Musulunci Da Bauta

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Musulunci Da Bauta

Islam And Slavery

by Muhammad Qutb23 min readViewed 173 times

Wannan na ɗaya daga cikin shakku mafi muni da 'yan gurguzu ke amfani da su don girgiza imanin matasan Musulmi ga addininsu, Musulunci. Idan Musulunci ya dace da kowane zamani na tarihin ɗan Adam, da bai amince da bautar da mutane ba kamar yadda ya yi, wanda hakan ke tabbatar da cewa Musulunci an yi shi ne kawai don wani ƙayyadadden lokaci na tarihi. Ya cika aikinsa, yanzu kuma ya tsufa, ya zama bai dace ba, domin ba a tsara shi ya zama addini na kowane zamani da kowace ƙasa ba.

Perhaps this is the most odious form of doubt exploited by the communists in order to shake the faith of the Muslim youth in his religion, Islam. If Islam were suited to every period of human history, it would not, as it did, approve of slavery, which proves conclusively that Islam was but meant for a limited period of history only. It has fulfilled its mission and now stands outmoded and obsolete for it was not designed to be a religion for all times and climes.

Matashin Musulmi mai ikhlasi shi ma yana fuskantar irin wannan shakka. Me yasa Musulunci ya halatta bautar da mutane? Wannan addini ba shakka wahayi ne daga Allah: babu shakka game da hakan, kuma an saukar da shi domin alheri ga dukkan bil'adama a kowane zamani mai zuwa, amma yaya ya yarda da bauta? Yaya addinin da aka gina bisa ra'ayin cikakkiyar daidaito tsakanin mutane, yana jaddada asalinsu guda, sannan ya tabbatar da ra'ayin daidaiton a rayuwar al'umma, ya amince da bauta a matsayin wani bangare na tsarin zamantakewarsa, har ya shimfida dokoki a kanta? Shin Allah yana nufin mutane su ci gaba da kasancewa rarrabe har abada a matsayin masu mulki da bayi? Shin Yana so jinsin mutum ya ci gaba da kasancewa da wata kungiya a cikinsa da ake sayarwa da sayensu kamar dukiya, kamar yadda lamarin bayi ya kasance, alhali Shi da Kansa ya ce game da dukkan halittu: "Lalle ne Mun girmama 'ya'yan Adam," kuma idan Allah bai nufa ko yarda da hakan ba, don me bai hana shi a fili ba a cikin Littafinsa, ya kawar da shi gaba daya kamar yadda ya kawar da shan giya, caca da riba, da sauran ayyukan da Yake ki? A takaice, matashin Musulmi ya san cewa Musulunci addini ne na gaskiya, amma kamar Ibrahim yana cikin rudani, yana kuma cikin yanayin tunanin da aka bayyana a cikin ayar Alkur'ani:

Kwaminisin, waɗanda ke yaudarar mutane da iƙirarin cewa suna bin kimiyya, suna cinikin ra'ayoyin da suka aro daga ubangidansu na ƙasashen waje, waɗanda suke nunawa cikin girman kai, suna ba da ra'ayin ƙarya cewa sun gano gaskiya marar canzawa kuma madawwamiya, wadda ba za a iya ƙalubalanta ko musantawa ba. Gaskiyar da suke iƙirarin sun gano ita ce ka'idar materialism na diyalekitik, wato ra'ayin da ke cewa rayuwar ɗan adam tana rabuwa zuwa wasu matakan tattalin arziki ƙayyadaddu, waɗanda ba za a iya guje musu ba, ko ɗan adam ya wuce su ba, watau da farko kwaminisanci, sannan bautar da mutane, sai feudalism, sannan jari-hujja, sannan kwaminisanci na biyu (wanda ake ɗauka a matsayin shafi na ƙarshe a littafin tarihi). Suna kuma cewa duk akidu, ilimomi da tunani da tarihin ɗan adam ya sani, a zahiri kawai madubi ne na yanayin tattalin arziki ko tsarin tattalin arziki daban-daban da suka wanzu a zamani daban-daban na tarihin ɗan adam. Waɗannan akidu da imanin da suka gabata sun dace da zamanunsu, domin sun dace sosai da tsarin tattalin arziki da yanayin waɗancan lokuta, amma ba za su taɓa dacewa da matakai mafi girma na ci gaban ɗan adam ba, domin waɗancan matakai koyaushe suna dogara ne akan sabon tsari daban na tattalin arziki. Don haka, suka kammala, ba za a iya samun tsarin rayuwa guda ɗaya wanda zai dace da dukkan zamani masu zuwa ba. To, da yake Musulunci ya zo wa duniya a lokacin da matakin bauta ke ƙarewa, kuma na feudalism yana farawa, sai ya kawo dokoki, akidu da tsarin rayuwa waɗanda duk suka dace da yanayin tattalin arziki na lokacin. Shi ya sa ya amince da bauta, kuma ya halatta feudalism, domin Musulunci ba zai iya hasashen mataki na gaba na ci gaban tattalin arziki ba, ko ba wa duniya tsarin da yanayin tattalin arziki bai riga ya gama shirya masa ba, kamar yadda Ubangiji mai albarka Karl Marx ya ce, wannan ba zai taɓa yiwuwa ba.

The communists, who hoodwink people by claiming to be scientific, trade in ideas borrowed from their masters abroad which they arrogantly parade giving a false impression of having discovered an unalterable and eternal truth, the genuineness of which cannot be challenged, nor contradicted. The truth they claim to have discovered is dialectical materialism-the theory which states that human life is divided into certain definite economic phases such as can neither be avoided, nor passed by mankind viz. first communism, slavery, feudalism, capitalism and the second communism (deemed to be the last page in the book of history) and that all creeds, disciplines, and thoughts that human history knows of were in fact a mere reflection of the various economic conditions or economic systems that prevailed at different periods of human history. These past creeds and beliefs were all right for those bygone ages, for they fully coordinated with the economic structure and circumstances of those times but they can never be suitable for the next higher stages of human development as these are always based on quite a new and different pattern of economy. Hence, they conclude, there can be no single system of life such as could be suitable for all times to come. Now as Islam came to the world at a time when the stage of slavery was coming to an end and that of feudalism just beginning, it brought with itself laws, creeds and a discipline of life all of which were in concord with the prevalent circumstances of economic existence. That is why it approved of slavery as well as permitted feudalism, for Islam could not anticipate the next stage of economic development nor give any system to the world for which the economic Conditions were not yet ripe for, as the blessed Lord Karl Marx said, it was absolutely impossible.

Lokacin da mutum na zamani ya dubi matsalar bautar da ƙwarewarsa ta karni na ashirin, kuma yana la'akari da munanan laifukan da aka aikata a cinikin bayi da kuma munanan halayen da aka nuna wa bayi (musamman a Daular Roma), sai ya ga cewa lamari ne mai matuƙar firgitarwa da kuma laifi mai girma. Yana cikin ruɗani kuma yana ganin yana da wuya ya fahimci yadda addini ko tsarin rayuwa zai amince da irin wannan abu. Sai ya yi tunani: ta yaya Musulunci zai halatta bautar bayi alhali dokokinsa da ƙa'idodinsa duka suna nuna 'yanci ga mutum daga kowane irin bauta? Sannan, cike da kunya, sai ya ce: Da dai Musulunci ya kwantar mana da zukata da hankula ta hanyar haramta bautar bayi a fili da bayyanannun kalmomi! Bari mu tsaya a nan na ɗan lokaci mu ga abin da tarihi zai faɗa mana. Gaskiyar magana ita ce, munanan laifukan da aka aikata wa bayi a Daular Roma sun yi nesa da tarihin Musulunci. Muna da isassun shaidu game da rayuwar bayi a duniyar Roma, waɗanda suka isa su nuna babban canjin da Musulunci ya kawo a makomarsu.

