Musulunci Da Kwaminisanci - Musulunci: Addinin da Aka Fahimta Ba Daidai Ba | Quran Course

Musulunci Da Kwaminisanci - Musulunci: Addinin da Aka Fahimta Ba Daidai Ba | Quran Course

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Musulunci Da Kwaminisanci

Islam And Communism

by Muhammad Qutb9 min readViewed 167 times

"Kamar yadda mun riga mun bayyana, Musulunci yana tsaye ne ga duk abin da yake nagari, lafiyayye da abin so a rayuwa. Addini ne na kowane zamani, na kowace tsara da kowace al'umma, amma tunda duniyar Musulunci a cikin karnoni huɗu da suka wuce tana cikin halin koma-baya akai-akai, ɓangaren dokar Musulunci da ke magana kan matsalolin tattalin arziki ya kasance a tsaye ba tare da canji ba. To me zai hana mu karɓi Musulunci a matsayin akida don tsarkake rayukanmu da tsarkake tunane-tunanenmu, mu kuma rungumi gurguzanci a matsayin tsarin tattalin arziki don warware matsalolin tattalin arzikinmu, tun da hakan ba zai shafi tsarin zamantakewarmu ko kowane bangare nasa ba? Ta haka za mu iya kare ɗabi'unmu, al'adunmu da al'adunmu na zamantakewa, kuma a lokaci guda mu sami ɗaya daga cikin mafi zamani na tsarin tattalin arziki a zamanin nan don warware matsalolin tattalin arzikinmu." Irin wannan dalili da aka bayar a sama wani ɓangare ne na mummunan wasan da 'yan gurguzu ke shirin buga yanzu tun dogon lokaci. Da farko, sun nuna tsananin adawa ga Musulunci a Gabas, suna jefa shakku iri-iri a kansa. Amma da suka ga wannan ya ƙara wa Musulmai ƙaunar Musulunci, sai suka canza dabarunsu, suka koma ga yaudara da ruɗu. Don haka suka yi dalili cewa: "Gurguzanci ba ya tsoma baki a kan Musulunci kwata-kwata, domin asali dai wani suna ne kawai na adalci na zamantakewa, kuma yana wakiltar nauyin da ke kan gwamnati ga 'yan ƙasarta na samar musu da muhimman buƙatun rayuwa. Shin kuna nufin Musulunci yana adawa da adalci na zamantakewa ne ta hanyar zargin cewa yana adawa da gurguzanci? Lallai Musulunci ba zai iya adawa da irin wannan tsarin da ya ginu a kan adalci na zamantakewa ba."

Suna cewa Musulmi za su iya zama Musulmi a lokaci guda, su yi salla, su yi azumi, su gudanar da ibadu na ɓoye, sannan su karɓi kwaminisanci a matsayin tsarin tattalin arziki, domin hakan ba ya tsoma baki a addinansu ko kaɗan. To me ya sa za su yi jinkiri wajen rungumarsa? Amma yayin da suke wannan muhawara, suna sane sarai cewa Musulmi ba za su ƙara zama Musulmi ba idan har suka faɗa cikin jarabawarsa. A irin wannan yanayi, tabbas za su sake tsara su cikin ƴan shekaru bisa falsafar rayuwarsu, su kawo ƙarshen Musulunci da duk abin da yake tsaya masa, domin zamanin da muke ciki zamani ne na saurin motsi da kuzari, wanda ke nufin manyan sauye-sauye na iya faruwa cikin sauƙi a ɗan gajeren lokaci. Duk da waɗannan gaskiyar, akwai Musulmi da yawa da ke yarda da kansu cikin hanzari a yaudare su da irin wannan hujja marar gaskiya, domin tana ba su uzuri aƙalla su guji wahalar aiwatar da nauyin Musulunci mai ɗaci, tana kuma yi musu alƙawarin ƴanci daga nauyin nemo hanyarsu, amfani da hankalinsu, da kuma kwazo a ayyukan gina al'umma. Sun fi so kawai su zauna su yi mafarkin banza, su bar wasu su jagorance su.

