Ana yawan tambayarmu: "Ina Musulunci da kuke magana a kansa? Yaushe ne aka taba aiwatar da shi a rayuwa a sigarsa ta gaskiya?" Kullum kuna cewa tsari ne mai kyau kuma cikakke, amma shin ya taba wanzuwa a rayuwar mutane na zahiri? Idan aka tambaye ku game da sigarsa ta aiki, ba za ku iya ba sai dai ku koma zuwa wani gajeren lokaci da ya shafi rayuwar (Annabi) ﷺ da farkon mulkin khalifofi, ko kuma, daidai ma, khalifofi biyu na farko. Kullum kuna cewa game da Umar bin Al-Khattab, musamman, cewa shi ne siffar abin da Musulunci ya tsaya a kansa; kuna kwatanta shi da mafi haske launuka, amma idan muka tambayi yanayin rayuwar da ake ciki a zamaninsa, ba mu samu komai ba sai "yadudduka na duhu, juna bisa juna": zaman sarauta na kasa, rashin adalci, zalunci, koma-baya da rashin ci gaba. Kuna ikirarin cewa Musulunci yana ba al'umma hakkin hukunta shugabanninta idan sun kasa cika aikinsu, amma sai yaushe, sai dai a farkon mulkin khalifofi, aka taba barin mutane su zabi shugabanninsu, balle su hukunta su? Kuna kuma cewa Musulunci yana bayar da tattalin arziki mai adalci da rabon dukiya daidai, amma yaushe, ko da a farkon mulkin khalifofi, aka daidaita bambance-bambancen da ke tsakanin mutane? Kuna gaya mana cewa yana sanya wajibi a kan gwamnati ta samar da aikin yi ga dukan 'yan kasarta, amma me game da miliyoyin marasa aikin yi da wasu lokuta sukan rayu da bara ko kuma a hukunta su zuwa talauci da kuncin rayuwa har abada? Kuna kuma magana kan hakkokin mata a Musulunci, amma shin ta taba morar wadannan hakkoki a zahiri? Ashe ba gaskiya ba ne cewa ba ta taba iya amfani da su ba saboda rashin kyawun yanayin zamantakewa da tattalin arziki? Kuna magana game da ɗaukaka ta ruhi ga mutane sakamakon tsoron Allah, da kuma kafa dangantaka tsakanin masu mulki da waɗanda ake mulka, tsakanin azuzuwan al'umma daban-daban, bisa haɗin kai na juna saboda adalci da kyawawan halaye. To amma yaushe ne, sai dai a wani lokaci mai ɗan kankanin tsawo, aka taɓa ganin wannan ɗaukaka ta ruhi?

We are often asked: "Where is the Islam you Muslims talk about?” When was it ever applied to life in its true form? You are never tired of saying that it is an excellent ideal system but did it ever exist in actual life? If asked about its practical form you cannot but refer to a short period stretching over the life of the (Holy) Prophet and the early caliphate or rather the first two caliphs. You are never tired of saying about Omar bin Al-Khattab, in particular, that he was the embodiment of what Islam stood for; you depict him in the most resplendent colors but when we inquire about the conditions of life prevailing during his reign we find nothing but "layers of darkness one above another"-feudalism, inequity, tyranny, reactionarism and backwardness. You assert that Islam gives the nation the right to chastise its rulers in case they fail to carry out their obligations but when, except in the early caliphate, were the people ever allowed to choose their own rulers, let alone chastising them? You also say that Islam offers a very just economy with a fair distribution of wealth but when, even in the early caliphate were the differences among the people leveled? You tell us that it makes the providing of the employment for all its citizens incumbent upon the state, but what about those millions of unemployed who sometimes lived on begging or were otherwise doomed to a lifelong privation and poverty? You also speak about the rights of women in Islam but did she ever in fact enjoy these rights? Isn’t it a fact that she has never been able to exercise them because of the unfavorable socio-economic conditions? You talk about the spiritual elevation of men as a result of their fear of God and establishment of relations as a consequence therefore between the rulers and the ruled, between different classes of the community on the basis of a mutual co-operation for the sake of justice and virtue, but when, save in a comparatively rare period, was this spiritual elevation ever witnessed?

Shin wannan tsarin ya taba samar da wani iko na dubawa da zai hana masu mulki kwace hakkokin talakawa, da jefa su cikin zalunci da azabtarwa? Shin ya hana su takure 'yancin mutane da jefa su cikin wulakanci da kaskanci?

Did it ever provide a check on the rulers to prevent them from usurping the rights of the poor subjecting them to injustice and cruelty? Did it prevent them from trampling underfoot the liberties of the people and from exposing them to disgrace and humiliation?

"Kai, a zahiri kuna magana ne game da wata duniyar mafarki wacce ba ta wanzuwa a duniyar gaskiya, kuma gajeren lokacin da kuke so sosai ba ya tabbatar da komai sai dai cewa akwai wasu mutane na musamman da suka aikata manyan ayyuka wadanda sauran mutane ba za su taba fatan yi ba. Wannan keɓewa ce, domin ba a sake maimaita ta ba bayan haka; shin yana yiwuwa a sake ganinta?"

n fact you are talking about a dreamland which does not exist in the world of reality, and the short period of which you are so fond proves nothing beyond the fact that there were certain extraordinary persons who did perform mighty deeds such as others can never hope to do. It is an exception, for it was never afterwards repeated, for is it likely to be witnessed again".

