Cututtukan Gefe (na Kari-kari): - An-Nahdah (Farfaɗowa) | Quran Course

Cututtukan Gefe (na Kari-kari): - An-Nahdah (Farfaɗowa) | Quran Course

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Cututtukan Gefe (na Kari-kari):

The Side (spin-off) Diseases:

by Al-Ustaadh Haafizh Saalih (Fareed Muhammad Saalih Al-Ghaanim)5 min readViewed 203 times

Ko da ace matsalar ta tsaya ne kawai a kan lalacewa da tarwatsewar abubuwan da ginshiƙan al'umma suka dogara a kansu, da hakan ya isa ya zama babbar matsala. Amma matsalar ta wuce haka, zuwa wasu cututtuka na gefe da ba su da hatsari ko tsanani ba idan aka kwatanta da cututtukan asali. Wannan saboda ba zai yiwu a cimma magani na asali ba sai an fara cire waɗannan cututtuka na gefe. Hakan ne domin su ne shinge mai hana a kai ga tushe da ainihin matsalar. Abubuwa biyu ne suka haifar da tarin waɗannan cututtuka: Na farko yana da alaƙa da sauran tasirin zamanin da faɗuwar Ummah ta faru, na biyu kuma shi ne cire Daular Musulunci, da mulkin ƙasashen Yamma a kan dukkan duniyar Musulunci tamu, da mulkinsu kai tsaye ko a kaikaice a kanmu. Waɗannan abubuwa biyu ba su tsaya ba, kuma ba a iyakance su ga fannin rayuwarmu guda ɗaya ba, a maimakon haka sun yi tasiri mafi girma, lalle ma cikakken tasiri, a kan ginshiƙan al'ummarmu.

Indeed had the issue only remained with the damage and disruption caused to the fundamental elements of the components of the society it would have been serious enough. However the issue extended beyond this, to additional side diseases that were no less dangerous and serious compared to the fundamental diseases. This is because it is not possible to achieve the fundamental treatment unless these side diseases are removed first. This is because they represent a preventative barrier in the face of reaching the core and essence of the problem. Two factors have led to the accumulation of these diseases: The first relates to the leftover affects from the period in which the downfall of the Ummah took place and the second factor is the removal of the Islamic State, the control of the western states over our entire Islamic world and its direct or indirect ruling over us. These two factors did not stop and they were not restricted to one aspect of our lives but rather they had the greatest impact and indeed a complete affect upon the fundamental components of our society.

Saboda waɗannan abubuwa guda biyu ne Musulmi suka yi shiru game da kawar da Daularsu, da wargajewar al'ummarsu, da ƙarewar haɗin kansu. Kuma saboda waɗannan abubuwa guda biyu ne wasu tunani marasa kyau suka shiga cikin al'umma, kuma wasu ra'ayoyin kishin ƙasa, na yanki da na ƙabilanci suka bayyana a cikinta. Kuma saboda waɗannan abubuwa guda biyu ne Yamma ta zama Ka'aba ga masu ilimi da abin da hangen nesansu ya mayar da hankali a kai, har suka zama an buga musu al'adunta, suka karɓi akidarta ko kusan sun karɓe ta saboda rahamar Ubangijinmu. Ƙari akan haka, waɗannan abubuwa guda biyu sun sa duniyar Musulunci ta zama mai biyayya ga tsarin kufurci da wakilansu, waɗanda suka kafa a kan wuyan mutane domin su ci gaba da aiwatar da umarninsu, su bunkasa muradunsu, kuma su cika manufofinsu. Saboda haka wajibi ne a fahimci waɗannan cututtuka na gefe gaba ɗaya, a fahimce su sosai, sannan a yi aiki wajen kawar da su domin mu iya kaiwa ga tushen matsalar. Wannan yana faruwa ne a lokaci ɗaya da ake bayar da ƙoƙari wajen magance manyan cututtuka na asali.