When a modern man looks at the problem of slavery with his twentieth century background and in the light of the hideous crimes perpetrated during the slave trade and the abominably barbarous treatment that was meted out to slaves (especially in the Roman Empire) he discovers it as a most shocking and horrid crime. He is at a loss and finds it extremely difficult to understand as to how such a thing could be approved of by a religion or a system of life. He wonders: how could Islam allow slavery when all its other laws and principles point towards the freedom of man from all types and forms of slavery? and then overwhelmed by a sense of shame he desires: would that Islam had set our hearts and minds at ease by banning slavery in clear, explicit terms! Let us pause here awhile and see as to what story the historical facts have got to tell us. The fact is that the hideous crimes committed against the slaves in the Roman Empire are quite foreign to Islamic history. We have got ample evidence with regard to the life the slaves in the Roman world led which is quite sufficient to illustrate the great change brought about by Islam in their fate.

Bawa a duniyar Romawa ana ɗaukar bawa a matsayin kawai "kaya" ba a matsayin ɗan adam ba. Ba shi da wani haƙƙi kwata-kwata, duk da cewa an ɗora masa nauyin ayyuka masu nauyi da wajibai. To daga ina waɗannan bayi suke zuwa? An kama su ne a yaƙe-yaƙe, waɗanda ba a fara su bisa wani ƙa'ida mai daraja ko manufofi masu girma ba, sai dai kawai don sha'awar kama wasu mutane a mai da su bayi da kuma cin zarafinsu don ƙara girman kai da arziki. Ana gwabza waɗannan yaƙe-yaƙe ne domin al'ummar Romawa su samu damar yin rayuwar almubazzaranci da jin daɗi, su more wankan sanyi da na zafi, tufafi masu tsada, abinci mai daɗi da ɗanɗano iri-iri, su kuma yi ta shagalin jin daɗin sha'awa: shaye-shaye, zina, rawa, da taruka da bukukuwan jama'a. Domin samar da waɗannan jin daɗi, sun mamaye sauran al'ummomi kuma suka ci zarafinsu ba tare da tausayi ba. Masar, wacce Musulunci ya 'yantar daga mulkin Romawa, ba a yi mata azabtarwa ba kaɗan. Ita ce rumbun alkama ga Daular Romawa, baya ga samar da wasu nau'ikan albarkatun ƙasa iri-iri.

The slave in the Roman world was considered a mere "commodity" and not a human being. He had no rights what so ever although he was encumbered with cumbrous duties and obligations. And whence did these slaves come? They were captured in wars, which were not initiated by any noble principle or lofty ideals but were solely directed by a wish to enslave other peoples and exploit them for self-aggrandizement. These wars were waged in order to enable the Roman people indulge in licentious luxuries and live in prosperity, enjoy cold and hot baths, costly costumes, delicious and tasty foods of every kind, and revel in sensual pleasures-drinking bouts, whoredom, dancing as well as public gatherings and festivals. In order to provide for these enjoyments they subjugated other nations and exploited them most mercilessly. Egypt which was freed from the Roman over lordship by Islam was treated no less cruelly. It constituted a granary of wheat for the Roman Empire, besides furnishing various kinds of other material resources.

Bawan ya kasance yanzu ba a ƙara ɗaukarsa a matsayin kawai abin ciniki ko kaya ba, sai dai an kalle shi a matsayin ɗan adam mai rai irin na ubangidansa, alhali a dā ana ɗaukarsa a matsayin halitta daban da ubangidansa, an halicce shi ne domin ya zama bawa, mai dacewa ta kowace fuska da ya sha wulakanci. Saboda wannan ra'ayi ne zuciyarsu ba ta taɓa damuwa ba idan suna kashe bayinsu, ko azabtar da su, ko ƙona su, ko sanya su yin ayyuka masu ƙyama da nauyi. Musulunci ya fitar da su daga wannan hali na bauta ƙasƙantacciya zuwa matsayi mai ɗaukaka na 'yan'uwantaka da 'yantattun mutane. Waɗannan nasarorin Musulunci ba ikirari kawai ba ne, gaskiya ce da tarihi ke shaidawa. Ko da marubuta masu nuna son kai na Turai ma suna yarda cewa a farkon zamanin Musulunci an ɗaukaka bawa zuwa wani matsayi mai daraja na ɗan adam irin wanda ba a taɓa gani ba a wani yanki na duniya. Sun samu matsayi mai martaba a cikin al'ummar Musulmi har ya sa 'yantattun bayi suna ƙyamar cin amanar tsoffin ubangidansu, duk da cewa yanzu ba sa buƙatar su ko tsoron su, kuma yanzu sun zama 'yanci kamar su. Dalilin hakan shi ne suna ɗaukar kansu a matsayin 'yan gidan tsoffin ubangidansu, kuma suna da alaƙa da su irin ta jini.

The slave was now no longer regarded just a commodity-a merchandize-but was looked Upon as a human being with a soul similar to that of his master, whereas in the past be was regarded as a being quite different from his master, and created to serve as a slave in every way fit to suffer humiliation, It was because of this notion that their conscience never twinged them when murdering, punishing, cauterizing, or making their slaves perform loathsome and burdensome jobs.4 Islam them from this state of abject slavery to the exalted status of brotherhood with free men. These achievements of Islam were not mere professions but a fact to which history bears witness. Even the prejudiced writers of Europe too admit that in the early period of Islam the slave was exalted to such a noble state of humanity as was never before witnessed in any other part of the world, They won so dignified a status within the Muslim community as made the freed slaves abhor betraying their erstwhile masters although now they stood in no need or fear of them and were now as free as they, The reason for this lay in the fact that they considered themselves to be members of the family of their previous masters and linked to them with ties akin to those of blood.

Har ila yau, bawa ya zama ana ɗaukarsa a matsayin ɗan adam wanda dokar Musulunci ta tabbatar da tsaron rayuwarsa, ta kuma hana aikata kowane irin take masa ta hanyar magana ko aiki. Dangane da magana, Manzon Allah ﷺ ya hana Musulmi kiran bayinsu da sunan bayi, sai ya umurce su da su yi musu magana ta yadda za su ji cewa su 'yan iyali ne, kuma ya kawar da alamar bauta daga jikinsu. Saboda haka ya ce: "Lalle ne Allah ya sanya ku masu iko a kansu; da Shi yana so, da Ya sanya su a ƙarƙashin ikonku kamar yadda kuke a ƙarƙashinsu." Ma'ana, yanayi da kaɗaici ne suka sa suka zama bayi, in ba haka ba, su daidai suke da masu bautar da su. Ta haka Musulunci ya rage wa masu bautar da su girman kai, kuma ya ɗaukaka matsayin bayi, don a haɗa su duka a cikin dangantaka ta ɗan adam kawai. Ya kusantar da su juna, ya kuma ƙarfafa soyayya a tsakaninsu, yana koya musu cewa soyayya, ba komai ba, ita ya kamata ta zama tushen dukkan dangantakarsu. Idan aka yi wa bawa rauni ko cutarwa a jiki, an tsara hukunci irin wancan ga duka biyun a fili. "Wanda ya kashe bawansa, za mu kashe shi," ka'ida ce bayyananniya a faɗinta, wadda duk ta nuna cewa an samu daidaito cikakke tsakanin bawa da mai bautar da shi, kamar yadda yake tsakanin mutum da mutum, tare da tabbatar wa kowannensu haƙƙin rayuwa a matsayin ɗan adam. Ta haka Musulunci ya bayyana cewa yanayin bauta bai hana bawa haƙƙoƙinsa na ɗan adam ba. Waɗannan tabbatattun kariya ba wai kawai suna isa su ba bawa tsaro da amincin rayuwa ba ne, har ma suna da karimci da daraja har babu wani misalin irinsu a tarihin dokokin bayi gaba ɗaya, ko kafin zuwan Musulunci ko bayansa. A cikin wannan al'amari Musulunci ya kai har ya haramta wa mai bawa ya mari bawansa, sai dai don gyara (wanda yake da iyakoki da aka tsara, ba za a ketare su ba ko a yi sakaci da su a kowane hali; hukuncin kuma yana kama da hukuncin da mai bawa zai iya yi wa 'ya'yansa idan sun aikata ɓarna). Wannan kuma ya ba da hujjar shari'a ta 'yantar da bayi. Da wannan muka wuce zuwa mataki na gaba, wato matakin 'yanta bayi a zahiri.