Wannan shi ne abin da 'yan gurguzu da makamantansu ke da'awa. Abin takaici, wasu daga cikin Musulmai ma suna fadawa tarkon irin wannan farfaganda, domin ba su san komai game da tarihin Musulunci ba sai abin da masu mulkin mallaka suka koyar da su.

This is what tile communists and their like assert. Many of the Muslims too are unfortunately found to be a prey to this sort of propaganda as they know nothing about the Islamic history save that taught to them by their imperialist masters.

Kafin mu ci gaba, muna so mu jaddada wani bambanci mai muhimmanci tsakanin akida mai tsantsar ra'ayi wadda babu misali da za a nuna cewa tana yiwuwa ko tana dacewa da yanayin rayuwa, da kuma akida wadda take da cikakkiyar damar cimmawa, tana da shaidar tarihi da ke tabbatar da cewa ba wai kawai za a iya aiwatar da ita cikin rayuwar yau da kullum cikin nasara ba, har ma tana da ikon jagorantar hanyarta da kanta. Saboda haka, tambayar da ke tasowa ita ce: shin Musulunci a asalinsa kawai wata akida ce ta mafarki (Utopia) da ba ta wanzuwa a ko'ina, kuma ba za a iya aiwatar da ita a duniyar nan ba, saboda dukkan tsarinta an gina shi ne da abubuwa na tunani da na tatsuniya kawai? Ko kuwa tsari ne na rayuwa mai amfani, amma ba lallai ne a aiwatar da shi da nasara iri ɗaya ko ta hanya ɗaya a dukkan zamanin tarihin ɗan Adam ba? A bayyane yake cewa akwai babban bambanci tsakanin waɗannan nau'ikan akida guda biyu. Idan Musulunci akida ce ta tsantsar ra'ayi, to babu sauran bege cewa za a taba aiwatar da shi a yanayin rayuwa na gaske, komai girman canjin da yanayin zamantakewa da rayuwa za su samu a nan gaba. Amma idan tsari ne mai amfani na rayuwa, kuma yanayin waje ne kawai ke hana cikakken aiwatar da shi, to lamarin ya bambanta. A irin wannan hali akwai kyakkyawan fata cewa zai iya zama gaskiya a rayuwa idan waɗannan yanayi marasa kyau suka canja ko suka zama masu dacewa da shi. Wane daga cikin lamuran biyu ne ya shafi Musulunci, na farko ko na biyu?

Before proceeding further we would like to stress a basic difference between a pure idealism with no instance to show that it is practicable or applicable to conditions of life, and an idealism such as is fully attainable with historical evidence to support its claim that it cannot only be successfully applied to practical life but is also fully capable of directing its course. As such, the question that crops up is: is Islam by its very nature merely a Utopian ideal that exists nowhere, nor is capable of being practiced in this world, its whole texture being fabricated out of purely imaginary and fictitious elements, or is it a practical system of life but may not necessarily be applied to lire with equal success or in similar manner during all the periods of human history? Evidently, there is a very great difference between these two forms of idealism. If Islam be an ideology of a purely abstract character, then there is no longer any hope of its ever being applicable to the actually conditions of life howsoever great a change the social circumstances and conditions of life might undergo in future. But if it is a practical system or life and only the external conditions or life intervene in the way or its fullest application, then the case is quite different. In such a case there is every hope that it might be materialized in life if and when these unfavorable conditions of life change or become favorable to it. Which or the two cases is applicable to Islam, the former or the latter?

Amsar wannan ba ta da wahala ba, domin al'amarin yana da bayyana har ba a samun sabani sosai a kansa. Kasancewar Musulunci ya taɓa a cikin tarihin ɗan Adam a cikin cikakkiyar aiwatarwa, hakan yana tabbatar fili ba tare da wata shakka ba cewa tsari ne na rayuwa mai amfani, wanda mutum zai iya aiwatarwa ko karɓa gaba ɗaya. Haka kuma yana tabbatar da cewa tushensa ba na tunani ko na ƙirƙira ba ne. Mutane suna nan yadda suke ko yadda suka kasance a baya, domin babu wani canji a yanayin ɗan Adam a matsayinsa na ɗan Adam. Saboda haka, abin da ya faru sau ɗaya zai iya sake faruwa sau da sau.

The answer is not far to seek as the matter is so clear that there can hardly be two opinions about it. That Islam has once been already fully applied in human history proves beyond any doubt as to its being a practical system of lire that is fully capable of being practiced or adopted by man. It also proves 1hat its basis is not an imaginary or a fictitious one. Men are what they were or have been before, there being no change in the human nature as such. Therefore what happened once might happen again and again.

