“PIO:我们在沼泽里翻出一个图西人时,眼前不再是一个人,我是说不再是和我们一样、有着相似想法和感受的人。这场猎杀是野蛮的,猎人是野蛮的,猎物也是野蛮的——野蛮占据了头脑。”158

“PIO: We no longer saw a human being when we turned up a Tutsi in the swamps. I mean a person like us, sharing similar thoughts and feelings. The hunt was savage, the hunters were savage, the prey was savage-savagery took over the mind.”158

在十九世纪，如今以基督教为主要信仰的卢旺达和布隆迪成为德国的殖民地，新的统治者在这两个国家建立了封建社会。

In the 19th century present-day Rwanda and Burundi, predominantly Christian countries, became Germany colonies, and the new powers founded a feudal society in the countries.

由胡图族和图西族两大主要部族构成,图西族贵族的祖先是牧牛人。德国在第一次世界大战中战败后,国际联盟将东非的卢旺达和布隆迪(卢旺达-乌隆迪)委托给比利时管理,因此法语成为政府使用的语言。

Made up of two dominant tribes, the Hutu and the Tutsi, the Tutsi nobility descended from cattle ranchers. After Germany lost the First World War, the League of Nations entrusted the East African mandate of Rwanda and Burundi (Ruanda-Urundi) to Belgium, and thus French became the language of the government.

从20世纪30年代起，比利时政府强制所有非洲人携带身份证，上面注明其族裔、语言和宗教信仰。卢旺达人被分为三个族群：胡图族约占80%至85%，图西族约占14%至19%，特瓦族约占1%。与所有殖民者一样，比利时人推行分而治之的政策，按种族界线将各族群区隔开来并使其边缘化。他们认定图西族是一个优越的种族，肤色较浅、身材较高、鼻子较窄，更接近欧洲人的外貌特征；而胡图族则被视为低等，肤色较深、身材较矮。比利时政府因此赋予图西族更多的权力、地位以及经济和教育特权。

From the 1930s, the Belgian government made it mandatory for all Africans to carry identity cards displaying their ethnicity, language and religion. The Rwandans were divided into three ethnic groups, 80 to 85% Hutu, 14 to 19% Tutsi and 1% Twa. As colonisers do, practising a divide and rule policy, the Belgian separated and marginalised the groups along racial lines determining that the Tutsi were a superior race who had lighter skin, were taller and had thin noses – a more European type look. The Hutu on the other hand were held to be inferior, with darker skin and shorter statures. The Belgium government thus granted more power, status, economic and educational privileges to the Tutsis.

在卢旺达，穆斯林只占全国人口的很小一部分，长期以来遭受负面宣传的冲击，由此引发了许多歧视事件。穆斯林被人以带有贬义的“Umuswahili”一词称呼，这一称谓源于早前几代的许多穆斯林曾讲斯瓦希里语。教师们也曾试图使穆斯林儿童改信基督教，若有人抵制，便会遭到阻拦，其受教育的机会也受到限制。许多担心子女被诱导改教的穆斯林家长选择不让孩子上学，转而把他们送入伊斯兰经学院（madrasa）就读。这造成了长远的影响，因为穆斯林因此始终处于边缘群体的地位，在政治生活中几乎没有影响力。

Muslims in Rwanda only represented a very small proportion of the country’s inhabitants and had long suffered the brunt of a negative propaganda, which had led to many cases of discrimination. Muslims were referred to by the disparaging terms “Umuswahili” derived from the fact that many Muslims in earlier generations had spoken Swahili. There were also attempts by teachers to convert Muslim children to Christianity, and if any resisted they faced preventions and restrictions in furthering their education. Many Muslim parents who feared such conversion attempts opted to not send their children to school and to enrol them instead into madrasas. This had long term effects since Muslims would remain as a marginal group with little influence in political life.

1994年4月6日，一架载着已故卢旺达总统哈比亚利马纳和布隆迪总统恩塔里亚米拉的飞机，在基加利卡诺姆贝国际机场上空被击落。

On April 6, 1994, a plane carrying home the late Presidents Habyarimana of Rwanda and Ntaryamira of Burundi was shot down above the Kanombe International Airport in Kigali.

坠机事件被胡图族归咎于图西族叛军，随之而来的是仇恨与复仇情绪断断续续地发酵。这最终演变为一场残酷的屠杀与暴力运动，从首都蔓延到全国其他地区。

The crash was blamed by Hutus on Tutsi rebels and what transpired was a sporadic festering of hate and revenge. This culminated in a savage campaign of murder and violence which spread from the capital to the rest of the country.

由于对图西族人口进行了一场非常激烈的非人化宣传，大部分暴力是在邻里之间、夫妻之间、神职人员与教众之间、教师与学生之间发生的。胡图族民兵“因特拉哈姆韦”（Interahamwe）竟然用砍刀砍死他们从小一起长大的男男女女，这些人与他们去同一座教堂、上同一所学校，说同一种语言，甚至彼此通婚。

Due to a very intense program of dehumanisation of the Tutsi population, much of the violence was carried out between neighbour and neighbour, husband and wife, clergy and congregation, teacher and students. Hutu militia, the interhamwe, resorted to hacking to death men and women they had grown up with, who attended the same churches, the same schools, spoke the same language and even intermarried.