Also the slave now came to be regarded as a human being whose personal safety was guaranteed by law not permitting the commission of any transgression against him through word or act. As to the word, the Prophet forbade the Muslims to talk of their slaves as such and instead commanded them to address them in a manner that should make them think of themselves as members of their family, and blot out from their persons the stigma of slavery. With this in view he said: “Sure/y God has made you their masters: and if He had willed He could have likewise given you in their possession as slaves".1 This means that it was the particular conditions and circumstances that had made them slaves, otherwise they were as good as their masters. In this way Islam deflated a little the swollen pride of the masters along with raising the status of slaves so as to connect them all in a purely human relationship. It brought them closer and fostered love among them telling them that love and nothing else should form the basis of all their mutual relationships. In the case of physical harm or injury, for both of them a kindred punishment was explicitly laid down. “He who Slavs his slave we shall put him to death," is a principle very clear in its vast implications, all of which go to show that a state of perfect equality prevailed between the slave and his master as between one man and another, besides guaranteeing to both of them the right to live as human beings. Thus Islam made it clear that the present situation slavery-did not preclude them from their rights as human beings, These guarantees were not only quite sufficient to grant a slave his safety and security of life but were also so generous and noble that no other parallel in the whole history of slave laws exists at all either before or after the advent of Islam. In this respect Islam went to such an extent that it forbade the master to even slap his slave, except for the purpose of correction (which has its own prescribed limits that may neither be passed by nor overlooked under any circumstances, the punishment given being, however, similar to the punishment the master may award his own children on their mischief). This also provided a legal justification for setting the slaves at liberty. And with this we pass on to the next stage-the stage of actual enfranchisement.

Saboda haka sai ya yi aiki wajen ainihin 'yanci ga bayi ta hanyoyi biyu masu muhimmanci: (1) 'yantar da su da masu su suka yi da radin kansu (Al Itq) da (2) rubuta 'yancinsu (Mukatabah). (1) Game da na farko (wato Al Itq), aiki ne na radin kai daga bangaren mai bawa idan ya saki bawa ya zama 'yantacce. Musulunci ya ƙarfafa wannan aiki sosai, kuma Manzon Allah ﷺ da kansa ya kafa mafi kyawun misali ga mabiyansa a wannan fanni. Ya 'yantar da dukkan bayin da yake da su. Sahabbansa sun bi misalinsa, musamman Abu Bakr, wanda ya kashe makudan kudi wajen sayen bayi daga shugabannin mushrikai na Quraish don daga bisani ya 'yanta su. Haka kuma, ana sayen bayi daga Baitul-mali a duk lokacin da aka samu kudi da za a iya kashewa a kan haka don a 'yantar da su. Yahya bin Sa'eed ya ce: "Umar bin Abdul Aziz ya aike ni in tara sadaka daga Afirka. Na tara sadakar, sannan na nemi talakawa domin in raba musu ita, amma ban sami kowa ba, haka nan ban sami wanda zai karɓa daga hannuna ba, domin Umar bin Abdul Aziz ya wadata mutane. Don haka sai na sayi bawa da kudin, sannan na 'yantar da shi." Manzon Allah ﷺ yana 'yantar da bawan da zai koyar da karatu da rubutu ga musulmi goma, ko kuma ya yi wani hidima makamanciyar haka ga al'ummar musulmi. Al-Qur'ani ya umarta cewa kaffarar wasu zunubai ita ce 'yantar da bawa, kamar yadda Manzon Allah ﷺ ya ƙarfafa hakan domin gyara duk wani zunubi da mutum zai aikata. Wannan ya taimaka fiye da komai wajen kawo 'yanci ga mafi yawan bayi, domin babu wanda zai iya fatan kubuta gaba ɗaya daga zunubi, kamar yadda Manzon Allah ﷺ ya ce: "Dukkan 'ya'yan Adam masu zunubi ne." Ya dace a nuna anan ɗaya daga cikin kaffarorin da Musulunci ya tsara domin zunubai, domin hakan yana nuna matsayin Musulunci game da bauta sosai. Islam prescribed that the expiation for killing a believer by mistake was the freeing of a believing slave and the payment of blood money to his people: "And whoever kills a believer by mistake, he should free a believing slave, and blood money should be paid to his people" (iv: 92). The man killed by mistake was a human being whose services were lost to his people and to the community without any lawful justification. For this reason, Islam prescribed that compensation be made to both parties: his people, who receive a just blood money, and the society, which receives another man to serve in his place, namely the newly freed believing slave. Thus the freeing of a slave meant bringing a human being back to life as a compensation for the one who was lost through being killed by mistake. As is clear from this, Islam views slavery as death, or a state very much similar to it, notwithstanding all the protections it did provide for a slave. That is why it eagerly seized every opportunity to revive this wretched class of human beings by restoring their liberty.

Therefore it proceeded to bring about the actual freedom of the slaves by two important means: (1) voluntary emancipation by the masters (Al Itq) and (2) writing of their freedom (Mukatabah), (1) As to the first of these (i.e. Al Itq) it was a voluntary act on the part of the master to set a slave at liberty. The practice was greatly encouraged by Islam and the Holy Prophet himself in this regard too provided the best example for-his followers. He freed all the slaves he had. His companions followed his example, Abu Bakr in Particular, spending large sums of money on buying off slaves from the idolatrous chiefs of Quraish to set them free later on. Besides this the slaves were also bought out of the Public Exchequer whenever there was some money to spare for this purpose so as to set them free. Yahya bin Saeed says: "Umar bin Abdul Aziz sent me to collect alms from Africa. I collected the alms and then looked for the poor to distribute the alms among them but I found none, nor I found anyone who might have accepted these from me, for Umar bin Abdul Aziz had enriched the people. So I bought a slave with the money and then set him free". The Holy Prophet used to free a slave who would teach reading and writing to ten Muslims or render any other kindred service to the Muslim Community. The Qur'an enjoined that atonement for some of the sins consisted in freeing of slaves as also the Holy Prophet encouraged it for the reparation of any other sin one might commit. This contributed more than anything to bring liberty to the greatest number of slaves, for no man could hope to be wholly free from sin as the Holy Prophet said: “All sons of Adam are sinners". It may be well to point out here one of the atonements prescribed by Islam for sins, as it in particular illustrates the stand point of Islam with regard to slavery. Islam prescribed that redemption for the killing of a believer by mistake was the freeing of a believing slave and paying blood money to his people: “And whoever kills a believer by mistake, he should free a believing slave, and blood money should be paid to his people” (iv : 92). The murdered man killed by mistake was a human being of whose services his people as well as the community were deprived without any legal justification, for which reason Islam prescribed that a compensation should be made to both parties his people and the society: his people getting a just blood money and the society another man to serve it in his place i.e., the newly freed believing slave. Thus the freeing of a slave meant bringing back to life a human being as a compensation for the one who was lost due to his being killed by mistake. As is clear from this, Islam views slavery as death or a state very much similar to it notwithstanding all those securities that it did provide for a slave. That is why it eagerly snatched every opportunity to resuscitate this wretched class of human beings by restoring to them their liberty.