Masu ci gaba na zamani suna cewa hakan ba zai sake faruwa ba, sabili da haka sake farfado da Musulunci aiki ne marar amfani. Amma za mu iya tambayar su: shin suna nufin cewa mutanen farkon Musulunci sun kai ga matsayi na kamala ta ɗabi'a har ɗan Adam ba zai sake iya komawa wancan matsayi ba? Ta yaya suke tabbatar da wannan matsayi nasu, duk da cewa da kansu suna ikirarin cewa ɗan Adam yana ci gaba akai-akai yana tafiya gaba?

Modern progressionists say that it cannot re-happen and, therefore, Islamic revival is a hopeless task, but may we ask them if they want to say that man in the early days or Islam had attained to such a high pinnacle of moral perfection as humanity is unable to regain those heights ever again? How do they justify this stand of theirs in the face of their own claim that humanity is constantly advancing forward and ever marching ahead?

Tambayar dalilin da ya sa irin halifancin farko ba a sake ganinsa a tarihin da ya biyo baya ba, sai sau ɗaya a farkon lamarin da kuma a wasu ƙananan lokuta da suka warwatsu a tarihin Musulunci, kamar zamanin Umar bin Abdul Aziz misali, yana bukatar a yi nazari sosai a kan wannan matsala. Sai dai amsarta a bayyane take a shafukan tarihi, ko dai a matsayin wani al'amari na gida da aka gani a duniyar Musulunci, ko kuma a matsayin gaskiya ta duniya da ake gani a tarihin rayuwar ɗan Adam.

The question as to why the like of the early caliphate is not seen in the subsequent history save once in the beginning and later on during the extremely short periods scattered here and there in Muslim history, such as the reign of Omar bin Abdul Aziz for example, calls for a close study of the problem. Its answer, however, is clearly imprinted on the pages of history, either in the form of a local phenomenon witnessed in the Islamic world or as a universal truth exhibited in the life-history of mankind.

Dole ne mu koma ga abubuwa biyu masu zuwa dangane da wannan batu:

We needs must in this respect refer to the following two facts:

Da farko, babban ci-gaban da bil'adama ya samu da taimakon Musulunci, da kuma zurfafan ramin da Musulunci ya ɗaga ɗan Adam daga ƙasansa zuwa ga ɗaukakar kyawawan ɗabi'u da aka gani a lokacin Halifancin farko, wani al'amari ne da ba za a iya bayyana shi da ƙa'idodin rayuwa na zahiri ba; a maimakon haka mu'ujiza ce daga cikin sauran mu'ujizozi masu yawa da Musulunci ya kawo a bayan wannan ƙasa. Amma hakan bai samu ba sai bayan shekaru na shiri da kuma sauya ɗabi'a sosai ga waɗancan manyan jaruman Musulunci waɗanda suka bayyana wannan babbar mu'ujiza tare da jiki da kuma dukkan halayensu a rayuwa.

Firstly, the great leap that humanity strode forward with the help of Islam and the deep abyss from the bottom of which Islam lifted it to the lofty heights of moral refinement witnessed in the early caliphate, was a phenomenon such as cannot be explained in terms of ordinary physical laws of life; it was rather a miracle out or the so many other miracles brought about by Islam on the face of this earth. But it was made possible only after years of preparation and a thorough moral reorientation of those great heroes of Islam who exemplified and embodied this great miracle in their persons as well as in their whole conduct in life.

Amma Musulunci ya yadu a duniya cikin saurin walƙiya har ba a cika samun irinsa ba a tarihin sauran motsin tarihi, ko a zamanin baya ko a zamanin da suka biyo baya. Wannan wata mu'ujiza ce ta Musulunci, wadda ke da wuya a bayyana ta ta hanyar wata fassarar tarihi ta fannin abin duniya ko tattalin arziki, irin wadda 'yan gurguzu da masu bin abin duniya ke yawan amfani da ita wajen warware tarihin ɗan Adam. Wannan yaɗuwar Musulunci cikin sauri, duk da haka, ta shigar da al'ummomi masu yawa cikin rukunansa, waɗanda ba su san ainihin ruhin Musulunci ba sosai, kuma ba su fahimci ainihin muhimmancin tsarinsa na zamantakewa, tattalin arziki da siyasa ba. Abin takaici, ba zai yiwu gwamnatocin Musulunci na lokacin su shirya koyar da akida ko tarbiyyar ɗabi'a ga waɗannan sababbin musulmi ba, kamar yadda aka bai wa Musulmi na farko a Larabawa.

But Islam spread with such a lightning speed in the world that there is hardly any parallel to it in the history of the different historical movements either in the earlier or in the subsequent periods. This is just another miracle brought about by Islam that is hard to explain through any materialistic or economic interpretation of history such as with which the communists and the materialists are wont to explain away human history. This speedy propagation of Islam, however, brought into its fold very many nations who were far from being fully acquainted with the real spirit of Islam, nor did they understand the real significance of its socioeconomic and political system. Unfortunately, it was not possible for the Muslim governments of the time to arrange for the doctrinal instruction or moral education of these converts such as was given to early Muslims of Arabia.