They say that the Muslims can at once remain Muslims, can pray, fast and perform esoteric rituals and adopt communism as an economic system, for it does not at all meddle with their religion. Why should they then hesitate in embracing it? But while thus arguing they know very well that Muslims will no longer remain Muslims if they once but succumbed to its temptation. In such a case, they are sure to remold them in a few years' time after their own philosophy of life and put an end to Islam and all it stands for because the age we are living in is one of rapid movement and dynamism which means that great changes can very easily be brought about in a comparatively very short period of time. But in spite of all these facts there are very many Muslims who willingly allow themselves to be hoodwinked by such a spurious reasoning as it provides them with an excuse at least to avoid hard struggle in carrying out their unpleasant duties as Muslims promising them at the same time freedom from the cumbrous task of finding their own way, use their own reason and exert themselves in constructive activities. They would rather just like to sit down and dream idle dreams and let themselves be guided by others.

Da farko, gurguzanci yana kan tushen hankali kawai: ba ya amincewa da komai sai abin da gabobin jiki na ganewa suka iya gani. Abin da gabobin jikin nan ba za su iya gane shi ba, ba gaskiya ba ne, wauta ne, kuma babu wani wanzuwa a gare shi, ko kuma idan yana wanzuwa to abu ne kankani da ba sai an damu da shi ba kwata-kwata. Engels ya ce: "Abu kadai na gaskiya a duniya shi ne abu na zahiri." Masu falsafar abu kuma suna cewa: "Hankalin dan Adam wani nuni ne kawai na abu na zahiri, wanda ke nuna muhallin abu na waje da ke kewaye da shi." Suna kuma cewa abin da ake kira rai ba shi da wani wanzuwa mai zaman kansa ba, illa abu ne da abu na zahiri ya haifar. Don haka muna ganin cewa gurguzanci akida ce ta abu kawai wacce ke yi wa dukkan nau'ikan ruhaniyanci dariya tana kiran su duka marasa kimiyya. Akidar Musulunci kuwa, ba ta yarda a takaita fagen ayyukan dan Adam haka ba, ko a rage shi zuwa irin wannan matsayi na kasa. Tana kallon mutum a matsayin halitta mai burin tashi sama a sararin ruhi da tunani, duk kuwa da cewa yana tafiya a kasa kuma yana da jiki. Haka kuma bukatunsa ba su takaita ga abinci, matsuguni da biyan sha'awar jima'i ba kamar yadda Karl Marx ya yi ikirari. A wannan mataki wasu masu karatu na iya tasowa da tambaya a zukatansu: Ta yaya wannan falsafar abu za ta shafe mu alhali ba za mu yi da ita ba? Za mu karbi tsarin tattalin arzikin gurguzanci kawai, mu rike dukkan akidunmu na asali, Ubangijinmu, Manzonmu, da tsarinmu na ruhaniya. Wadannan ba za su iya shafuwa ba ta hanyar tsarin tattalin arzikin da za mu karba, domin shi abu ne daban gaba daya da abubuwan da aka bayyana a sama, kuma yana da wanzuwa mai zaman kansa. Kada kowa ya yaudaru kansa da wannan zato, domin kamar yadda 'yan gurguzu suka tabbatar, akwai dangantaka mai karfi tsakanin tsarin tattalin arziki da akidar asali, akida da kallon rayuwar al'umma; ba za a iya dubansu a keɓe ba: suna da alaka ta kut-da-kut, domin dukkansu suna kan tsarin tattalin arziki iri ɗaya, wanda aka gina shi bisa falsafar rayuwa ta zahiri kawai, kamar yadda majagaba 'yan gurguzu Engels da Marx suka bayyana a rubuce-rubucensu.

Firstly, communism rests on a purely materialistic basis: it does not recognize anything save that perceived by sense organs: what is not perceivable by these sensory organs is unreal, nonsense and has no existence whatsoever or if it does exist it is so insignificant that one need not at all bother about it. Engels said: "Matter is the only real thing in the world". And the materialists argue: "Human reason is just a manifestation of matter which reflects the external material environment surrounding it". They go on to say that what is called soul does not at all have an independent existence of its own but is rather a product of matter. Thus we see that communism is a purely materialistic ideology which ridicules all forms of spiritualism dubbing them all as unscientific. Islamic ideology, on the other hand, declines to concede such a narrowing down of human spheres of activities or degrade man to such low levels of existence. It looks upon man rather as a being that aspires to soar high in the realms of spirit and thought although he walks on earth and possesses a physical body. Nor are his needs limited to food, shelter and sexual gratification as Karl Marx claimed. A question might at this stage be raised in the minds of some readers: How can this materialistic philosophy affect us when we shall have nothing to do with it: we shall adopt only the economic program of communism and retain all our basic creeds, our God, our Apostle, and our spiritual system. These cannot be affected by the economic program we might adopt as it is something quite different from the things described above and has an independent existence of its own. Let none be under this illusion, for as the communists hold, there exists a strong affinity between the economic system and the basic creed, ideology and outlook upon life of a people; they cannot be viewed in isolation: they are closely interrelated, for they are based on the same economic system which is raised on a purely materialist philosophy of life as has been clarified by the communist pioneers Engels and Marx in their writings.

