari‘ah. Historia iliyofundishwa kwa mtazamo fulani ilitumiwa kuingiza kiburi miongoni mwa Waislamu mbalimbali, na mwisho lakini si kwa umuhimu mdogo, wazo la mataifa ya kitaifa lilipendekezwa kama njia pekee ya kuamsha upya na kuendelea kwa Waislamu.
The organic growth of the missionary movement and its open and effective participation in the educational movement resulted from the attempted reforms by the Islamic State in the 19th Century. The establishment of schools, colleges and universities enabled the missionaries to infuse the Kufr culture with the culture of Islam. The concept of offensive jihad was attacked, the Western principle of equality of all citizens before the law was preached, and doubts raised about the suitability of Shari‘ah in the age of technology. Tolerance of religions was taught, even if the proponents of these religions contravened the limits of the Shari‘ah. History taught from a certain angle was used to inject pride amongst the various Muslims and last, but not least, the idea of nation states was proposed as the only means of revival and progress for the Muslims.
Wamisionari walikuwa na athari ya kudumu katika akili za Waislamu, na walifanikiwa kuzusha chuki miongoni mwa raia wa Dola ya Kiislamu kwa jina la uhuru wa kidini, pia walifanikiwa kuanzisha miongoni mwa Waislamu, Wakristo na Wadruze aina mbalimbali za shughuli za kidini zinazohusiana na ‘aqeedah.
The missionaries had a lasting impact on the minds of the Muslims and they succeeded in creating animosity between the citizens of the Islamic State in the name of religious freedom and managed to initiate among the Muslims, Christians and Druze various kinds of religious activities related to the ‘aqeedah.
Kosa la Dola ya Kiislamu kuruhusu wamishonari hawa kufanya kazi zao hapo awali, na kushindwa kwake baadaye kupambana na mashambulizi dhidi ya Uislamu, kulisababisha watu kama Mustapha Kamal na Rifa'a Badawi Rafi al-Tahtawi kuvutiwa na mawazo ya Magharibi, na wakawa watumwa, kwa kujua au bila kujua, wa dhana za Kimagharibi. Wengi wa watu hawa kwa hakika walisomeshwa na nchi za Ulaya, au walikuwa na mawasiliano nyingine nazo, na ni mfiduo huu uliowavutia kabisa. Waliota ndoto ya kuufufua Waislamu kwa msingi wa fikra za Kimagharibi za kutenganisha dini na dola, bila kutambua kwamba kosa halikuwa katika dini bali katika ufahamu sahihi wa Uislamu, na kwamba udhaifu ulikuwa katika namna ya kuutekeleza.
The mistake of the Islamic State in allowing these missionaries to operate in the first place, and its inability to counteract the attacks on Islam subsequently, meant that the likes of Mustapha Kamal and Rifa’a Badawi Rafi al-Tahtawi7 were attracted by Western ideals and they became subservient, consciously or unconsciously, to Western concepts. Most of these people were actually educated by, or had some other contact, with European countries, and it was this exposure that mesmerised them. They dreamt of revival of the Muslims based on the Western thought of separating deen from the state, not realising that it was not the deen that was at fault but the correct understanding of Islam, and the method of its application was the failing point.
Kuibuka kwa watu wa aina hii, baadhi yao wakiwa kweli walikuwa kwenye malipo ya Magharibi, kuliiwezesha Magharibi kuzindua awamu ya mwisho ya njama yao - ile ya uvamizi wa kisiasa wa ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Hili lilifanyika kwa kuhimizwa na kuungwa mkono kwa mawazo mbalimbali ya kizalendo, ambayo baadaye yaliimarishwa kwa kuanzishwa kwa vyama vya kisiasa vya Kiarabu na Kituruki kama vile Chama cha Turkiyyah al-Fatat, Chama cha Umoja na Maendeleo (pia kinachojulikana kama ‘Young Turks’), Chama cha Uhuru wa Kiarabu na Agano (al-‘Ahd).