Sakamakon haka, daular Musulunci ta faɗaɗa, adadin masu imani shi ma ya ƙaru, amma ƙa'idodin Musulunci da koyarwarsa ba su taɓa shiga zukatan wannan babban taron masu karɓar Musulunci ba. Shugabanni ba su ƙara jin tsoron ra'ayin jama'a ba, suna takawa dokokin Musulunci a ƙasa. Sun kwace 'yancin jama'a, suka sanya su cikin kowane irin zalunci, kamar yadda tarihin Banu Umayya, Abbasiyawa, Turkawa da Mamluk ya nuna. Idan babu ra'ayin jama'a da aka gina sosai kuma aka ilimantar, shugabanni na iya yin wasa da Musulunci cikin sauƙi, su kwace haƙƙoƙin jama'a.

Consequently, the Islamic empire expanded and the number of the believers also multiplied but Islamic principles and teachings never found way into the hearts of these large hosts of converts. The rulers no longer feared public opinion while trampling underfoot the commandments of Islam. They usurped the people's liberties and subjected them to all forms of injustice as is known by the history of the Ommeyeds, Abassides, Turks and Mamlukes. In the absence of a well-formed and educated public opinion they could easily treat Islam as a plaything and usurp the rights of the people.

Na biyu, babban ci-gaban da Musulunci ya kawo a rayuwar ɗan Adam ba za a iya kiransa abin da ya faru ta hanyar jiki ko ta dabi'a ba, domin a tsalle ɗaya kawai ya ɗaga ɗan Adam daga mafi ƙasƙancin zurfin bauta da ƙangin bayi zuwa mafi kyawu kuma mafi kamala na adalci a zamantakewa da ɗan Adam bai taɓa samu ba a ƙarƙashin kowane tsarin zamantakewa da aka gwada har yanzu. Musulunci ya 'yantar da shi daga mulkin sha'awoyi marasa natsuwa, ya ɗaukaka shi zuwa mafi girman matakan kamala ta ɗabi'a da ba a taɓa gani ba a dukkan tarihin ɗan Adam.

Secondly, the great advancement that Islam effected in human life cannot be termed as a physical or a natural phenomenon, for in one great leap it raised humanity from the lowest depths of slavery and serfdom to the highest and most ideal state of social justice yet experienced by mankind under any other social system it has so far tried. Islam freed it from the dominance of unruly passions and elevated it to the highest realms of moral perfection ever witnessed in the whole range of human history.

Islam ne ya sa mutane suka kai irin waɗannan manyan matsayi na ɗabi'a abin mamaki a farkon zamaninsa, domin ƙarfin ruhaniya da aka bayyana cikin halin Annabi mai tsarki ﷺ da sahabbansa abu ne mai ban mamaki. Wannan ƙarfi ne ya ɗaga mutane zuwa wani matsayi mafi girma fiye da yadda za su iya kaiwa a al'ada, ya kuma sa su yi manyan ayyuka kusan kamar mu'ujizai. Amma sa'ad da wannan tsananin kwarin gwiwa ya ragu, mutane suka koma yanayinsu na dā, daga matsayinsu mai girma na ɗabi'a da ruhaniya, ko da yake har yanzu suna riƙe da aƙalla wani ɗan haske na hasken Allah. Shafukan tarihi da wannan haske na Allah ya haskaka su ne muke niyyar nuna wa 'yan'uwanmu a cikin wannan rubutu. Amma wannan ba yana nufin, kamar yadda wasu mutane suka yi zato ba daidai ba, cewa ana buƙatar kasancewar Annabi ﷺ da sahabbansa koyaushe don kawo ko da ƙaramin canji a rayuwar aiki irin wanda Musulunci ya kawo ba, domin abin da ya zama mu'ujiza a duniyar dangantakar siyasa da tattalin arziki shekara dubu da ɗari uku da suka wuce, yanzu, godiya ga abubuwan da ɗan adam ko al'ummar Musulmi kanta suka samu cikin ƙarnoni, ya zama aiki da mutum ya cika shirye don aiwatar da shi.

It was Islam that made men win these surprisingly lofty moral heights during its early period as the spiritual force exemplified in the personality of the Holy Prophet and his Companions was an extraordinary one. It was this force that raised men to a plane far higher than they could ordinarily attain and made them perform mighty works very much akin to miracles. When, however, this mighty impulse ebbed away the people reverted to their former state from their erstwhile sublime state of moral and spiritual existence, although they still retained a spark at least of the divine light. It is the pages of history illumined by this divine light which we intend to point out to our fellowmen in this treatise. But this does not mean, as some people have wrongly assumed, that it requires the constant presence of the Prophet himself and his Companions to bring about even the smallest change in practical life such as was effected by Islam, for that which was a miracle in the world of politico-economic relationships thirteen hundred years ago, has now, thanks to the experiences gained by mankind or by the Muslim community itself over the centuries, become a task for the performance of which man is fully equipped.

Saboda haka, idan muna son mu yi amfani da Musulunci a yanayin rayuwar zamani, tare da yin la'akari da kyakkyawar ɗabi'ar da aka bayyana a rayuwar Musulmi na farko, ba sai mun ci gaba cikin saurin ban mamaki kamar yadda ya siffanta farkon tarihin Musulunci ba, domin gogewa daban-daban da ci gaban da mutum ya samu tun daga lokacin sun riga sun kai mu kusa da ƙwanƙolin ɗaukakar akidar Musulunci. Cimma ta, saboda haka, ya zama mafi sauƙi, kuma ƙoƙarin da ake buƙata shi ma bai da wahala sosai. Wasu misalai daga rayuwar zamani za su isa su nuna gaskiyar abin da muka faɗa a sama.