Waɗannan abubuwa biyu sun isa su karyata ƙaryar da 'yan gurguzu ke yi, waɗanda ke iƙirarin cewa dukkan tsare-tsare, har da Musulunci, ba kome ba ne face wani mataki na musamman a cigaban tattalin arzikin ɗan Adam. Bisa ga dokar materialism na diyalectics, Musulunci ma, tare da dukkan imani da ra'ayoyinsa, ya zo ne a lokacin da ya fi dacewa da shi, yana nuna yanayin tattalin arziki da na abin duniya na zamanin, domin tsari, a cewarsu, yana iya nuna rayuwar tattalin arziki kawai, amma ba zai taba hasashen wani mataki na gaba na tattalin arziki ba. Suna jaddada cewa wannan ka'ida ba za ta iya zama ƙarya ba, domin hankalin Wanda "ba za a iya yi masa tasiri da ƙarya daga sama ko daga ƙasa ba" ya tabbatar da ita, wato hankalin Karl Marx, Mafi Ɗaukaka kuma Mafi Albarka! Amma Musulunci ya rushe tushen wannan ƙarya, shi kuma hujja ce madawwamiya a kan dukkan wannan wautar Marxist, domin bai bunƙasa ta hanyar da Marx ya tsara ba, a cikin tsibirin Larabawa, ko a wajensa a ko'ina a duniya. Wannan gaskiya ce ba kawai game da rayuwar bayi a ƙarƙashin Musulunci ba, har ma ta yadda yake raba dukiya, da yadda yake ƙayyade dangantaka tsakanin mai mulki da wanda ake mulka, da kuma dangantakar ubangida da ma'aikacinsa.1 A ɗaya ɓangaren kuma, Musulunci ya gina dukkan ginshiƙin zamantakewa da tattalin arzikinsa bisa biyayya ta yardar rai, irin wadda ta kasance, ta fuskoki da dama, har yanzu ba a iya wuce ta ko kwatanta ta ba a tarihin tsare-tsaren zamantakewa.

These two things are sufficient to confute the false assertions of the communists, who claim that all systems including Islam represent but a particular stage in the economic development of mankind. Faithful to the law of dialectical materialism thus Islam too with all its beliefs and views came at a time best suited for it, reflecting the economic and material conditions of the period, for a system may, according to them only reflect the economic life but can by no means anticipate a future economic stage. They insist that this theory cannot be false as it has been testified by the Reason of the One who "can neither be influenced with falsehood from above nor from below"-the Reason of Karl Marx, the most Exalted and Blessed one! But the bottom is knocked out of this falsehood by Islam- standing refutation of all this Marxist humbug, for it did not work up its way in the manner Marx prescribed, inside the Arabian peninsula, nor outside it all the world over, And this is true not only with regard to the life of slaves under Islam but is equally tenable in its manner of distributing wealth, in determining the mutual relationship of the ruler and the ruled, and of a master's to his hireling.1 On the other hand, Islam raised its whole social and economic superstructure on voluntary obedience of such a style as in many ways still remains unsurpassed and unmatched in the history of social systems.

Da farko dai, dole a rubuta cewa a lokacin da Musulunci ya zo, bautar da mutane (bayi) tana yaduwa a ko'ina a duniya a matsayin wani abu da aka amince da shi a rayuwar zamantakewa da tattalin arziki. Kusan ba a samun mutum da zai ƙi ta, ko kuma wanda ya ji buƙatar canji. Saboda haka, sauya ta ko kawar da ita gaba ɗaya yana buƙatar hanya a hankali ta tsawon lokaci mai yawa. Haka muke ganin cewa haramta barasa ba a yi ta nan take ba, sai bayan shekaru na shiri, duk da cewa ita ce, fiye da kowane abu, al'ada ta mutum ɗaya, kuma tana da tasiri mai yawa a zamantakewa. Wasu Larabawa ma sun guji shan ta tun a zamanin jahiliyya, suna ganin cewa abin ƙasƙanci ne ga mutum mai daraja. Amma bautar da mutane kuwa suna kallonta ta wata hanya daban. Tana da tushe mai zurfi a tsarin zamantakewar lokacin da kuma a tunanin mutane, tana da tasiri a kan mutum da kuma al'umma da tattalin arziki, kuma, kamar yadda muka lura a sama, babu wanda yake ganin kasancewarta a matsayin abu mara kyau. Shi ya sa kawar da ita ya buƙaci lokaci mai tsawo fiye da rayuwar Annabi ﷺ, lokacin da ya yi daidai da lokacin saukar wahayi ta gare shi. God, Mafi Sanin duk abin da Ya halitta, ya san cewa haramta giya gaba ɗaya za a cimma ta cikin ʼyan shekaru ta hanyar umarni kawai.

In the first place then it must be recorded that when Islam came, slavery was prevalent throughout the world as an acknowledged fact of socio-economic existence, There was hardly a man to be met with who was repelled by it, or who felt any need for a change. As such the changing or the total discarding of it required a gradual process stretched over a long period of time. Thus we see that prohibition of liquor was effected not immediately but after years of preparation although it before all other things constituted a mere individual habit, not withstanding the fact that it carried so many social implications as well and that some of the Arabs practiced abstinence even in the days of ignorance believing it a vice degrading for a truly noble man. But slavery was looked upon by them as something quite different. It was deep-rooted in the social structure of the time as well as the psychology of the individuals, it entailed individual as well as social and economical implications and, as we observed above, nobody regarded its existence as something undesirable, That is why its abolition required a period of time far longer than the life of the Holy Prophet, the period which coincided with the period of Divine revelation through him. God, the Best Knower of all that He created, knew that the total prohibition of wine would be achieved after a few years by a mere commandment.

Lokacin da muke cewa Musulunci addini ne na dukan ɗan Adam da na dukan zamani, kuma yana ƙunshe da dukan abubuwa masu lafiya da ake buƙata domin rayuwa mai kyau ta kasance kuma ta ci gaba, ba ma nufin cewa ya riga ya shimfiɗa dukan ƙa'idoji dalla-dalla domin kowane zamani da kowace ƙasa. A'a, ba haka yake ba, domin ya bayar da waɗannan umarni dalla-dalla ne kawai game da matsalolin rayuwar ɗan Adam na asali waɗanda ba sa canzawa ta cikin sauye-sauyen tarihi daban-daban, domin tushen waɗannan matsaloli yana zurfi a cikin maɓuɓɓugan dabi'ar ɗan Adam marasa canzawa. Game da yanayin rayuwa da ke canzawa koyaushe, Musulunci ya yi farin ciki da shimfiɗa wasu ƙa'idoji na gabaɗaya dominsu, don ya zayyana hanyar ci gabansu a nan gaba. Wannan shi ne ainihin abin da ya yi game da matsalar bauta. Ya shimfiɗa tushe mai kyau na 'yantar da bayi ta hanyar 'yanci da ake yi da yardar rai ko ta hanyar fansar 'yancinsu, baya ga nuna hanyar warware wannan tsohuwar matsala mai sarƙaƙiya ta dindindin a nan gaba.