Kwaminisaai, alal misali, suma sun yi imani da materialism na dialectical. Suna ganin cewa rikicin abubuwan da suka sabawa juna (masu dukiya da marasa dukiya, ko ma'aikata da masu jari) shi ne kawai ainihin abin da ke bayan dukkan ci gaban tattalin arziki da na ɗan adam da bil'adama ya samu har yanzu, tun daga zamanin farko na kwaminisanci, zuwa bauta, sannan feudalism, sannan jari-hujja, sannan zamanin kwaminisanci na ƙarshe. Da wannan materialism na dialectical ne suke tabbatar da matsayinsu, suna kuma nuna cewa kwaminisanci zai fito a ƙarshe a matsayin wanda ya yi nasara a cikin yaƙin akida na yanzu. Suna iƙirarin cewa akwai dangantaka ta kimiyya tsakanin kwaminisanci da wannan ka'idar materialism na dialectical, wadda babu wuri a cikinta ko kaɗan ga kowane ra'ayi game da Allah, ko manzanninsa, ko saƙonsu, domin cikin girman kai suna ganin dukkan waɗannan abubuwa ba komai ba ne illa sakamakon mu'amalar ƙarfin tattalin arziki. Ba su da wata ma'ana ko muhimmanci sai dai ga yanayin tattalin arzikin da ya haife su. Don haka suna rasa dukkan muhimmancinsu a rayuwar ɗan adam, kuma ba su da amfani kwata-kwata wajen fassarawa ko bayyana rayuwa ko tantance manufofinta na gaskiya. Abu ɗaya tilo kuma mai muhimmanci shi ne hanyoyin samar da kayayyaki, wanda idan aka canza su, yana shafar dukkan rayuwar ɗan adam kuma yana canza ta gaba ɗaya. Kuskure da raunin fahimtar kwaminisanci game da tarihin ɗan adam ya tabbata sosai da cewa ba ya iya bayar da wani bayani mai gamsarwa game da babban canjin da Musulunci ya kawo a Larabawa, domin ba zai iya nuna wani sauyi a hanyoyin samar da tattalin arziki a tsibirin Larabawa ko ma a duk duniyar Musulunci ta zamanin nan ba, wanda za a iya cewa shi ne ya haifar da bayyanar Annabi Muhammad ﷺ a wannan yanki, yana kawo tare da shi wani tsari gaba ɗaya sabo na rayuwa.

The communists, for instance, also believe in dialectical materialism. They hold that it is the conflict of the opposites (the 'haves' and the 'have-nots' or workers and capitalists) that is the only real though insidious factor behind all economic and human progress that mankind has achieved so far starting from the first communist age and moving on to slavery, then feudalism, capitalism and then final communist age. It is with this very dialectical materialism that they justify their standpoint and prove the final emergence of communism as the victor out of the present ideological warfare. They claim that there is a close scientific relationship between communism and this theory of dialectical materialism, in which there is no place whatsoever for any concept of God, His apostles or their message, for in their arrogance they think that all these things are but merely an outcome of the interplay of economic forces. They have no meaning or significance apart from the economic circumstances that engendered them. As such they lose all their importance in human life and are simply worthless in interpreting or defining life or determining its true objectives. The one and the only factor of importance is the means of production which, if changed, affects the whole human existence and revolutionizes it. The fallacy and weakness of communists' view of human history is amply proved by the fact that it fails to offer any adequate explanation of the great revolution brought about by Islam in Arabia, for it cannot point out any change in the means of economic production in the Arabian peninsula or even in the whole of the contemporary Islamic world that might be referred to as having caused the emergence of the Holy Prophet in that part of the world bringing with him a completely new system of life.