Therefore if we should want to apply Islam to the modern conditions of life making due allowance for the high moral excellence exemplified in the lives of the early Muslims we would not have to move forward at the miraculously high speed such as characterized the early history of Islam, for the various experiences and the progress since made by man have already brought us much closer to the lofty pinnacle of the Islamic ideal. Its achievement has, as a consequence thereof, become much easier, the effort required also being far less arduous. A few examples from the modern life may suffice to illustrate the truth of what we have said above.

Yawancin al'ummomin zamani suna zaɓen shugabanninsu ta hanyar zaɓe na gama-gari, kuma suna da haƙƙin dakatarwa ko sauke su idan sun kasa cika wajibinsu ga jama'a. Amma wannan ba komai ba ne face aikace-aikacen zamani na wani muhimmin al'amari na tsarin mulkin Musulunci, wanda Musulunci ya kafa shekara sama da dubu ɗari uku da suka wuce. Hakika wannan abin al'ajabi ne a zamanin halifofi Abu Bakr da Umar, amma ba a wannan duniyar tamu ta zamani ba; a yanzu tabbatar da shi yana cikin ikonmu gaba ɗaya, muddin muna son aiwatar da shi a rayuwarmu da gaske.

Most of the nations in the modern times elect their rulers through general elections and also have the right to suspend or dismiss them if they should fail in discharging their obligations towards the people. But this is no more than a modem application of an important feature of the Islamic system of government that was instituted by Islam more than thirteen hundred years ago. Surely this was a miracle in the age of the caliphs Abu Bakr and Omar, but not in this modem world of ours; its realization is now completely within our means provided we should honestly wish to enforce it in our lives.

Idan za mu iya karɓar shi daga Ingila ko Amurka, me ya sa ba za mu iya karɓe shi a sunan Musulunci ba, musamman ma idan tuni yana cikin Musulunci?

For if we can take it from England or America, why cannot we as well adopt it in the name of Islam, especially when it is already therein Islam?

Sannan akwai batun tabbatar da muhimman bukatun ma'aikatanta ta bangaren gwamnati.

Then there is the question of guaranteeing the basic needs of its employees by the state.

Haka kuma akwai umurni bayyananne daga Annabi (tsira da aminci su tabbata a gare shi) cewa dukkan ma'aikatan gwamnati su samu bukatunsu na asali. Wannan umurnin ne kuma kwaminisanci ya aiwatar a karni na ashirin, duk da cewa Musulunci ya riga ya yi hakan ba tare da dogaro da mulkin kama-karya na masu aiki irin wanda kwaminisanci ba zai iya rayuwa ba. Idan a yau muna da niyyar tabbatar da wadannan bukatun asali ga ma'aikatan gwamnati, me yasa ba za mu bi tafarkin Musulunci ba maimakon yin koyi da kwaminisanci?

About this too there is the explicit commandment of the Prophet (peace be on him) that all employees of the state shall be provided with their basic needs. It was this very commandment that communism carried into effect in the twentieth century notwithstanding the fact that Islam had already done so without resorting to a dictatorship of the proletariat such as communism could not do without. If we are inclined today to guarantee these basic needs to the state-employees, why should we not follow the lead of Islam rather than imitate communism?

To haka ta samu Mun mayar da matsalar da muke fuskanta a ƙarshe zuwa ga tambaya mai muhimmanci: Shin wani takamaiman tsarin zamantakewa da tattalin arziki da siyasa yana yiwuwa a aiwatar da shi ko a'a? Wannan ita ce kaɗai ma'auni wadda ta dace a yi hukunci a kanta game da ko tsari yana yiwuwa ko ba ya yiwuwa. Idan muka duba daga wannan mahanga, za mu ga cewa tsarin rayuwar Musulunci tsari ne mai yiwuwa a aikace, domin shi ne tsarin farko da aka taɓa aiwatarwa a rayuwar ɗan Adam a bisa wannan duniya.

Thus the problem we are dealing with in the final analysis crystallizes into the fundamental question: Is a particular socio-economic and political system practicable or not? This is the only criterion whereby the practicability or otherwise of a system can be judged aright. Judging from this standpoint we find that the Islamic system of life is in fact a practical system of life, for it was the first system ever practically applied to human life on the face of this earth.

Babu gaskiya a abin da 'yan gurguzu da masu bin tafarkinsu ke faɗa, cewa rayuwar zamani an gina ta ne bisa tushen kimiyya, yayin da Musulunci tsari ne da ya dogara da sha'awoyi da niyyoyi masu tsoron Allah. Cewa wannan ƙarya ce kwata-kwata za a iya fahimta daga gaskiyar cewa shari'ar Musulunci, misali, ba ta dogara ko kaɗan ga ji ko motsin zuciyar mutane ba.

There is no truth in what the communists and their camp-followers say that the modern life is raised on a scientific foundation while Islam is a system based on passions and pious intentions. That this is absolutely false may be realized from the fact that the Islamic law, for instance, does not at all rest on the feelings or emotions of men.