When we say that Islam is a religion for all mankind and for all times, and that it embraces in itself all the healthy elements necessary for the existence and continuance of good life, we do not at all mean that it has once for all laid down all the detailed rules for all times and climes. No, that is not so, for it has given such detailed directions only with regard to those basic human problems that remain unaltered through all the different vicissitudes of history, for the roots of these problems lie deep in the unchangeable, instinctive headsprings of human nature. As to the ever-changing conditions of life, Islam is content with laying down some general principles for them so as to outline their future course of development. This is precisely what it did with respect to the problem of slavery. It laid down a sound basis for the freeing of slaves through voluntary enfranchisement or by the ransoming of their freedom besides pointing out the course to a permanent resolution of this old and complicated problem in future.

Musulunci bai nufin canza yanayin ɗan Adam ba. Maimakon haka, ya nemi horar da shi da kyautatawa, yana la'akari da iyakokinsa da babu makawa, domin ya taimaka masa ya hau zuwa matakai mafi girma na kamala ba tare da amfani da tilastawa ko danniya ba. Ya samu nasara mai ban mamaki wajen canza wasu daidaikun mutane. Dangane da al'umma baki ɗaya kuwa, nasararsa ma ba ƙarama ba ce: babu abin da ya yi kama da ita a tarihin ɗan Adam. Amma duk da haka, bai nufi canza mutane zuwa wani matsayi na kamala mai wuya kuma wanda ba zai yiwu ba a rayuwar mutane ta yau da kullum tare da dukkan iyakokinsu na ɗan Adam ba. Gama da Allah ya nufi hakan, da tun farko ya halicci mutane kamar mala'iku, ya kuma umarce su su ɗauki nauyin da mala'iku kawai za su iya ɗauka, waɗanda aka ce game da su: "Ba sa sabawa Allah a cikin abin da ya umarce su, kuma suna aikata abin da aka umarce su" (Suratut-Tahrim: 6). Allah bai nufi mayar da mutane mala'iku irin waɗannan ba. Maimakon haka, ya halicce su mutane, kuma a matsayinsu na mutane, Yana sane da ƙarfinsu da lokacin da ake buƙata domin su bunƙasa, ta yadda za su iya bin umarni da aiwatar da shi yadda ya kamata. Duk da haka, ya isa Musulunci ya zama farkon wanda ya fara yunƙurin 'yantar da bayi, wanda duniya ta ɗauki kimanin ƙarni bakwai kafin ta karɓa da aiwatarwa. Gaskiya ne cewa Musulunci ya kusan kawo ƙarshen bauta a tsibirin Larabawa cikin ɗan lokaci. Kuma sai dai kasancewar sabuwar hanyar bauta da ta sa bauta ta ci gaba a ko'ina a duniya, da yana iya ɗaukar matakin kawar da ita sosai a dukkan duniyar Musulunci. A gaban wannan sabon dalilin bauta, ba zai yiwu Musulunci ya kawar da ita gaba ɗaya ba, domin ya shafi ba Musulmai kaɗai ba, har ma da abokan hamayyarsu, waɗanda Musulunci ba shi da iko ko ikon sarrafa su. Tushen da ya hana bautar da ake yi gaba ɗaya ya ƙare shi ne yaƙi, wanda shi ne mafi yawan tushen bauta a wancan lokaci. Za mu tattauna shi a taƙaice cikin ɗan ɗalla-ɗalla.

Islam did not mean to change human nature. It rather sought to civilize it making due allowance for its inevitable limitations so as to help it ascend the highest possible planes of perfection without any recourse to suppression or repression. It recorded a miraculous success in transforming some individuals. As regards human society as a whole its success was no less glorious: it bears no analogy to anything else ever achieved in the domain of human history. But despite all this it did not aim at transmuting human beings to a degree of perfection both rare as well as impossible in the practical life of human beings with all their present human limitations. For, if God had intended that, He would have from the very first created men like angels and as such ordered them to bear burdens that can be borne by angels only, of whom it is said that: "They do not disobey God in all that He orders them: and they do what they are commanded to” (Ixvi : 6). God did not intend to transmute men into angels such as these. He rather made them men and as such He knows their potentialities and the time necessary for their flourishing so as to enable them to follow and successfully execute an order. However it is quite sufficient for Islam to be the first to initiate the emancipation movement which took the world some seven centuries to adopt and enforce. The fact nonetheless is that Islam had before long practically put an end to slavery in the Arabian peninsula and but for the presence of a new headspring of slavery due to which slavery lingered on everywhere in the world, it was quite capable of undertaking in earnest its similar effacement in the whole world of Islam. In the presence of this new cause of servitude it was not possible for Islam to abolish it outright, for it concerned not only the Muslims but their opponents as well on whom Islam exercised no control or power. The source that thus prevented the total effacement of slavery was war, the most fruitful source of slavery at the time. We would discuss it shortly in some detail.

Babban fifiko na Musulunci dangane da bautar da mutane (bauta) yana bayyana ta fannoni daban-daban. Ya nufi 'yantar da bayi a zahiri da kuma a ciki, amma domin cimma wannan buri bai dogara kawai ga fatan alheri ba, kamar yadda Abraham Lincoln ya yi ta hanyar fitar da doka ba tare da shirya bayin a hankali ba. Wannan yana nuna zurfin fahimtar Musulunci game da yanayin ɗan Adam, da kuma yadda ya yi amfani da duk hanyoyin da suka dace don cimma manufarsa. Ba wai kawai ya mayar wa waɗannan mutane 'yancinsu cikakke ba, har ma ya horar da su domin su kare shi da kuma ɗaukar nauyin da ke tare da shi. Ya shigar da ruhin ƙauna da haɗin kai a cikin dukkan al'umma. Bai jira har sai rikici ya ɓarke a cikin al'umma saboda waɗannan haƙƙoƙi ba, kamar yadda ya faru a Turai, wanda ya bar baya da mummunan gado na ƙiyayya da kishi mai zafi, tare da kwashe dukkan tushen ruhi a zuciyar ɗan Adam. A ƙarshe, bari mu yanzu mu duba babban tushe da Musulunci ya bi wajen cimma 'yantar da bayi gaba ɗaya, bayan an bi hanya mai kyau ta ɗaukaka ruhin bayin.

The great superiority of Islam with regard to slavery is manifest in various aspects. It aimed at freeing slaves externally as well as internally but to achieve that end it did not merely rely upon the pious wishes as Abraham Lincoln had done by issuing an order without preparing slaves mentally. This demonstrates Islam's deep understanding of the human nature and how it employed all possible means to achieve its objective. It not only liberally restored these people's liberty but also trained them so as to safeguard it and bear responsibilities flowing from it. It infused a spirit of love and cooperation throughout the society. It did not wait till conflicts should break out within the society over these rights as had happened in Europe leaving behind them an odious legacy of bitter malice and hatred and sapping all the spiritual headsprings in human heart. In the end, let us now take up the main basis on which Islam worked out the final emancipation after a due process of spiritual elevation of slaves.

