Jari-hujja (kapitalizim) bai samo asali daga duniyar Musulunci ba, domin ya fara bayyana ne bayan kirkirar injuna, wadda ta faru ba da gangan ba a Turai.

Capitalism did not originate in the Islamic world as it came into being only after the invention of the machine which took place by chance in Europe.

Jari-hujja (Capitalism) an shigar da shi cikin duniyar Musulunci a lokacin da take karkashin mulkin Turai. Tare da raguwar ci gaba, ya yadu zuwa duniyar Musulunci wacce ke fama da talauci, jahilci, rashin lafiya da koma baya. Wannan ya sa wasu mutane suka yi tunanin cewa Musulunci yana amincewa da jari-hujja, da dukkan munanan abubuwanta da kyawawan halayenta. Suna kuma da'awar cewa babu wani tanadi a cikin shari'ar Musulunci ko ka'idoji da zai saba wa jari-hujja. Suna jayayya cewa tun da Musulunci ya halatta mallakar mutum ɗaya, to dole ne kuma ya halatta jari-hujja.

Capitalism was imported into the Islamic world at a time when it was under European domination. Together with the wave of development, it spread into the Islamic world which suffered from poverty, ignorance, illness and backwardness. This made some people think that Islam approves of capitalism, with both its evils and merits. They also claim that there are no provisions in the Islamic law or regulations such as might be in conflict with capitalism. They argue that as Islam permitted individual ownership it must likewise permit capitalism.

Don Amsa'in wannan zargi, zai isa mu nuna cewa jari-hujja ba zai iya bunkasa ko ci gaba ba sai da riba (ribā) da mamayar kasuwa (ihtikār), kuma dukkansu Musulunci ya haramta su kimanin shekara dubu kafin jari-hujja ta wanzu.

In answer to this accusation it might suffice to point out that capitalism cannot prosper or grow without usury and monopoly both of which were prohibited by Islam about one thousand years before the existence of capitalism.

Amma bari mu yi bayani kan wannan tambaya da tsawo. Idan kirkirar injin ta faru a duniyar Musulunci, ta yaya Musulunci zai fuskanci ci gaban tattalin arziki da irin wannan kirkira za ta haifar? Ta yaya dokoki da hukunce-hukuncen Musulunci za su tsara aiki da samarwa?

But let us tackle the question at some greater length. If the invention of the machine had taken place in the Islamic world, how would Islam have faced the economic development resulting from such invention? How would Islamic legislations and laws have organized work and production?

Akwai yarjejeniya tsakanin masana tattalin arziki—har da waɗanda ke adawa da tsarin jari-hujja (misali, Karl Marx)—cewa jari-hujja a farkonsa ta kawo ci gaba mai girma kuma ta yi wa ɗan adam hidima mai yawa. An ƙara yawan samar da kayayyaki, an inganta hanyoyin sadarwa, kuma an yi amfani da albarkatun ƙasa a kan sikeli mafi girma.

There is consensus of opinion among economists-including those who are opposed to capitalism (e.g., Karl Marx-that capitalism at the start brought about great progress and rendered considerable services to humanity. production was increased, means of communication were improved and national resources were exploited on a larger scale.

Matsayin rayuwa a tsakanin ajin ma'aikata ya zama mafi girma fiye da lokacin da suke dogaro mafi yawa ko gaba ɗaya ga noma.

The standard of living among the working classes became higher than when they were mostly or completely dependent on agriculture.

Amma wannan kyakkyawan hoto bai daɗe ba, domin ci gaban jari-hujja na halitta, kamar yadda suke faɗa, ya kai ga tara dukiya a hannu. Idan masu jari-hujja suka tara, ya kuma kai ga raguwar dukiyar da ajujuwan ma'aikata ke mallaka. Wannan ya ba masu jari-hujja damar amfani da ma'aikata — waɗanda su ne ainihin masu samarwa a idon 'yan gurguzu — wajen ƙara yawan samar da kayayyaki iri-iri sosai, amma albashin da ake biyan ma'aikata ya yi ƙasa sosai da ba zai tabbatar musu da rayuwa mai kyau ba, domin ma'aikata suna karɓe duk riba, suna kuma ciyar da ita wajen rayuwar alatu da lalata.

But such a glorious picture did not last long because the natural development of capitalism, as they say, led to the amassing of wealth in the hand. If capitalist owners and to a relative diminution of the properties owned by the working classes. This enabled the capitalist owners to use workmen-the real producers in communist eyes-in considerably stepping up the production of various commodities but the wages paid to workmen were too low to ensure decent lire because the employers took all the profits and spent them leading a life of luxury and corruption.

Bayan haka, ƙananan albashin da ake biyan ma'aikata bai ba su damar cinye dukkan abin da ake samarwa a ƙasashen masu jari-hujja ba. Hakan ya haifar da tarin abin da ya wuce kima, watau yawan samarwa fiye da buƙata.

Besides this the scanty wages paid to workmen did not enable them to consume all the production or capitalist countries. This led to the accumulation or surplus production.