Hakazalika, halifofin farko ba su dogara ga tunani mara tushe ko ga niyyoyin mutane ba a lokacin da suke tuntubar majalisunsu ko suke neman fassarar shari'a da aiwatar da dokokin Musulunci.

Similarly, early caliphs did not rest their decisions on wishful thinking or the intentions of men when conferring with their councils or seeking some legal interpretation and application of Islamic law.

Haƙiƙa, Musulunci ba ya dogara da doka kaɗai. Shi ne, ba shakka, yana tsara dokoki iri-iri, amma da farko yana son ya horar da ɗan adam daga ciki, ta yadda za su miƙa wuya ga doka idan an aiwatar da ita, ba don tsoron gwamnati daga waje kaɗai ba, sai dai saboda himmarsu ta ɗabi'a daga cikin zukatansu. Babu shakka, wannan ita ce mafi kyawun nasara da ɗan adam ya samu zuwa yanzu a fagen siyasa. Amma duk da haka doka tana nan a kowane lokaci, ko da yake ana kiranta ne kawai idan alherin jama'a ya bukaci hakan. A irin wannan yanayi ana aiwatar da ita ba tare da nuna wata damuwa ga mutane ba, har ta kai ga Khalifa Usman ya ce: "Allah yana takaita ta hanyar iko abin da Alqur'ani bai takaita ba." Wasu marubuta, yayin da suke jayayya cewa farfaɗo da Musulunci ba zai yiwu ba, suna cewa mutane irin su Umar ba sa tasowa kullum; irin waɗannan mutane keɓantattu ne, ba a cika samun su a tarihi ba. Amma irin wannan hujja tana bayyana rashin tunaninsu. Gama ba mutumin Umar ba, wato irin mutumin da Musulunci ya haifa, muke bukata domin aiwatar da dokar Musulunci, sai dai dokokin da ya tsara ko kuma hukunce-hukuncen shari'a da ya bari a baya. Misali, Umar ya ba da umarni cewa ba za a yanke hannun barawo ba idan akwai yiwuwar an tilasta masa yin satar saboda wani matsin tattalin arziki ko zamantakewa da ke waje. Lalle, wannan hukunci na shari'a ba ya bukatar kasancewar mutum kamar Umar domin a yi amfani da shi a rayuwa ta zahiri, domin ba komai ba ne sai fassarar ƙa'idar asali ta shari'ar Musulunci wadda ta tanadi cewa a cikin al'amura masu shakka a guji hukuncin hadi. Babu wani abu na waje ko na ciki da zai hana mu aiwatar da shi a rayuwarmu ta zahiri kawai don babu Umar a cikinmu.

The fact is that Islam does not rely on law alone. It no doubt frames various laws but it first of all wants to civilize human beings from within so that they would willingly submit to the law if and when it is enforced not only because of any outside fear of the government but because of their own moral initiative from within. Undoubtedly, this is the most excellent achievement so far gained by mankind in the world of politics. But still the law is there all the time although it is invoked only when the general good calls for it. In such cases it is enforced without any regard whatsoever of people to such an extent that caliph Othman said: "God restrains with authority that which is not restrained by the Qur'an." Some writers while arguing that the revival of Islam is impossible allege that men like Omar are not born every day; personalities like him are exceptions and not met with frequently in history, But such a line of reasoning betrays their own barrenness of thought, For, it is not the person of Omar-the typical man produced by Islam that we stand in need of for the enforcement of the Islamic law but rather the laws framed or legal precedents left behind by him. Thus, for instance, Omar ordered that the hands of a thief shall not be cut in case there is a possibility of his being driven to it due to some external economic or social exigency. Surely, this legal precedent does not necessarily call for the presence of a man like Omar to apply it to practical life, as it was nothing but an interpretation of the basic principle of the Islamic jurisprudence which lays down that in cases of doubtful nature the legal punishment should be avoided. There is no external or internal check upon us such as due to which we may not be able to enforce it in our practical life just because there is no Omar amongst us.