Due to these two main factors the Muslims were silent over the removal of their State, the tearing apart of their society and the end to their unity. And due to these two factors some corrupt thoughts entered into the society and some nationalistic, regional and patriotic sentiments manifested themselves within it. And due to these two factors the West was made the Ka’bah of the educated and the focus of their vision so that they became imprinted with its culture and adopted their belief or nearly adopted it due to our Lord’s mercy. In addition these two factors led to the Islamic world becoming subservient to the systems of Kufr (disbelief) and their agents who they established upon the necks of the people to continue to implement their commands, foster their interests and fulfil their objectives. For this reason it is necessary to fully encompass these side diseases, completely comprehend them and then work to remove them so that we are able to arrive at the core of the problem. This is done at the same time as efforts are expended to treat the main fundamental diseases.

Idan ido na mutane sun yi ta kyalkyali saboda juyin juya halin masana'antu da ya faru a Turai, alhali Gwamnati da jami'anta ba su kula da bangaren ilimi da al'adu a rayuwar mutane ba. Sun yi imani cewa karfin soja da ikonsa shi ne farfadowa da mabudin ci gaba. Saboda haka Gwamnati ta zuba dukkan hankalinta a bangaren soja, amma a lokacin da fadace-fadace suka tsaya a tsakiyar Turai, sai ta ga ta zama manufa da ganima da ake farauta. Hakan ya faru ne saboda ba ta kula ba, a lokacin karfin sojanta, da cututtukan cikin gida da ke lalata ta daga ciki. Mafi sauki daga cikin misalai da ke nuna irin zurfin koma-baya na ilimi da hali na koyi da wasu, shi ne misalin da za mu dauka daga Khutabaa'i (Khatibai) na Masallatai, alhali ana ganin su shugabannin tunani a cikin Al'umma. A Khutbar Juma'a, wadda ake dauka a matsayin jagoran ra'ayin jama'a na siyasa, Khatibai suna karanta khutbobi daga littafin Ibn Nabaatah daidai da adadin makonni a cikin shekara da al'amuran da ke faruwa a cikinta. Don haka sukan yi magana a kan lokacin watan Ramadan, falalar azumi, khutbar Juma'ar marayu kusa da karshen Ramadan, khutbar Laylatul Qadr, watannin Hajji da falalarsu, Ashura, Hijira, haihuwar Annabi ﷺ, da tsakiyar Sha'aban, haka kuma suna ci gaba da wannan hanya tsawon shekara duka. To idan haka lamarin yake ga wadanda ake zaton masana tunani ne a cikin Al'umma, wadanda ke da alhakin jagorantar Al'umma, to yaya lamarin zai kasance ga Al'ummar da ake jagoranta da shugabanta ta haka? Kuma idan aka tambayi wadannan Imamai game da wani al'amari a waje da wadannan al'amura, sai su kau da kai su karkace daga amsa.

The eyes of the people were dazzled by the industrial revolution that occurred in Europe whilst the State and its officials did not take care of the intellectual or cultural dimension within the life of the people. They believed that the strength of the military and its power represented revival and the key to advancement. So the State poured all of its attention into the military aspect and when the conquests halted in the midst of Europe the state found that it had become a target and prey that is hunted. This was because it did pay attention at the time of its military strength to the internal diseases that were destroying it from the inside. And the simplest of examples to illustrate the extent of the intellectual decline and the mentality of imitation is the example that we can take from the Khutabaa’ (Khateebs) of the Masaajid whilst considering them to be leaders of thought within the Ummah. In the Jumu’ah Khutbah which is considered to be the political director of public opinion, the Khutabaa’ would read Khutbahs from a book of Ibn Nabaatah in accordance to the number of weeks in the year and the occasions that occur in it. So they would address the occasion of the month of Ramadhaan, the merits of fasting, a Khutbah for the Jumu’ah of the orphan near the end of Ramadhaan, the Khutbah of Laylat ul Qadr, the months of Hajj and its merits, ‘Aashoraa’, Hijrah, the birth of the Nabi (saw) and the middle of Sha’baan and so forth continuing in this manner for the entirety of the year. So if this is the case in regards to the supposed thinkers in the Ummah and those who are responsible for directing the Ummah, then what will the case be in regards to the Ummah that is directed and led in this way? And if these Imaams were to be asked about a matter outside of these matters then they would only deflect it and divert from answering it.