Sakamakon haka, ƙasashen masu jari-hujja suka fara neman sabbin kasuwanni don sayar da yawan kayan da suke samarwa fiye da buƙata, wanda hakan ya haifar da mulkin mallaka tare da dukkan rikice-rikicen da ba su ƙarewa tsakanin al'ummomi daban-daban kan kasuwanni da albarkatun ƙasa. Yaƙe-yaƙe masu lalata sun zama abin da babu makawa ya biyo bayan duk wannan.

As a result of this the capitalist countries began to look for new markets for their surplus production, which in turn gave rise to colonialism with all its incessant conflicts among different nations over markets and raw material resources. Destructive wars were the inevitable outcome or all this.

Bugu da ƙari, tsarin jari-hujja yana fuskantar rikice-rikice na lokaci-lokaci sakamakon koma-baya da ke tasowa daga ƙarancin albashi da rashin isasshen amfani a duniya idan aka kwatanta da karuwar samarwa.

Moreover, the capitalist system is always exposed to periodic crises resulting from depression caused by low wages and the scantiness of world consumption in relation to increasing production.

Wasu masu yada akidar tsantsar abin duniya (materialism) kan danganta dukkan matsalolin tsarin jari-hujja ga yanayin jari kansa, maimakon ga wata mugunta ko sha'awar cin zarafi daga bangaren masu jari. Irin wannan tunani mara zurfi kuma na ban mamaki yana nufin cewa mutum, tare da dukkan motsin zuciyarsa da tunaninsa, halitta ce kawai mai rauni a gaban karfin tattalin arziki.

Some propagandists of materialism refer all the problems of the capitalist system to the nature of capital itself rather than to any ill-will or desire for exploitation on the part of the capitalists. Such naive and strange reasoning means that man with all his emotions and thoughts is but a helpless creature in the face or the power of economy.

Babu shakka cewa Musulunci zai ƙarfafa nasarorin alheri da ci gaba da jari-hujja ta samu a farkon zamaninta. Amma Musulunci ba zai bar jari-hujja ba tare da doka da za ta tsara ta, da kuma hana duk wata cin zarafi da zai iya faruwa sakamakon mugun niyya daga bangaren ma'aikata ko kuma daga yanayin jari kansa. Ka'idar Musulunci da aka kafa a wannan fanni tana ba ma'aikata damar raba riba tare da ma'aikatansu. Wasu masana fiqhu na Malikiyya sun ma kai ga ba ma'aikaci rabon riba daidai da na ma'aikaci. Ma'aikaci ne ke samar da duk jari, shi kuma ma'aikaci yana aikin; kokarin su biyun daidai yake, saboda haka suna da hakkin rabon riba daidai.

There is no doubt that Islam would have encouraged the good and progressive achievements that were brought about by capitalism in its early stage. But Islam would not have left capitalism without legislation to organize it and to preclude any exploitation which might result from ill-will on the part of the employers or from the very nature of capital. The Islamic principle which was laid in this respect entitles the workmen to share the profit with their employers. Some Maliki jurisprudents went so far as to give to the employee an equal share in the profit. The employer provides all capital and the workman does the work; the two efforts are equal and accordingly they are entitled to an equal share in the profit.

Wannan ka’ida da aka ambata tana nuna yadda Musulunci ya damu sosai da kafa adalci. Irin wannan damuwa game da kafa adalci Musulunci ya gabatar da ita da yardar kansa. Ba wani buƙatar tattalin arziki ne ya tilasta shi ba, kuma ba sakamakon gwagwarmayar tsakanin ajujuwa ba ce – wacce masu yada wasu akidun tattalin arziki ke ɗauka a matsayin kadai mai tasiri a ci gaban alakar tattalin arziki.

The above-mentioned principle illustrates Islam's great concern with the establishment of justice. Such concern for the establishment of justice was voluntarily introduced by Islam. It was not forced thereon by any economic exigency nor was it the result of the struggle among classes which is regarded by the propagandists of certain economic doctrines as the sole effective factor in the development of economic relations.

Da farko, masana'antu ta ƙunshi aikin hannu mai sauƙi wanda ya shafi ƙananan ma'aikata da ke aiki a ƙananan bita. Ka'idar da aka ambata a sama da ta tsara alaƙar aiki da jari bisa adalci irin wanda Turai ba ta taɓa samunsa ba.

In the beginning, industry consisted of simple manual work involving a small number of workmen who worked in simple workshop" The above-mentioned principle would have organized the relation between work and capital on an equitable basis such as Europe had never had.

Masana tattalin arziki sun ce ci gaban jari-hujja daga matakinsa na farko mai kyautatawa zuwa yanayinsa na yanzu mai muguwar sharri ya kasance tare da karuwar dogaro da shi ga bashin gwamnati. Wannan ya kai ga kafa bankuna masu gudanar da ayyukan kudi, da bayar da rance a madadin wani riba. Ba tare da hakan ba, irin wadannan rance da mafi yawan ayyukan banki an gina su ne bisa riba ta haram, wadda Musulunci ya haramta sarai.