Ta haka Musulunci ya bayyana a fili cewa mutum ne ke da iko da matsayi mafi girma a bisa wannan duniya, tare da dukkan karfin abin duniya da na tattalin arziki suna nan domin yi masa biyayya. Musulunci kansa misali ne a wannan fanni. Ci gabansa ba a iyakance shi ko a jagorance shi ta kowace hanya ta dialectical materialism ba. Musulmi na farko ba su taba jin, ko na dan lokaci guda ba, cewa rayuwar tattalin arzikin mutum ita kadai ke taka rawar gani wajen tsara makomarsa, ko kuma cewa wani abu ne da ya fi karfin ikonsa da sani, kamar yadda Marx ya fada. Akasin haka, sun tsara tattalin arzikinsu da gangan bisa shiryarwar Allah da ManzonSa, suna gina dukkan dangantakarsu ta zamantakewa bisa koyarwar Musulunci. Sun 'yantar da bayi ba tare da la'akari da riba ta tattalin arziki ko wani abu da zai sa su yi hakan ba; kuma a gaskiya ba su taba ganin an kafa tsarin feudalism a kasashensu ba, duk da cewa shi ne tsarin da ya fi yaduwa tsawon karnoni a Turai da duniya baki daya. Karbar tattalin arziki irin na gurguzu tabbas zai kai ga karbar falsafar gurguzu, falsafar da ke mayar da mutum kamar abin wasa ne kawai ga karfin tattalin arziki, wanda ke tafiya yadda yake so ba tare da nufin mutane ba, domin ba za su iya canza hanyarsa ba, kuma ba za su iya shafar aikinsa ta kowace hanya ba, saboda hakan ba zai yiwu ba, don haka ba a iya tunaninsa.

Thus Islam makes it clear that it is man who enjoys supreme power and position on this earth with all the material and economic forces being there to do his bidding. Islam itself is a case in point in this respect. Its progress was not limited or directed by any process of dialectical materialism. The early Muslims never even for a single moment felt that the economic existence of man alone played a decisive role in shaping his destiny or that it was something beyond his conscious control as Marx said. They, on the contrary, did consciously shape their economy in accordance with the guidance of God and His Apostle basing all their social relationships on the teachings of Islam, They freed slaves without any consideration of economic gains or initiative inducing them to it; and they did in fact never witness the establishment of feudalism in their lands although it had been the most prevalent system for centuries in Europe and in the world at large, The adoption of communist economy must inevitably lead to the adoption of the communist philosophy, the philosophy which makes man a mere plaything of the economic forces that take their way quite independent of men's will for they can neither change their course nor can they affect their working in any way as it is simply impossible and, therefore, unthinkable.