Dangane da tasirin lokacin rushewar Ummah a kan ji da motsin zukatansu, saboda rashin tunani mai rai da ke magance matsalolinsu daga tushen Aqeedarsu, Ummah ta kasance a mafi yawan lokuta ana mamaye ta da ɗimbin ji da motsin zuciya masu karo da juna kuma masu adawa da Aqeedarsu. Wannan ya haɗa da abubuwa kamar tsarkake masallatai da wuraren binnewa na waɗanda ake ɗauka daga cikin Awliyaa da A'immah (Manyan Malamai) masu adalci, inda suke danganta musu sifofi da siffofi har ma sun wuce na Anbiyaa da Mursaleen. Wasu ma sukan ce Annabi bai kai ga wannan matsayinsa mai girma ta hanyar ƙoƙarinsa ba, sai dai Allah ya aiko shi, kuma darajarsa ta ragu domin an yi masa wahayi, alhali waɗannan (Awliyaa) sun kai ga matsayinsu ta hanyar ƙoƙarinsu da abin da suka aikata na ayyuka. Sun yi maganganu iri-iri waɗanda ke ƙarfafa mutane sosai su je wuraren waɗannan Imamai ko Awliyaa ko almajiransu da malamansu. Bugu da ƙari, sun shafu da wasu ji irin na Sufanci daga falsafar Hindu wacce ke kira zuwa ga nisantar Duniya da azabtar da jikuna domin rayukansu su hau sama. A wannan zamani ne ƙungiyar ko rukunin Mashaayikh da Daraaweesh (Dervishes) suka bayyana, kuma aka ce game da mutumin da ba shi da Shaikh cewa, to Shaidan ne Shaikinsa! Akwai wasu ji da yawa irin wannan waɗanda suka kai ga raguwar ji da fahimtar mutane har suka rasa motsin zuciyarsu da ke da alaƙa da ƙarfi da daraja ta Musulunci da rayuwa da shi, saboda shi da kuma saboda ɗaukaka shi da ƙarfin ikonsa. Ko kuma sun rasa jin wajibcin yin canji, yayin da ra'ayin Qadariyya na mabiya bayan gaibi (karɓar ƙaddara) ya yaɗu sosai, har suna ɗaukar duk abin da ya faru da su da abin da suke sha a matsayin ƙaddararsu, kuma cewa ya kamata su gamsu da abin da Allah ya ƙaddara musu. Wannan ya kasance tare da yaɗuwar ra'ayin jiran Imam Mahdi, wanda aka ba da amana kuma aka wakilta shi wajen magance al'amuran canji. Sun ce wajibi ne ƙasa ta cika da fasadi da zalunci, domin hakan zai hanzarta bayyanarsa. Baya ga duk wannan, wasu ji na kishin ƙasa, na kishin al'umma, na mazhaba da na ɓangaranci sun fara bayyana.