A waɗannan yanayin da ake ciki, Musulunci ba zai iya sakin dukkan fursunonin da suka fada hannunsa daga sansanin yaƙi nan take ba, domin hakan ba kawai zai zama manufa mara kyau ba, har ma zai zama kamar ƙarfafa abokan gābansa, musamman yayin da Musulmi da 'yan uwansu da na kusa da su da aka kama a yaƙi ke zama bayi a hannun abokan gāba, ana azabtar da su, ana cin zarafinsu da wulakanta su ta kowace hanya. A irin wannan yanayi, mafi kyau kuma hanya daya tilo da ta rage wa Musulunci ita ce ya yi wa fursunonin irin abin da su ke yi wa Musulmi, su yi musu kamar yadda suka yi musu. Musulunci ba zai iya kawar da bautar fursunonin yaƙi shi kaɗai ba, alhali abokan gāba sun dage akan ci gaba da ita. Don haka an yarda da wannan al'ada muddin babu wata hanya madaba, har zuwa lokacin da al'ummomin duniya baki ɗaya za su amince da juna bisa tsarin da ba bauta ba wajen mu'amala da fursunonin yaƙinsu. Kuma kada mu manta da babban bambanci tsakanin Musulunci da sauran addinai a yaƙe-yakensu da kuma yadda suke mu'amala da fursunonin da ake kama a waɗannan yaƙe-yaƙe.

As the conditions stood, it was not possible for Islam to forth with set at liberty all the prisoners falling in its hands from the camp, for it would have not only been a piece of bad policy but would have also implied a virtual encouragement to its enemies especially as the Muslims as well as their dear and near ones captured in war were being made slaves by the enemies and exposed to all sorts of tortures, atrocities and humiliations. In such circumstances, the best and the only course left Open to Islam was to treat them as captives as they treated the Muslims, The enslaving of the prisoners of war could not be abolished unilaterally by Islam when the enemies insisted on its continuance. So the practice was tolerated just so long as there did exist no alternative to it and till the time the peoples all the world over should agree among themselves Upon a basis other than that of slavery in dealing with their prisoners of war. We must not also overlook the great difference between Islam and other religions in their wars or the treatment of the prisoners captured in these wars.

(2) Duk da cewa a Turai bauta ta yi yawa ta kowace irin siga ba tare da wata larura ta gaske ba, Turawan ba su taba kawar da ita ba ko da a lokacin da daga karshe suka sauko suka haramta ta. Marubutan Turawa da kansu sun yarda cewa bauta a Turai ta kare ne kawai lokacin da, saboda matsalolin tattalin arzikinsu, rashin niyyar yin aiki tukuru da rashin iyawarsu ta yin aiki, bayi suka zama nauyin tattalin arziki a kan masu su maimakon riba. Mai bawa ya kashe kudi masu yawa wajen ciyarwa da lura da bayinsa fiye da ribar da yake samu sakamakon aikinsu. Don haka, wani dalili kawai na tattalin arziki, wato batun riba da asara, ne ya taimaka wajen 'yantar da wadannan bayin Turai, kuma a haka ba shi da wata alaka da manufa mai daraja wadda ke girmama kowane mutum saboda dan adam ne, kuma wadda, ta wannan ra'ayi mai daraja na dan adam, ta mayar wa bawa 'yancinsa. 'Yancin da bayin Turai suka samu ya zama abu maras muhimmanci idan aka duba shi a cikin yanayin juyin-juya-hali jere-jere da suka barke a can sakamakon rashin natsuwar bayi, wadanda a karshe suka sa ba zai yiwu masu su su ci gaba da rike su a karkashin mulki ba.

(2) Despite the fact that in Europe slavery prevailed in so many forms without any genuine need, the Europeans in fact did never abolish it even when they at last condescended to ban it. European writers themselves confess that in fact slavery in Europe came to an end only when due to their economic difficulties, lack of will to exert themselves and their incapacity to work, the slaves became more of an economic liability than an asset to their masters. The master had to spend far larger amounts of money on the sustenance and supervision of their slaves than the profits they got back as a result of their exertion. It was thus a Purely economic factor just a matter of profit and loss-that helped in bringing about the liberation of these European slaves and as such it bears no analogy to the lofty ideal that respected every man for his humanity and which inspired by that lofty concept of humanity restored to the slave his freedom. The freedom thus Won by the slave in Europe sinks into insignificance when viewed in the context of those successive revolutions that broke out there as a result of the restlessness among slaves and which in the end made it impossible for their masters to hold them any longer in subjection.

Kada mu bari a yaudare mu da sunaye masu kyau. Juyin Juya Halin Faransa a Turai da Lincoln a Amurka sun kawar da bautar da su, tare da fahimtar da mutane a ko'ina a duniya suka yi na murkushe ta a dukkan sifofinta, amma duk waɗannan sunaye ne kawai, masu kyau, hakika, domin, shin an kawar da bauta a zahiri? Shin zalunci ba ya ci gaba da yawo a ko'ina a duniya a sifofi daban-daban ba? Me ake kira abin da Faransawa suka yi a Aljeriya? Da wane suna za mu iya kwatanta munanan laifukan Amurkawa ga baƙaƙen fata a can, da miyagun ayyukan Turawan Ingila ga mutanen baƙi a Afirka ta Kudu? Shin bauta a zahiri ba ita ce mayar da al'umma ƙarƙashin wata al'umma da hana wani rukunin mutane haƙƙoƙin da sauran mutane kamar su ke morewa ba? Ma'anarta kenan, babu wani abu kuma. To me ya sa ba za mu kira abu da sunansa ba? Me ya sa za mu sanya wa waɗannan nau'ikan bauta sunayen 'yanci, 'yan'uwantaka, da daidaito? Domin tabbas adon saman ba shi da amfani inda laifukan da ake aikatawa a ƙasa suke da muni da ban tsoro fiye da duk abin da ɗan Adam ya taɓa gani a tsawon tarihinsa a duniya.

We should not be taken in by beautiful names. The French Revolution in Europe and Lincoln in America abolished slavery along with the understanding among the peoples the world over to suppress it in all its forms hut all these were mere names, beautiful ones, of course, for, has slavery been abolished in reality? Isn't tyranny still strutting all the world over in different guises? What is called that which the French did in Algeria? In what other terms can we describe the black crimes of the Americans towards the negroes there, and the felonies of the English against the colored people of South Africa? Is not slavery in effect the subjection of a nation to another and the deprivation of a class of people of the rights enjoyed by other men like themselves? It means just that and nothing else. Why should we not then call a spade a spade? Why misname these different forms of slavery as liberty, fraternity, and equality? For, surely the surface decoration is of little value where the crimes perpetrated underneath are of the most monstrous and hideous nature yet witnessed by mankind during their long career on the earth.