Saboda haka idan muka karɓi gurguzu a matsayin tsarin tattalin arziki, to dole ne mu karɓi tare da shi falsafar zamantakewar da take bayarwa, wadda ta ce al'umma ita kaɗai ce abu na gaske, shi kuwa mutum ba shi da wata daraja sai a matsayinsa na memba a cikin al'umma. Wannan matsayi ya sha bambam da wanda Musulunci ya ɗauka, domin Musulunci yana ba mutum muhimmanci mai girma, kuma yana dogara da shi fiye da dogaro da al'umma wajen cimma manufofinsa. Musulunci yana tsarkake mutum daga ciki, ta yadda zai rika sauke dukkan nauyin da ke kansa a matsayinsa na memba a cikin al'umma da yardar rai. Don haka yana ɗaukaka mutum zuwa matsayin memba mai sani a cikin al'umma, mai nufin kansa, yana zaɓar aikinsa da wurin da yake son yin aiki da yardar kansa. Yana da 'yancin bin umarnin mai mulki ko ƙi bin sa idan mai mulkin ya keta iyakokin biyayya ga Allah da Musulunci. Ta haka Musulunci ya sa kowane mutum ya zama mai tsaron ɗabi'ar al'umma, baya ga ɗora masa alhakin kawar da dukkan nau'ikan sharri. Amma irin wannan abu ba zai yiwu ba, saboda dalilai bayyanannu na ilimin halayyar ɗan adam da na aiki, a cikin al'ummar da aka mayar da mutum ƙaramin kwaɗayi marar muhimmanci ko siffar mutum mara daraja, wanda makomarsa gwamnati ce kaɗai take tsarawa da sarrafawa, domin ita kaɗai take mallakar dukkan hanyoyin samar da arziki. A ƙarshe, dole ne mu tuna cewa falsafar gurguzu tana ɗaukar cewa abin tattalin arziki kaɗai ne mafi girma wajen ƙayyadewa ko tsara dangantakar zamantakewa daban-daban a cikin ƙungiyar al'umma. Musulunci ba ya musanta ko raina muhimmancin abin tattalin arziki a rayuwar ɗan adam, kuma ba ya yin watsi da muhimmancin tushen tattalin arziki mai kyau ga rayuwar zamantakewar al'umma domin dabi'u da halaye nagari su bunƙasa. Amma bai taɓa goyon bayan ra'ayin cewa rayuwa tattalin arziki ce kawai ba. Hakan kuma ba ya yarda cewa idan aka warware matsalolin tattalin arziki, duk sauran matsalolin al'umma za su warware su ma sakamakon haka. Domin a bayyana wannan magana, bari mu duba wasu misalai daga rayuwa. Ka ɗauki matasa maza biyu masu matsayin tattalin arziki iri ɗaya. Ɗayansu yana da sha'awar jin daɗin jiki, kuma yana cikin sha'awoyinsa gaba ɗaya, har ya zama bawan waɗannan sha'awoyin. Ɗayan kuma yana da kyakkyawan rabon wadata ta abin duniya, amma yana kashe yawancin ƙarfinsa wajen faɗaɗa sararin tunaninsa ko ruhinsa ta hanyar samun wani ilimi ko sana'a. Shin za a iya ɗaukar waɗannan matasa biyu a matsayin daidai, a kuma ɗauki al'amuransu a matsayin iri ɗaya? Shin su biyun suna wakiltar daidaitaccen matakin ɗabi'a, nagarta da nasara a hanyoyin rayuwarsu?

Therefore if we accept communism as an economic program we must also inevitably embrace along with that the social philosophy it offers and which states that society is the only real thing, the individual having no importance whatever save as member of a community, This is a position quite contrary to that taken up by Islam, for it attaches great importance to the individual and relies more upon him than on society for the realization of its ends. Islam civilizes man from within so that he would willingly discharge all his responsibilities as a member of a community. Thus it elevates man to the position of a conscious member of society with a will of his own, choosing his own job as well as the place he would like to work in freely. He enjoys freedom to comply with the orders of the ruler or refuse to obey him if the ruler should happen to transgress the bounds set by obedience to Gad and Islam. Thus Islam makes every individual a guardian of the community's morals besides holding him responsible for the eradication of all forms of evils. But such a thing cannot for obvious psychological and practical reasons happen in a society wherein the individual is reduced to the status of an insignificant midget or a worthless manikin whose destiny is solely shaped and controlled by the government as it alone controls all economic means of production, Last, we must also remember that the communist philosophy is based on the assumption that it is the economic factor alone that is supreme so far as the determining or molding of the diverse social relationships within a social group are concerned. Islam does not deny or under-rate the importance of the economic factor in human life nor does it ignore the importance of a sound economic basis for the social life of a community so as to make the moral and social virtues flourish, But it does not at all contribute towards the notion that life is but-economics. It also does not believe that if economic problems are solved all the other problems of the society will also be solved as a result thereof. To make this point clear let us, however, consider some particular cases from life. Supposing there are two young men of a similar economic status, the one being inclined to voluptuousness and engrossed in his animal passions and completely enslaved by these, while the other enjoys a reasonable portion of material prosperity and spends most of his extra energy in broadening his mental or spiritual horizon by acquiring some knowledge or skill. Can these two young men be treated as equals and their cases considered as identical? Do the two represent an equal degree of virtue, goodness and success in their respective modes of living?