As for the effect of the time of the Ummah’s downfall upon their feelings and sentiments, then due to the absence of the live thoughts addressing and treating their problems from the basis of their Aqeeda, the Ummah became dominated a lot of the time by a large number of feelings and sentiments that were contradictory and in opposition to their Aqeedah. This included matters like the sanctification of shrines and the burial sites of those considered to be from the righteous Awliyaa and A’immah (Great Imaams) in which they bestowed upon them attributes and descriptions that even exceeded those of the Anbiyaa and Mursaleen. Some would even say that the Nabi did not reach his high status due to his own efforts but was rather sent by Allah and that his merit was diminished as he was revealed to, whilst these others (Awliyaa) have reached their heights due to their own efforts and what they did in terms of acts. They made various statements which strongly encouraged the people to go to the shrines of these Imaams or Awliyaa or their students and their teachers. In addition they were affected by some Sufi feelings from the Hindu philosophy which called to detachment from the Dunyaa and the torturing of their bodies so that their souls could ascend to the heavens. In this era the group or category of Mashaayikh and Daraaweesh (Dervishes) appeared and it was said in regards to the person who did not have a Sheikh, that Shaytaan then was his Sheikh! There were many other feelings like this that led to the dulling (weakening) of the sensations of the people until they lost their sentiments related to the might and honour of Islaam and living by it, for its sake and for the sake of advancing it and the strength of its authority. Or in the very least they lost the sensation related to the obligation of making change whilst the feelings of the unseen Qadariyah (acceptance of fate) became terribly widespread and they would consider all that happened to them and what they suffered from as their Qadar (fate) and that they should be content with what Allah had decided for them. This was accompanied by the spread of the idea of waiting for Imaam Mahdi who had been entrusted and delegated to deal with matters of change. They said that it was necessary for the land to be filled with evil and oppression as this would speed up his appearance. In addition to all of this some patriotic, nationalistic, Madhabi and sectarian feelings also began to appear.

Game da tasirin wannan lokaci na koma-bayan Al'umma a kan tsarin da kuma waɗanda ke kan mulki a kansa, to shekaru masu yawa ba a ga manyan canje-canje a cikin gwamnati ko tsarin ba, koda yake wasu daga cikin ginshiƙan asali sun fara canzawa, kuma wasu ra'ayoyin Yammacin Turai da aka ɗauko daga gare su sun fara shigowa. Dalilin haka shi ne tsananin raunin da ya mamaye tunanin Musulmai game da fahimtar Musulunci, da kuma sakaci game da harshen Larabci, wanda shi ne harshen Musulunci kuma ba za a iya fahimtar Musulunci ba sai da shi. Ban da haka, rufe ƙofar ijtihadi ya sa hukunce-hukuncen tsarin suka zama ana ɗaukar su a matsayin nassoshi marasa motsi, waɗanda suka gaza wajen bin matsalolin zamani da kuma iya tsarin wajen magance su da warware su. Wannan kuwa ya sa waɗanda ke kan mulki da alhakin tsarin suke jin cewa suna buƙatar ƙa'idoji ko dokoki don magance matsalolin zamani da tunkarar su. Wannan ji an ƙarfafa shi kuma an taimaka masa da Fatawar Shaikhul Islam wadda ta ce: "Abin da ba ya adawa da Musulunci yana daga cikin Musulunci", wanda hakan ya kai ga shigar da wasu ƙa'idodi da dokoki daga shari'ar Romawa ko ta Faransa cikin tsarin Musulmai, bisa hujja da kuma uzuri cewa ba ya adawa da Musulunci, don haka yana daga cikin Musulunci.

As for the effect of this period of the Ummah’s downfall upon the system and those who were in authority over it, then for many centuries there were no notable changes in the regime or system and even if it some of the fundamental principles began to change and some western concepts that had been taken from them began to be included. The reason for this was the severe weakness that had overtaken the minds of the Muslims in regards to understanding Islaam and the negligence in respect to the Arabic language, which is the language of Islaam and the language that Islaam cannot be understood except by it. In addition closing the door to the performance of Ijtihaad led to the rulings of the system being taken as rigid texts which fell short in respect to following up the problems of the time and in terms of the system being able to deal with them and treat them. This in turn made the people who were in authority and responsible for the system feel like they were in need of principles or laws to treat the problems of the time and deal with them. This feeling was encouraged and helped by the Fatwaa of the Sheikh of Islaam that stated: ‘That which does not oppose Islaam is from Islaam’, which led to the inclusion of a number of principles and legislations from Roman or French jurisprudence into the systems of the Muslims with the argument and under the pretext that it does not oppose Islaam and as such is from Islaam.