The rise of such people, some of whom were actually on Western payrolls, enabled the West to launch the final phase of their conspiracy - that of the political invasion of the Muslim world. This was done by the encouragement and support of various nationalistic ideas, which were later solidified by the establishment of Arab and Turkish political parties such as the Turkiyyah al-Fatat Party, the Union and Progress Party (also known as ‘Young Turks’), the Arab Independence Party and Covenant (al-‘Ahd)
Chama. Maasi dhidi ya Khilafah ya ‘Uthmani yaliandaliwa na kufadhiliwa na Magharibi kupitia makundi haya ya kisiasa ya kizalendo na baadhi ya watu muhimu. Mmoja wa watu hao alikuwa Sharif Hussain wa Makkah, ambaye alilipwa pauni 200,000 kila mwezi na Ofisi ya Mambo ya Nje ya Uingereza ili kufanya kampeni ya kupata taifa huru la Waarabu, ambalo liliahidiwa kwake kupitia McMahon, Kamishna Mkuu wa Uingereza nchini Misri, mwaka 1916: “Wilaya mbili za Mersina na Alexandretta [zote mbili sasa ziko Uturuki] na sehemu za Syria zilizo magharibi mwa Damascus, Homs, Hama na Aleppo, haziwezi kusemwa kuwa ni za Kiarabu pekee, na zinapaswa kutengwa na mipaka inayodaiwa... Kuhusu maeneo yaliyo ndani ya mipaka hiyo ambayo Uingereza iko huru kutenda bila kuathiri maslahi ya mshirika wake Ufaransa... Uingereza iko tayari kutambua na kuunga mkono uhuru wa Waarabu.”9
Party. Revolts against the ‘Uthmani Khilafah were organised and financed by the West through these nationalistic political groups and some key individuals. One such individual was Sharif Hussain8 of Makkah, who was paid £200,000 a month by the British Foreign Office to campaign for an independent Arab state, which was promised to him through McMohan, the British High Commissioner of Egypt, in 1916, “The two districts of Mersina and Alexandretta [both now in Turkey] and portions of Syria lying to the west of Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo, cannot be said to be purely Arab, and should be excluded from the limits demanded...As for the regions lying within those frontiers where Great Britain is free to act without detriment to the interest of her ally France...Great Britain is prepared to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs.”9
Hivi ndivyo mbegu hatari ya utaifa ilivyopandwa ndani ya Dola ya Kiislamu. Kufikia mwanzoni mwa karne ya 20, homa ya utaifa ilikuwa imeenea katika kila kona ya Dola ya Kiislamu, ikiitikisa Dola kwa nguvu kama haijawahi kutokea kabla.
This is how the deadly seed of nationalism was implanted in the Islamic State. By the turn of the 20th Century the fever of nationalism had spread to all corners of the Islamic State, shaking the State violently as never before.
Shambulio la mwisho na la kikatili zaidi dhidi ya Dola ya Kiislamu lilianzishwa baada ya Vita vya Kwanza vya Dunia na Wazungu, walipotuma majeshi yao kuiteka dola hiyo iliyowahi kuwa isiyoshindika. Dola ya Kiislamu, baada ya karne nyingi za kudhoofika, ilianguka bila kupinga kwa namna yoyote. Jenerali Allenby alipoingia al-Quds (Yerusalemu) mwaka 1917, alisema: “Leo ndio mwisho wa Vita vya Msalaba.”10
The final and the most brutal assualt on the Islamic State was launched in the wake of the 1st World War by the Europeans when they despatched their forces to conquer the once invincble state. The Islamic State, aftre centuries of decay, just crumbled without any resistence. When General Allenby entered al-Quds (Jeruslame) in 1917, he said, “Only today the Crusades have ended.”10
Ndoto ya kila Mzungu wakati huo ikawa halisi.
The dream of every European then became a reality.
7Rifa’a Badawi Rafi al-Tahtawi (alifariki mwaka 1873) alitoa wito wa uzalendo wa kitaifa (Wataniyya) na usekula. Neno "watan" hapa lilirejelea eneo la kijiografia na si Ummah ya Waislamu. Chanzo cha wito wake kilikuwa uhuru, na kitovu chake kilikuwa Misri.
7Rifa’a Badawi Rafi al-Tahtawi (died in 1873) called for Wataniyya and secularism. Watan here refereed to the geographical area and not the Muslim Ummah. The source of his call being freedom, and its centre Egypt.
Sharif Hussain alikuwa gavana wa Hijaz wakati wa Khilafah ya ‘Uthmaniyyah.
8 Sharif Hussain was the governor of Hijaz during the time of the ‘ Uthmani Khilafah.
9 The Middle East - The Arab World and its Neighbours by Peter Sluglett and Marion Farouk-Sluglett, page 12, Times Books, 1993.
9 The Middle East - The Arab World and its Neighbours by Peter Sluglett and Marion Farouk- Sluglett, page 12, Times Books, 1993.
10. Dola ya Kiislamu, na Taqiyyuddin an-Nabhani, ukurasa wa 189, Al-Khilafah Publications, 1994
10The Islamic State by Taquiddin an- Nabhani, page 189, Al-Khilafah Publications, 1994