Ta haka ne muka ga cewa khalifa na farko Abu Bakr ya tsaya da ƙafafunsa a fuskantar barazanar ridda a farkon mulkinsa, duk da cewa dukkan Musulmai, har da mutane kamar Umar bin Al-Khattab, ba su goyi bayan matsayinsa na yaƙi da kabilun da suka juya baya ba. Amma duk da haka ya tsaya kamar dutse, bai karkata ba. Daga ina ya samo ƙwarin gwiwarsa? Shin ƙarfin abin duniya ne, ko jin wadatar tattalin arziki, ko kuma wani ƙarfin ɗan adam ne ya riƙe shi a wannan jarrabawa? Tabbas, babu ɗaya daga cikin waɗannan da ya ba shi ƙwarin gwiwa ko ya goyi bayansa a wannan lokaci mai muhimmanci na rayuwarsa. Da ya dogara ga ɗayan waɗannan, da bai taɓa kuskura ya yi yaƙi da irin wannan yanayi mai wahala ba a lokacin haɗari mai girma a tarihin Musulunci. Ƙarfin ruhaniya kaɗai ne ya ba Abu Bakr niyya, ƙudiri da jarumta don tsayawa gaban 'yan tawayen, waɗanda daga ƙarshe aka danne su, suka sake zama Musulmai nagari kamar da, suka bar ƙiyayyarsu ga Musulunci ko Musulmai har abada. Wannan babi ne mai matuƙar muhimmanci a tarihin ɗan adam, yana nuna yadda ƙarfin ruhaniya mai hankali ke canzawa zuwa ƙarfin abin duniya da tattalin arziki irin wanda ba shi da misali a tarihi.

Thus we find that the first caliph Abu Bakr stood firm in the face of the threat of apostasy in the beginning of his rule although all the Muslims including men like Omar bin Al-Khattab did not support his stand to wage a war against the defecting tribes. Still he remained firm as a rock and did not flinch. Whence did he derive his inspiration? Was it a material power or the sense of economic well-being or was it some human power that sustained him in that ordeal? Surely, it was none of these that inspired him or backed him up at that momentous period of his life. Had he put his faith in anyone of these he would have never dared fight against such odds at so precarious a moment in the history of Islam. It was the spiritual power alone that gave Abu Bakr the will, determination and courage to stand against the rebels who were finally subdued and turned once again good Muslims as before, leaving off their hostility towards Islam or Muslims once for all. This is a very significant chapter of human history showing how the conscious spiritual energy is transformed into material and economic power such as has no parallel in history.

(1) Musulunci ya tabbatar da cewa babban aikin mace na gaskiya shi ne haihuwar ɗan Adam da kuma yaɗa jinsin mutane. Saboda haka, ba ya ƙarfafa ta ta bar matsayinta ta je ta yi aiki a masana'anta da gonaki, sai dai idan akwai buƙata ta gaske, wato idan ba ta da wanda zai ciyar da ita daga cikin maza, ko mahaifinta ne, ko ɗan'uwanta, ko mijinta, ko wani na kusa da ita. Amma gurguzanci yana sanya wajibi a kan mace ta fita ta yi aiki a masana'anta ko gonaki na tsawon awanni kamar yadda maza suke yi. Ko da mun yi watsi da falsafar gurguzanci da ke ƙasa, wadda ba ta yarda da wani bambanci tsakanin ayyukan jinsi biyu ko halittarsu ta hankali ba, tattalin arzikin gurguzanci da kansa yana dogara ne a kan ƙara yawan kayan aikin samar da abubuwa zuwa matsakaicin iyaka da zai yiwu. Wannan ƙaruwa ba zai yiwu ba sai dukkan membobin al'umma sun fita sun yi ƙoƙari a masana'antu, dakunan gwaje-gwaje da gonaki. Mace ma za ta ɗauki nauyi daidai da sauran membobin al'umma, kuma za ta daina aiki a lokacin haihuwa kawai. Yara kuma sakamakon haka za a reno su gaba ɗaya ta hannun gwamnati, a tsari irin na samar da kaya da yawa.

(1) Islam holds that the real duty of a woman is the propagation of the human race. It, therefore, does not encourage her to leave her queendom and work in factories and fields, except, of course, in cases of genuine need, that is to say, in case she has no male bread earner, be he her father, brother, husband or a near one. But communism makes it obligatory for woman to go out and work in factories or fields for as many hours as the men do. Even if we overlook for the time being the underlying communist philosophy which refuses to recognize any difference between the functions as well as the psychological make-up of the sexes, the communist economy by its very nature rests on the basis of effecting increase in material means of production to the farthest possible limit. Such an increase is possible only if all the members of the community should go forth and exert themselves in factories, laboratories and fields. The woman too will have to bear an equal burden along with other members of the community and will be off her work during the period of her confinement only. The children1 shall as a result thereof be brought up wholesale by the state in a process similar to that of mass production.