Wannan duk duk ko da yake Musulunci shi ne abin da Muhammadu (saw) ya zo da shi a matsayin wahayi daga Allah (swt). Ya zo ne ko dai da lafazi da ma'ana wadda ita ce Alkur'ani, ko kuma da ma'anar da aka bayyana ta cikin maganganu, ayyuka ko shirun Manzon Allah (saw). Abin da ke fitowa daga waɗannan nassoshi (Alkur'ani da Hadisai) dangane da tsare-tsare da hukunce-hukuncen da ake samo daga gare su shi ne Musulunci, alhali kuwa Musulunci ba shi ne abin da ba ya adawa ko ya sabawa Musulunci ba. Don haka, abin da ke yanke hukunci kuma mafi muhimmanci shi ne asalin al'amarin, ba yarjejeniya ko saɓanin sa da Musulunci ba. Saboda haka, halascin mallakar dukiya ta sirri a tsarin jari-hujja ba ya nufin cewa wannan daga Musulunci yake ba, domin ba ya adawa da shi. Wannan saboda 'yancin mallaka ne ya sa mallaka ta halatta a tsarin jari-hujja, wanda hukunci ne na kafirci kuma samfurin hankali ne. Amma a Musulunci halascin mallaka hukunci ne na Shari'a (Hukmun Shar'iy), kuma hujjarsa ita ce nassin da wahayi ya zo da shi. Saboda haka, abin da ke yanke hukunci shi ne asalin abin ko al'amarin, kuma ba ya cikin lafazin da aka bayyana shi da shi, ko ma'anar da yake nunawa, ko sakamakon da yake kai wa, ko yarjejeniyarsa ko saɓaninsa da shi.

This was despite Islam being that which Muhammad (saw) came with as a revelation from Allah (swt). It either came in wording and meaning which is the Qur’aan or it came in a meaning that was expressed in the words, acts or silence of the Messenger (saw). What emanates from these texts (the Qur’aan and Ahaadeeth) in terms of systems and the rulings that are derived from them is Islaam whereas Islaam is not that which does not oppose or contradict Islaam. The deciding and only important factor therefore is the source of the matter and not its agreement or disagreement with it. So the permissibility of private ownership in the capitalist system does not mean that this is from Islaam because it does not oppose it. This is because freedom of ownership has made ownership permissible in the capitalist system which is a ruling of disbelief and product of the mind. However in Islaam the permissibility of ownership is a Hukm Shar’iy (Islamic legislative ruling) and the evidence for it is the text that the revelation has come with. Therefore the decisive factor is the source of the thing or matter and it does not lie in its expressed wording, indicated meaning, the result that it leads to or its agreement or disagreement to it.

Abin da ke sama yana nuna tasirin da hakan ya yi a kan tsarin, kuma abin da zai biyo baya zai yi magana kan tasirin da hakan ya yi a kan waɗanda ke da alhakin gwamnati, da waɗanda ke kan muƙaman iko da mulki. Tasirin da ya yi a kansu a bayyane yake daga halayensu da yadda suka aiwatar da tsarin. Wannan saboda sun fito ne daga cikin al'umma ɗaya, kuma suna raba abin da ta ƙunsa na cututtuka da raunuka. Saboda haka, ba su fi talakawa kyau ba wajen fahimta, sanin ya kamata da kuma ganewar nauyin da ke kansu, har ma da masu imani da masu taƙawa daga cikinsu. Sun karkata hankalinsu ga bangaren soja da ƙarfin dukiya a mafi kyawun hali, amma sun yi watsi da abin da ya kamata ya kasance a bayan kowane ƙarfin soja ta fuskar farfaɗo da hankali da wayar da kai game da gaskiyar lamari, domin al'ummar baki ɗaya ta kasance a bayan kowane ƙarfin soja. Saboda haka gwamnati da tsarin suka rabu da al'umma, kuma tsarin da waɗanda ke da alhakin sa da wakilansu suka zama suna wakiltar wani abu a idon al'umma, alhali al'ummar kanta tana wakiltar wani abu daban. Wannan rabuwa ta ƙaru har ta koma ƙiyayya da ƙyama tsakaninsu, kowannensu ya fara mu'amala da ɗayan bisa wannan ra'ayi. Don haka masu mulki da wakilansu suka so su tilasta girmamawarsu, yabo da aiwatar da umarninsu ta hanyar ƙarfin karfe, ta amfani da duk hanyoyin matsa lamba da tsoratarwa. Ta haka suka yi kuskuren amfani da ƙa'idojin gabaɗaya na tsarin da kuma son zuciyarsu, suka kuma ɗora wa al'umma nauyin haraji duk yadda suka so. Al'umma ta rayu cikin tsoron masu mulkinta har ta kai ga mutum yana cewa wa abokinsa: "Ka tsare Sa'd, domin Sa'eed ya halaka."