Haka kuma, Umar ya tabbatar da cewa shugaba yana da cikakken iko na karɓar abin da ya wuce kima daga dukiyar attajirai, yana raba shi ga matalauta kamar yadda ake yi a yau, misali a Ingila. Ba sai an samu wani Umar ba don a aiwatar da wannan doka a Ingila, wanda hakan ya isa ya tabbatar da cewa za a iya aiwatar da ita a duniyar zamani. Wannan hukuncin nasa ya dogara ne kuma da sanannen ka'idar Alkur'ani game da dukiya: "Domin kada (dukiya) ta zama wani abu da ake zagayawa tsakanin masu wadata daga cikinku" (Al-Hashr: 7). Umar ya kuma kafa haƙƙin gwamnati na binciken dukiyar da gwamnoni suka tara, don sanin ta inda suka samo ta, ko ta su ce ko kuwa an wawure ta daga kuɗaɗen jama'a ko aka samo ta ta hanyoyin haram. Wannan ma ya zama kusan al'adar duniya a zamanin yau, ko da yake babu wani Umar a tsakaninmu. Ya kuma sanya doka cewa jaririn da aka yar da shi za a kula da shi ta hannun gwamnati, kuma a biya kuɗin kulawarsa daga baitul-mali, domin ba za a ɗora masa alhakin zunuban iyayensa ba, ko a bar shi yana wahala saboda su. Turai da Amurka a ƙarshe sun amince da wannan ta hanyar kafa dokoki irin wannan a karni na ashirin, wanda hakan ya ƙara nuna cewa wajen aiwatar da doka ba lallai ne sai an samu Umar ba. Ba mu buƙatar Umar saboda kawai yana da babban hali ba, sai dai saboda shi ne fitaccen masanin shari'a na farkon Musulunci, baya ga kasancewarsa cikakken mai zurfin fahimta da ruhin Musulunci. Game da rayuwarsa ta kansa kuwa, za mu iya bin ta da amfani, domin tana taimaka mana mu hau zuwa mafi girman matakan rayuwa, kuma tana ba Musulmi na kowane zamani misali mai daraja da ɗaukaka da za su bi. Amma ko da muka kasa bin misalinsa na kashin kansa, to kiyaye dokokin da ya kafa na iya isarwa a rayuwa ta zahiri, domin wadannan za su ba mu damar tsayawa da kafafunmu, ba kuma kawai mu yi koyi ko mu bi ba tare da tunani ba dokoki da kundin tsarin mulki da aka shigo da su daga kasashen waje ba.

Similarly, Omar laid it down that the ruler was fully authorized to take of the excess of the rich people's wealth and distribute it among the poor as is nowadays being done, for instance, in England. It did not need an Omar to enforce this law in England which is sufficient to prove its practicability in the modern world. This ruling of his was also based on the well-known Qura'nic principle concerning riches: “In order that it may not (merely) make a circuit between the wealthy among you” (Iix : 7). Omar also enunciated the right of the state to institute an inquiry about the wealth amassed by the governors with a view to know as to whence they had acquired it, if it was their own or misappropriated from public funds or gained through unlawful means. This has also become almost a universal practice in the contemporary world, although there is, of course, no Omar here among us, He also made it a law that a foundling shall be looked after by the state and his expenses defrayed from the public exchequer, for he could not be held responsible or left to suffer for the sin committed by the parents, Europe and America at last recognized this by framing laws to that effect in the twentieth century, which again shows that so far as the enforcement or the application of the law is concerned the presence of an Omar is not inevitable. We need Omar not just because he was a man of towering personality but because he is the most outstanding legist of the early period of Islam besides his being so deeply imbued with the spirit and understanding of Islam, As for his personal life, we may follow it with benefit, for it helps us to ascend to higher planes of being and affords the Muslims of all times to come with a sublime and noble example to follow. But even if we fail in following his personal example, our observance of the laws enacted by him might suffice in practical life, for these would enable us to stand on our legs and not merely imitate or follow blindfoldly the laws and constitutions imported from foreign lands.

Akwai kuma wani babban kuskure mai yawo game da Musulunci. Ana cewa Musulunci bai taɓa kafuwa cikakke a kan wannan duniya ba sai a zamanin halifanci na farko kawai. Gaskiya ne cewa ba a taɓa aiwatar da Musulunci a sigarsa ta gaskiya ba sai a ɗan gajeren lokacin Umar bin Abdul Aziz bayan halifancin farko; amma wannan ba yana nufin cewa Musulunci a matsayin addini da tsarin rayuwa ya daina wanzuwa bayan zamanin halifanci ba. A shekarun da suka biyo baya, gwamnati ce kawai ta sha wani mummunan sauyi daga mahangar Musulunci, ko dai a wani sashi ko gaba ɗaya. Sauran al'umma kuwa sun ci gaba da kasancewa cikin ruhin Musulunci kamar yadda suke a da. Ba su taɓa amincewa da rarraba mutane zuwa 'masu wadata' da 'marasa wadata' ba, ko zuwa masu mulki da bayi ba. Maimakon haka, dukkansu suna haɗe a cikin 'yan'uwantaka ta duniya, suna raba aiki tare da juna da kuma amfanin aikin.

There is also still another great misunderstanding prevalent against Islam. It is said that Islam was never fully established on this earth save in the early caliphate period. It is correct that Islam was never enforced in its true form except during the short period of Omar bin Abdul Aziz after the early caliphate; yet it does not at all mean that Islam as a religion and a system of life had ceased to exist after the caliphate period. In the subsequent years, it was the government only that had suffered a morbid change from the point of view of Islam partly or totally. The rest of the society remained as Islamic in spirit as ever. It did never recognize the division of the people into the 'haves' and 'havenots' nor into masters and salves. Rather they were all united in a universal brotherhood sharing with one another the labor as well as the fruits thereof.