Amma wayewar kan zamani mai ƙazanta ba ta da gaskiya da bayyana gaskiya game da manufofinta na gaske da hanyoyinta. Tana fice a abu guda kawai: wajen zana wajenta da launuka mafi haske, kyakkyawa a waje amma duhu da baƙin ciki a ciki. Ta kashe dubban mutane a Tunis, Aljeriya da Morocco kawai saboda sun nemi 'yancinsu da mutuncin ɗan Adam; 'yancin rayuwa a ƙasashensu ba tare da shiga tsakani daga ƙasashen waje ba; 'yancin yin magana da harshensu, bin akidarsu da addininsu, da samun ƙasa mai 'yanci da kuma sa baki kai tsaye wajen tsara dangantakarsu ta siyasa da tattalin arziki da sauran duniya. Sun kashe waɗannan mutane marasa laifi, suka jefa su cikin kurkukun ƙazanta ba tare da abinci ko ruwa ba, suka keta mutuncinsu, suka yi wa matansu fyaɗe.... suka kashe su suka shaƙe cikinsu don su yi caca kan ko yaron da suke ɗauke da shi namiji ne ko mace. Ana aikata waɗannan manyan laifuka, amma wayewar karni na ashirin mai munafunci tana kwatanta su da yaɗa ka'idojin 'yanci, 'yan'uwantaka da daidaito, alhali kuma kyautatawar Musulunci ga bayi cikin son rai, cikin kyakkyawan tsari, da girmamawa da karimci shekaru dubu da ɗari uku da suka wuce, da bayyana cewa bauta ba yanayi ne na dindindin ga rayuwa ba face na ɗan lokaci, ana kiran su koma baya, ra'ayin komawa baya da zalunci! Haka kuma wannan wayewar da take ɗauke da munafunci ba ta ganin wani abin mamaki a cikin cewa Amurkawa suna sanya sanarwa a otal-otalensu da wuraren jama'a masu cewa: "Don farar fata kaɗai"; "Baƙi da karnuka ba a yarda ba"; kuma a lokacin da wani gungun Amurkawa farare masu "wayewa" suka kashe wani mutum baƙar fata ba tausayi, suna jefa shi ƙasa suna ta harba shi da takalmansu har sai ya mutu, saboda ya yi ƙarfin halin yin soyayya da wata yarinya Ba'amurkiya farar fata, kuma ko da yake shi baƙar fata ne, amma ita ce ta fara nuna sha'awa ba shi ba, yayin da 'yan sanda ke tsaye a gefe suna kallo ba tare da sun yi komai don hana su ko su ceci ɗaya daga cikin 'yan ƙasarsu da ke tare da su ta hanyar harshe, addini da kuma ɗan adam ba. Suna aikata duk waɗannan laifuffuka masu ban tsoro, amma har yanzu suna nan a matsayin "masu wayewa" kamar kullum, kuma ana ɗaukar ƙasarsu a matsayin kololuwar wayewa da ci gaba na zamani!! Sabanin haka, mun ga cewa a lokacin da wani bawan Farisa ya yi barazanar kashe Umar, ya ƙi karɓar Musulunci, kuma ya ƙi biyan Jizyah ga ƙasar Musulunci, an yi musu kallon abokan gaba na gaske waɗanda ke ci gaba da adawa da Musulunci da taurin kai, suna ƙin tayin zaman lafiya. Su ne mutanen da suka ɗauki kansu a matsayin masu hana yaɗuwar Gaskiya da Haske, suna amfani da dukkan ƙarfinsu ba tare da tausayi ba. Umar bai ce wa bawan komai ba, duk da cewa ya fahimci abin da barazanar ke nufi. Ba a kama bawan ba, ba a kore shi daga ƙasar ba, kuma Umar bai umarci a kashe shi ba bisa hujjar cewa shi memba ne na nau'in mutanen da ba su kai ga mutum ba, waɗanda saboda son zuciya da girman kai suka dage kan bautar ƙarya ko da bayan sun gani da idanunsu gaskiya da haske.

But the meretricious civilization of modern times is neither so frank nor straightforward with regard to its real aims and methods. It excels in one thing only: in painting its exterior in the brightest of colors, elegant outwardly but dark and gloomy from within. It killed hundreds of thousands of people in Tunis, Algeria and Morocco just because they demanded their freedom and human dignity; freedom to live in their respective homelands without any intrusion from abroad; the freedom to speak their own tongue, to follow their creed and religion, and to have a free homeland and a direct share in determining their political and economic relations with the rest of the world. They killed these innocent people, hauled them into loathsome dungeons without food or water, violated their honor, raped their womenfolk....killed them and ripped up their bellies wagering if the child they carried was a male or a female. These monstrous crimes are committed, but the twentieth century hypocritical civilization describes them as the propagation of the principles of liberty, fraternity and equality, whereas Islam's voluntary, ideal, respectful and generous treatment of slaves thirteen centuries ago, and its declaration that slavery was not a permanent condition of life but only a temporary one, are called backwardness, reactionarism and barbarism! Similarly, this hypocritical civilization finds nothing shocking if the Americans put on their hotels and public places the notices announcing' "For the Whites only"; "The Black and Dogs not allowed"; and when a crowd of "civilized" white Americans mercilessly lynch a colored man throwing him on the ground and kicking him round with their boots till he is dead, for he despite being colored had dared succumb to the temptation of having relations with a white American girl, with the initiative, however, coming from her and not from him, while during all this the policemen stand around passively and do nothing to stop them or save one of their compatriots united to them through common bonds of language, religion as well as humanity. They perpetrate all these monstrous crimes and still they remain as "civilized" as ever, and their nation is looked upon as a pinnacle of modern civilization and progress!! As against this we see that when a Parsee slave threatened Omar with assassination, refused Islam as well as denied to pay the Jizyah to the Islamic state, they were treated as real antagonists obstinately continuing their hostilities against Islam and turning down its offer for a peaceful agreement. They were the people who took upon themselves to arrest the spread of Truth and Light ruthlessly employing all Omar did not say anything to the slave although he understood what the threat implied. The slave was neither imprisoned, nor banished from the country, nor did Omar order his execution on the plea that he belonged to a sub-human species who out of sheer prejudice and insolence insisted on worshipping falsehood even after he had with his own eyes seen the truth and the light.

A kuma, a daya bangaren, muna ganin cewa ana zaluntar mutanen Afirka masu launin fata, ana kashe su ko, kamar yadda jaridun Ingila suke fada, ana farautar su; ana kuma hana su hakkokinsu na dan Adam saboda sun kuskura sun fahimci mutuncinsu na dan Adam, sun kuma nemi 'yancinsu daga hannun mutanen Ingila. Wannan shi ne adalcin Ingila a mafi girmansa, kuma wayewar dan Adam a mafi kyawunta!! Kuma wadannan ne ainihin ka'idojin dabi'a "masu daukaka" da "daraja" wadanda Turai ke da'awar fifiko da mulki a kan duniya baki daya. Amma dangane da Musulunci, yana da matukar tsanani da rashin muhimmanci, domin da ya dauki hanyar yin irin wannan magani ga makiyansa, ya yarda a bautar da fursunonin yaki na wani lokaci, ba tare da amincewa da bauta a ka'ida ba. Haka kuma yana da matukar koma baya, domin bai taba halatta "farautar mutane" ba, kuma bai taba shiga kisan mutane saboda suna da bakar fata ba. Nesa da haka, kin amincewarsa da abin da ya saba ya kai har ya bayyana cewa: "Ku ji kuma ku yi biyayya ko da wanda aka nada muku bawan bakar fata ne mai kan kamar zabibi".

On the other hand, we see that the colored people of Africa are oppressed, killed or, as the English papers put it, are hunted down; and their human rights withheld from them as they have dared realize their human dignity and so demand of the English people their freedom. This is the English justice at its highest and the human civilization at its best!! And these precisely arc the "sublime" and "glorious" moral principles on the basis of which Europe claims precedence and dominance over the whole of the world. But so far as Islam is concerned it is extremely barbarous and frivolous, for adopting the course of a like-treatment towards its enemies, it allowed the enslaving of prisoners of war temporarily without, however, approving of slavery in principle. It is also very backward, for it never allowed 'man-hunting,' nor did it indulge in the killing of men because of their having a black skin. Far from that, its reactionarism advanced to such an extent that it declared: "Hear and obey even if the one appointed over you be a negro slave with a raisin-like head".