The above relates to the effect upon the system and the following will deal with the effect upon those who were responsible for the regime and in the positions of authority and ruling. The effect upon them is clear from their behaviours and the implementation of the system. This is because they are from the same society and share what it contains of diseases and ailments. Therefore they were not better off than the masses in regards to their understanding, awareness and comprehension of the responsibility and this included even the believers and pious from amongst them. They directed their focus towards the military dimension and material power in the best of cases but they were ignorant of what must lie behind every military force in terms of the intellectual revival and awareness upon the reality so that the Ummah as a whole would be behind every military force. For this reason the State and System were isolated from the society and the system and those responsible for it and their agents became to represent one thing in the Ummah’s view whilst the Ummah represented another thing. This isolation increased until it transformed into mutual animosity and hatred, and each of them began to behave with the other based upon this view. So the rulers and their agents wanted to enforce their respect, appreciation and the implementation of their orders by the force of steel using every means of pressure and terrorising. As such they misapplied the generalities of the system and its partialities and they over burdened the Ummah with whatever they wished in terms of taxation. The Ummah therefore lived in terror of their rulers to the point where a person would say to his companion: ‘Save Sa’d because Sa’eed had perished’.

Wannan hali da ya zo ya shafi waɗanda ke da alhakin tafiyar tsarin ya sa ya zama mai sauƙi ga waɗanda suke son rusa wannan tsari su yi hakan. Haka kuma ya sa al'ummar Musulmi suka fara neman mutanen da za su iya taruwa a kansu domin rusa wannan tsari, suna ganin cewa wannan ita ce hanyar samun tsira da kuma tafarkin zuwa ceto. Saboda wannan, tare da taimakon wannan ƙungiya da suka samu ilimi a Landan da Faris, da kuma waɗanda suka sayar da kansu ga Shaiɗan saboda sha'awar samun mulki, neman matsayi ko tabbatar da wata moriya, Yammacin duniya ya iya amfani da su wajen motsa al'ummar Musulmi, ya rushe Khalifanci, ya tarwatsa al'ummar, ya raba kanta, ya mamaye ƙasashen Musulmi, yayin da yake nuna kansa a matsayin masu ceto ga mutane. Suna cewa suna cece su daga zaluncin Turkawa da mulkinsu na kama-karya, yayin da suke yanke gaɓoɓin ƙasashen domin kafa a madadinsu ƙananan ƙasashe marasa kima, waɗanda za a naɗa a matsayin shugabanni wakilan Yammacin duniya da kayayyakin da suka ƙera, waɗanda za su aiwatar musu da duk abin da suke so, su cika musu duk abin da suke buƙata.

This reality that came to apply upon those responsible over the system made it easier for those who wanted to bring down this entity to do so. It also led the Ummah to search for those whom they can gather around to bring down the entity considering this to be the way of being saved and the path towards salvation. For this reason and with the help of that group who had received their education in London and Paris in addition to those who had sold themselves to Shaytaan due to their desire to attain the rule, gain a position or secure an interest, the West was able to move the Ummah by them, destroy the Khilafah, tear up and divide the Ummah and occupy the Muslim lands whilst portraying themselves as the saviours to the people. They were saving them from the oppression of the Turks and their despotism whilst carving the limbs of the lands to establish in their place pitiful states in which the West’s agents and manufactured productions would be appointed as the rulers who would implement for them all that they wanted and fulfil for them all that they desired.