Doka a duk sassan duniyar Musulunci, dokar ƙasar Musulunci ita ce ta kasance mai rinjaye koyaushe. Ba a taɓa barin mutane a hannun masu mulkin ƙasa (ubangidan fāda) kamar yadda ya faru a Turai ba. Al'adun Musulunci sun rayu, kuma ana iya ganin hakan a tarihin yaƙe-yaƙen Musulunci da abokan gābansa. Duba yakin Crusades, musamman a zamanin Salah-ud-Din Al-Ayubi, ya isa ya gamsar da mutum game da gaskiyar wannan magana. Halayen Musulmi wajen cika yarjejeniyoyinsu na ƙasa da ƙasa, ko a cikin tarihinsu na baya, ba su yi ƙasa da daraja ba, kuma sun kasance abin alfahari. Ƙaunarsu ga ilimi da girmama wayewar kai sun sa duniyar Musulunci ta zama wurin da duk masu neman ilimi da fasaha na gaskiya ke zuwa. Wannan fitilar ilimi da Musulunci ya kunna ce ta ƙarshe ta haddasa wuta a dukkan Turai, ta sa ta yi tafiya gaba a hanyar ci gaba da wayewa.

The law of the land of Islam always ruled supreme in all the different parts of tile Islamic world. The people were never left to the mercy of feudal lords as happened in Europe. The Islamic traditions lived and these may be witnessed in the history of wars of Islam against its enemies. A perusal of the crusades, particularly during the days of Salah-ud-Din Al-Ayubi, may suffice to convince one of the veracity of the above Statement. The conduct of the Muslims in carrying out their international agreements even during their latter history was no less sublime and glorious. Their love for knowledge and regard for civilization made the Islamic world a favorite haunt of all true seekers of knowledge and arts. It was this torch of knowledge lighted by Islam that finally set ablaze the whole of Europe and made it march ahead on the path of progress and development.

A takaice dai, Musulunci ba tsari ne mai ra'ayi kawai ba (wato ideal) a ma'anar raini da ake fahimtar kalmar da ita a Yamma. A maimakon haka, tsari ne na rayuwa mai amfani sosai, wanda ɗan Adam ya riga ya gwada shi sau ɗaya. Ɗan Adam a matsayin al'umma zai iya karɓar sa a yanzu da irin nasarar da ya samu shekaru dubu da ɗari uku da suka wuce, saboda ƙwarewar da aka samu tun daga lokacin, domin ya kusantar da ɗan Adam sosai ga cimma shi. A ɗaya ɓangaren kuma, gurguzu ita ce wadda za a iya kiranta da gaskiya a matsayin kawai ra'ayi marar amfani, wanda babu wani nasarar aiwatarwa a rayuwar ɗan Adam har yanzu. An ce, mataki na gurguzu ta gaske ba a kai gare shi ba tukuna: duniya tana ci gaba da tafiya a hankali zuwa wannan matakin na ra'ayi.

In short, Islam is not an ideal system in the derogatory sense this term is commonly understood to imply in the West. It is rather a perfectly practical system of life that has already been once tried by humanity. Mankind as such can adopt it now with as much success as it did thirteen hundred years ago thanks to the experience gained since, for it has brought mankind much closer and nearer to its realization. On the other hand, it is communism which may rightly be dubbed as a mere idle idealism with no successful practical application of it so far to human life. The stage of real communism, we are told, has not yet been attained: the world is rather steadily moving towards that ideal stage.

Idan duniya gaba ɗaya ta shiga ƙarƙashin mulkin ƙasa guda ta gurguzu, kuma dukiya ta bazu daidai tsakanin dukan 'yan ƙasarta, to a lokacin ne za a kai ga ainihin matakin gurguzu. A lokacin ne yakin aji tsakanin masu dukiya da marasa dukiya zai ƙare har abada, domin rashin daidaituwar rarraba dukiya ita ce kaɗai sanadin wannan yakin aji.

When all the world shall be brought under the control of a single world communist state and all wealth distributed evenly among all its citizens, then will the real stage of communism be attained. Then the class-war between the 'haves' and the 'have-nots' shall be done away with once for all as it is the uneven distribution of wealth that is the sole cause of this class warfare.

Wannan mafarkin gurguzu wata Utopia ce wadda ba za ta taba tabbata a wannan duniyar ta zahiri ba. Tana cikin yankin ruɗi ne. Tushen zatonta cewa mutane za su iya zama daidai ta hanyar wucin-gadi wajen mallakar irin wannan hanyoyin samar da abubuwa, da kuma cewa yaƙin aji zai ƙare idan aka raba dukiya daidai tsakanin dukkan mutane, da kuma cewa ɗan Adam ba zai iya ci gaba ba sai ta hanyar yaƙin tsakanin aji, duk ba su da tushe kuma ba gaskiya ba ne. Tana wakiltar wani irin akida wadda za ta iya burge wawaye kawai. Ta samo asali ne daga akidar abin duniya, kuma abin ban mamaki, ana ɗauka cewa an gina ta ne a kan ƙa'idodin kimiyya da gaskiyar rayuwa.

This communist dreamland is a Utopia such as would never be materialized in this world of reality. It belongs under the realm of delusion. Its basic assumptions that human beings can ever be artificially made equal in possessing similar means of production and that all class war shall come to an end when and if wealth is distributed evenly among all the people and that humanity cannot progress except through interclass warfare, are altogether baseless and untrue. It represents an idealism such as can fascinate the fools only. It originated out of materialism and, ironically enough, is supposed to be based on scientific principles and facts of life.