Economists say that the development of capitalism from its early benevolent phase to its present morbidly evil phase was accompanied by its increasing dependence on national loan. This led to the creation of banks which carried on financial operations, and advanced loans in return for some interest. Without that such loans as well as the majority of banking operations are based on usury which is expressly prohibited by Islam.

A wani ɓangaren kuma, gasa mai tsanani, wadda ita ma wata siffa ce ta jari-hujja, tana kaiwa ga halaka ƙananan kamfanoni ko kuma haɗe su cikin manyan kamfanoni. Wannan yana ƙarfafa mulkin mallaka na kasuwa (monopoly), wanda Musulunci ma ya haramta, kamar yadda wasu maganganun Annabi ﷺ suke nunawa. Ya ce: "Duk wanda ya yi mulkin mallaka na kasuwa (ihtikar) to shi azzalumi ne." Domin Musulunci ya haramta riba (ribar haram) da mulkin mallaka na kasuwa, da ba zai yiwu jari-hujja ta ci gaba a ƙarƙashin Musulunci zuwa matakin mugunta da take a yanzu ba, wanda ya ƙunshi cin zarafi, mulkin mallaka da yaƙi.

On the other hand, tough competition, which is another feature of capitalism, leads to the destruction of minor companies or to their merger into major ones. This encourages monopoly which is also prohibited by Islam, as is borne out by some sayings of the Prophet. He said: “He that monopolizes is a wrong-doer" Because Islam prohibited usury and monopoly it would have been impossible for capitalism to develop under Islam into its present evil stage which involves exploitation, colonialism and war.

Lalle Musulunci ba zai takaita masana'antu ga ƙananan bita kawai ba, waɗanda riba take tsakanin mai aiki da ma'aikaci. Samarwa da haɓakarta da sun fi girma, amma dangantaka tsakanin mai aiki da ma'aikata da ta bunƙasa ta wata hanya daban da waccan da ta siffanta ci gaban dangantakar mai aiki da ma'aikaci a Turai a ƙarni na sha tara da na ashirin. Da ta bunƙasa bisa ƙa'idodin Musulunci na asali, kamar ƙa'idar da aka ambata a sama wadda ta tanadi a raba riba daidai tsakanin ma'aikata da mai aikin su.

Surely Islam would not have restricted industry to minor workshops whose profit is shared by the employer and the workman. Production would have rather grown but the relationship between the employer arid workmen would have developed on different lines from those outlining the development of the employer-employee relations in Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It would have developed in accordance with the basic principles of Islam such as the above-mentioned principle which provides for an equal division of profit between the workmen and their employer.

Ta haka ne Musulunci zai kauce wa amfani da riba ko mallake kasuwa, kuma zai hana zalunci da ma'aikata ke fuskanta karkashin tsarin jari-hujja, inda ake cin zarafinsu aka barsu cikin talauci da wulakanci.

By so doing Islam would have avoided resorting to usury or monopoly and would have precluded the injustice to which workmen are subjected under capitalism where they are exploited and left to suffer poverty and humiliation.

Yana da wauta a ce Musulunci ba zai iya kafa irin wannan adalci ba sai ta hanyar shiga wahalhalu masu tsanani, rikice-rikicen aji da matsin tattalin arziki da za su kai ga gyaran dokokinsa. An tabbatar fili ba tare da wata shakka ba cewa Musulunci ya riga kowace al'umma wajen magance batutuwan bauta, mulkin fiyayye (feudalism) da farkon jari-hujja. Ta haka Musulunci bai yi hakan ƙarƙashin wani matsin lamba na waje ba. A maimakon haka, ya yi hakan da radin kansa, bisa ga tunaninsa na adalci da daidaito madawwami, abin da marubuta 'yan gurguzu ke izgili da shi. A gefe guda kuma, gaskiya ce cewa Rasha, wata ƙasa ta misali ta gurguzu, ta wuce kai tsaye daga mulkin fiyayye zuwa gurguzu ba tare da ta bi matakin tsaka-tsakin jari-hujja ba. Ta haka Rasha, wadda ta karɓi koyarwar Karl Marx, a zahiri tana karyata ka'idar Marx game da matakan ci gaba da yake cewa kowace ƙasa dole ta bi ta cikinsu.

It would be foolish to suggest that Islam could not have established such justice without first passing through hard ordeals, class conflicts and economic pressures which would ultimately lead to the amendment of its legislations. It is proved beyond all doubt that Islam had been ahead of all nations in dealing with the questions of slavery, feudalism and early capitalism. In so doing Islam was not acting under any outside pressure whatsoever. It was rather acting voluntarily and in accordance with its own conception of eternal equity and justice scoffed at by communist writers. On the other hand, it is a fact that Russia, a model communist state, itself passed directly from feudalism to communism without passing through the intermediary stage of capitalism. In this way Russia which adopted the doctrine of Karl Marx-practically gives the lie to Marx's theory regarding the phases of development which, he says, every state has to experience.