Mai karatu zai iya haduwa da masu goyon baya da masu kare ɗaya daga cikin waɗannan tsarin biyu, amma kada ya taɓa yaudaruwa da kiran da suke yi da ƙarfi, idan dai zai tuna duk abin da muka taƙaita a sama. Daga nan zai iya yanke hukunci da kansa ko waɗannan tsarin biyu - jari-hujja da kwaminisanci - sun wuce ci gaba da waɗancan tsare-tsaren bauta na ƙarnuka da aka ɗora wa mutane da sunan wayewa da ci gaban al'umma. Haka kuma zai iya ganin ko bil'adama cikin shekaru dubu da ɗari huɗu da suka wuce ya ci gaba da tafiya a hanyar ci gaba da ɗaukaka ta hanyar watsi da shiriyar Musulunci, ko kuwa ya kasance yana ƙara faɗuwa ƙasa, yana ci gaba da nutsewa, wanda hakan ke nuna yadda yake matuƙar buƙatar shiriyar Musulunci don ya fita daga duhun da ya daɗe yana ciki. Amma wasu mutane masu bauta suna shirye su karɓi yanayinsu na bautar da suka yi a baya da yardar rai. Duk da haka, irin wannan shirin da wasu mutane masu bauta suke yi na barin matsayinsu na 'yanci a matsayin ɗan adam ba hujja ba ce ta ci gaba da bautar su bisa ga Musulunci da kuma duk wani addini ko falsafar rayuwa. Wannan al'amari, duk da haka, abin baƙin ciki ne ƙwarai da ke nuna tsarin rayuwar da ke haifar da yanayin tattalin arziƙi, zamantakewa, siyasa, falsafa da ruhaniya wanda a ƙarƙashinsa mutane ke...

The reader may come across the votaries and supporters of one or the other of these systems but he should never be taken in by their loud professions if he would but keep in mind all that we have briefly sketched above. From this he can easily judge for himself if both these systems-capitalism and communism-are anything more than the continuance of all those centuries-old forms of slavery that have been imposed on the people in the name of civilization and social development. He can also see whether mankind during the last fourteen centuries has continually moved ahead on the path of progress and glory by ignoring the guidance of Islam or has it in stead been steadily sinking low going down and down showing there by how desperately it stands in need of the guidance of Islam to help it get out of the darkness it has long since been plunged in willingly accept their former state of servitude. But such readiness on the part of certain slavish individuals to forego their free human status is no justification to perpetuate their servitude according to Islam as well as any other religion or philosophy of life. This phenomenon is, however, a very sad reflection on the system of life that creates economic, social, political, philosophical and spiritual conditions under which people.

1 Hadisi, wanda Bukhari da Muslim suka ruwaito,ban da Abu Dawud, Tirmidhi da Nasa'i.

1 Al-Hadith, narrated by both Bukhari & Muslim besides Abu Daud Tirmidhi and Nasai.

2 Al-Hadith-Muslim &. Abu Daud.

2 Al.-Hadith-Muslim &. Abu Daud.

Bukhari

1 Bukhari.

Al-Hadis.

2 Al-Hadith.

Hadisai 3 da Abu Huraira ya ruwaito.

3 Hadith narrated by Abu Huraira.

4 Hindu mutanen Indiya sun yi imani cewa bayi (Sudras) sun fito ne daga ƙafafun Ubangiji, saboda haka suka ɗauka cewa asalinsu ƙasƙantattu ne kuma marasa daraja, wani matsayi da ba za su iya yaƙi da shi ko canza shi ba. Saboda haka, hanya ɗaya tilo da ta rage a gabansu ita ce su jure wannan wulaƙanci da azaba cikin haƙuri, da fatan cewa bayan mutuwarsu rayukansu za su koma wata halitta mafi kyau. Ta haka masu zaluntar su, ba su gamsu da mayar da su cikin mummunan yanayin bauta ta jiki ba, suka ci gaba har suka hana su ma ƙarfin zuciyar tayarwa a kan tsarin zamantakewa mara adalci wanda ya sanya su cikin wulaƙanci da wahala.

4 The Hindus (India) believed that the slaves (the Sudras) had sprung from the feet of the God and hence they assumed that they were innately mean and low, a fate they could never contend or change. Therefore the only way open before them was that they should suffer this humiliation and chastisement patiently in the hope that their souls may after their death transmigrate into a better creation. Thus their oppressors, not content with reducing them to the wretched state of physical slavery, proceeded further to deprive them even of the will to rise in revolt against the unjust social order that subjected them to humiliation and misery.

Don saman, ga abin da kuka nema: 1 Don bayani, don Allah a duba babin Ghazali na 'Ihya-Uloom-i-Din' mai taken Hakkokin Bayi.

1 For reference please see Ghazali’s 'lhya-Uloom-i-Din chapter on Rights of Slaves.

Ka duba babin da ke biye da wannan.

1 Please also see the next chapter.

Bukhari

1 Bukhari.

1 A shafin 2273 na Encyclopedia na Tarihi mai suna "Universal History of the World" an gaya mana cewa a shekara ta 599 A.D., sarkin Roma Marius, saboda sonsa da tattalin arziki, ya ki fansar wasu daga cikin miliyoyin fursunonin da sojojinsa suka kama a yaƙe-yaƙe. Maimakon haka, ya kashe su duka ba tare da barin ko guda ɗaya ba da takobi.

1 On page 2273 of the Historical Encyclopedia called, "Universal History of the World" We are told that in the year 599 A,D" the Roman emperor, Marius, motivated by his love for economy, refused to ransom a few of the millions of those prisoners that had been captured by his forces in Wars. He instead put them all without a single exception to sword.

1 Marubucin Ingilishi sanannen, Mista Arnold, ya tabbatar da wannan da'awar ta Musulunci a cikin littafinsa "The Preaching of Islam" (Yaɗa Musulunci). 2 Tarihi cike yake da misalai da suka tabbatar da wannan batu, amma za mu ambaci biyu kawai daga littafin Mista T. W. Arnold "The Preaching of Islam" (bugun Ashraf na 1965). A shafi na 61 na littafin ya ce: "Haka kuma a yarjejeniyar da Khalid ya yi da wasu garuruwa kusa da Hirah", ya rubuta (Tabari, masanin tarihi): "Idan mun kare ku, to Jizyah tana kanmu; amma idan ba mu kare ku ba, to ba ta kanmu." Ya ci gaba da cewa: "Janar ɗin Larabawa, Abu Ubaydah, saboda haka ya rubuta wa gwamnonin garuruwan Siriya da aka ci, yana umurtar su su mayar da duk Jizyah da aka karɓa daga garuruwan, sannan ya rubuta wa mutanen yana cewa: 'Muna mayar muku da kuɗin da muka karɓa daga gare ku, domin mun samu labarin cewa wata babbar runduna tana tafe don kai mana hari. Yarjejeniyar da ke tsakaninmu ita ce mu kare ku, kuma tunda wannan ba ya hannunmu yanzu, muna mayar muku da duk abin da muka karɓa. Amma idan muka yi nasara, za mu ɗauki kanmu a matsayin waɗanda suka ɗaura alkawari da ku bisa sharuddan yarjejeniyarmu ta dā.'"

1 The famous English writer, Mr. Arnold has upheld this claim of Islam in his book "The Preaching of Islam." 2 History is full of instances such as bear upon this point. but we would mention just two out of Mr. T. W. Arnold's book "The Preaching of Islam". (Ashraf's edition 1965). On page 61 of the book he says: “Again in the treaty made by Khalid with some towns in the neighborhood of Hirah ", he writes {Tabari, the historian) : "If we protect you, then Jizyah is due to us; but if we do not, then it is not due". He goes on to say that "The Arab general, Abu Ubaydah, accordingly wrote to the governors of the conquered cities of Syria, ordering them to pay back all the Jizyah that had been collected from the cities, and wrote to the people saying, "We give you back the money that we took: from you, as we have received news that a strong force is advancing against us. The agreement between us was that we should protect you, and since this is not now in our power, we return you all that we took. But if we are victorious we shall consider ourselves bound to you by the old terms of our agreement".

Muslim, Abu Daud da Tirmizi.

1 Muslim, Abu Daud and Tirmizi.