Saboda haka, idan muka karɓi tsarin tattalin arzikin gurguzu ba, sakamakon da ba makawa zai biyo baya shi ne mace za ta bar gidanta ta je aiki a waje, wato a takaice, ɗaya daga cikin muhimman ginshiƙan Musulunci, wato iyali, wanda tushe ne da dukkan ginin ɗabi'ar Musulunci da tattalin arzikinsa ke tsaye a kansa, kuma wanda ke nuna cewa aikin mace na gaskiya yana cikin gidanta, yayin da aikin waje yake na namiji, shi ma zai sami babbar illa mai kisa.2 Idan aka ce mace ba za ta fita ta yi aiki a masana'antu ba, to tabbas wannan matsayi zai saɓa wa wanda gurguzu ke riƙe da shi, domin masu gurguzu sun riga sun bayyana matsayinsu a kan wannan batu sarai. Dangane da ƙara yawan samarwa kuwa, mun yarda cewa lallai hakan gaskiya ne kuma yana da muhimmanci sosai ga rayuwar ɗan Adam. Amma hakan ba ya nufin an karɓi tsarin tattalin arzikin gurguzu ko kaɗan, domin masu gurguzu da kansu sun aro hanyoyin ƙara samarwarsu daga jari-hujjar Turai.3 Kafa daular Musulunci ba ta hana amfani da mafi zamani na hanyoyin noma da samar da masana'antu don amfanin abin duniya ba.

Therefore, if we embrace the communist economy an inevitable result of it will be that woman will have to leave her home to work outside which means in other words that one of the fundamental institutions of Islam-family-the bedrock on which the whole superstructure of Islamic morality and economics rests and which shows that woman's true function is within her home while man is to do the outside work, is also dealt a fatal blow.2 If it is said that to go out and work in factories will not be necessary for woman then surely it will be a position alien to that upheld by communism, for the communists have already made their stand too clear on the point. Now so far as effecting an increase in production is concerned, we admit that it is undoubtedly genuine and of vital importance to human existence. But it does not in any way call for the adoption of communist economy, for the communists themselves borrowed the means of increasing their production from the European capitalism.3 The establishment of an Islamic state does in no wise forbid the use of the most modern means of agricultural and industrial production for material benefit.

(2) Ekonomiyar gurguzu ta dogara ne da cikakkiyar mulkin kama-karya na masu aiki (proletariat), wanda ma'anarsa shi ne gwamnati kadai ke yanke shawara kan ayyukan da kowane dan kasa zai yi, ba tare da duba kwarewarsu ko abin da suke so ba. Gwamnati kadai ce ke sarrafa dukkan tunani, ayyuka, kungiyoyi da manufofin da ake son cimmawa ta hanyarsu. A nan ya zama wajibi mu bambanta tsakanin mulkin kama-karya na shugaba daya da mulkin kama-karya na gwamnati (proletariat). Domin a game da shugaba daya, yana yiwuwa ya zama mutum mai halin kirki da tawali'u, wanda jin dadin kasarsa yana zuciyarsa, kuma wani lokaci ma yana iya saukar da kansa ya tuntubi wakilan jama'a, na gaskiya ko na karya, kafin ya yanke hukunci a kan wani lamari ko ya kafa doka. Amma duk wadannan yiwuwar ba sa wanzuwa a game da mulkin kama-karya na masu aiki ko na gwamnati, domin shi ma'anarsa ce ta farko ta tattalin arziki kadai, da cimma manufofin da suka dace da shi, da karfin hannu. Wannan shi ne abin da sunan kansa ke nufi: mulkin kama-karya na masu aiki (proletariat).

(2) The communist economy rests on a full-fledged dictatorship of the proletariat, which means that the state alone decides as to the functions performed by different citizens without any regard whatsoever to their respective aptitudes or likings. The state alone controls all thought, acts, associations as well as the ends to be realized by them. At this point we must also differentiate between the dictatorship of a single ruler and the dictatorship of the state (proletariat). For, in the case of a ruler it is just possible that he be of a congenial, modest character with the welfare of his country very dear to his heart and may even at times condescend to consult the representatives of the people-real or falsebefore deciding a matter or enacting a law. But all these possibilities are simply out of question in the case of a dictatorship of the proletariat or state, concerned as it primarily will be with the economics alone and the realization of such ends, as suit it, with an iron hand. That is what is signified by the very name-dictatorship of the proletariat.