对图西人的"他者化"运动通过学校、媒体和政治言论被酝酿并广泛传播,煽动武装青年公开杀人。凶手们会强迫其他人也这样做,高喊"不杀就被杀"("do or die")的口号,即要么杀人,要么被杀,并以食物、金钱以及被杀害的图西人土地的继承权相诱惑。

The campaign of Otherising the Tutsis was fermented and disseminated through schools, media and in political rhetoric, inspiring armed youth to kill openly. The murderers would force others to do the same, evoking slogans of “do or die”, meaning kill or get killed, enticing them with promises of food, money and an inheritance of land belonging to the Tutsis they kill.

许多人虽未亲手杀人,却与杀人者勾结,出卖藏匿图西族人的地点。尽管一些暴力事件只是零星发生,但许多位居高位的图西族政界人士和商人也卷入了煽动极端反胡图族宣传的行为。国家在缺乏全国性或有效的社区领导的情况下,沦为一片可怕的杀戮战场;旅行限制使人无法自由行动,治安极度恶化。

Many who did not physically kill others, colluded with murderers to reveal Tutsi hiding places. Though some of the violent outbursts were sporadic events, many high-level Tutsi politicians and businessmen were also implicated in the festering of virulent anti-Hutu propaganda. The country, without national or effective community leadership, degenerated into a horrendous killing field, travel restrictions prevented free movement and insecurity was rife.

1994年卢旺达发生的事情，是人对人的非人道行为，一切道德在其中都被搁置。非人化出现于一些人将另一些人排除在人类的道德秩序之外的时候。在加害者眼中，这些人失去了将他们与人类整体联系在一起的地位。图西人被冠以"受污染的身份"，被贬为一种虚无的状态，被称作"东西"、"蟑螂"、"动物"，国家随之陷入一场野蛮的杀戮爆发。同样的非人化过程也存在于1937年的南京大屠杀中。大屠杀（犹太人遭灭绝）也以同样的方式开始，通过一系列精心策划的宣传，这些宣传出现在媒体和学校中。美国对黑人的私刑处死，则源于一种将黑人称为"黑鬼"的污名化文化。同样，在美莱村惨案中，"越南佬"这一标签被用来将越南人他者化，数百名越南平民被美国士兵杀害。对此，马克·贝克向我们提供了一段令人不安的描述："我享受射击和杀戮。看到一个越南佬被击中，我真的会兴奋。当一名美军士兵被击中时，即使我不认识他……那会让我难受。美军士兵是真实的人。但如果一个越南佬被杀，就像我出去踩死一只蟑螂一样。"159 格伦·格雷讲述了第二次世界大战中的一个事件：

What transpired in Rwanda in 1994 was man’s inhumanity to man wherein all morality was suspended. Dehumanisation occurs when some human beings exclude other human beings from the moral order of humanity. In the eyes of perpetrators such human beings lose the status that holds them together with the human race. The Tutsi were castigated with a “spoiled identity”, a state of nothingness, as “things”, “cockroaches”, as “animals” and the country descended into a savage outbreak of murder. This same process of dehumanisation existed in the rape of Nanking in 1937. The Holocaust began the same way – through an elaborate series of propaganda which featured in media and schools. The lynchings of black people in America was precipitated by a culture of stigmatising blacks as “niggers”. Similarly, the label of “gooks” was used to Otherise the Vietnamese in the My Lai massacre in which hundreds of Vietnamese civilians were killed by American soldiers. About this, Mark Baker offers us a haunting perspective: “I enjoyed the shooting and the killing. I was literally turned on when I saw a gook get shot. When a GI got shot, even if I didn’t know him…that would bother me. A GI was real. But if a gook got killed, it was like me going out here and stepping on a roach.”159 Glenn Gray recounts an incident from World War II:

“当一名日本士兵从远离战线的藏身处被“赶”出来时，“这支由相对缺乏经验的士兵组成的小队正在休息、说笑。他们抓起步枪，把他当作活靶子，而他则在空地上疯狂地奔跑，寻找安全之处。士兵们觉得他的动作滑稽至极，笑得前仰后合，因此没能及早结束这个不幸之人的性命。最终，他们还是成功地将他击毙，这件事让整个排都振奋起来，此后好几天都有话题可聊、可拿来取笑。在讲述这个故事时……那位老兵强调，这名敌方士兵就像一头动物。美国士兵们似乎从未想过，他或许也有人类的恐惧和求生的愿望。”160

“When a Japanese soldier was “flushed” from his hiding place well behind the lines of combat, “the unit, made up of relatively green troops, was resting and joking. But they seized their rifles and began using him as a live target while he dashed frantically around the clearing in search of safety. The soldiers found his movements uproariously funny and were prevented by their laughter from making early end of the unfortunate man. Finally, however, they succeeded in killing him, and the incident cheered the whole platoon, giving them something to talk and joke about for days afterward. In relating this story...the veteran emphasized the similarity of the enemy soldier to an animal. None of the American soldiers apparently ever considered that he may have had human feelings of fear and the wish to be spared.”160

Limbardo写道："昨天的'gooks'（越南人的蔑称）已经变成了伊拉克战争中的今天的'hajis'和'towel heads'，因为新一批士兵贬低这些外貌不同的平民和士兵。他引用了中士Mejla的话：'你只是想尽办法忽略他们也是人这一事实，把他们看作敌人……你叫他们"hajis"，你知道的。你做所有能让杀害和虐待他们变得更容易接受的事情。'"161

Limbardo writes that “Yesterday’s “gooks” have become today’s “hajis and “towel heads” in the Iraq War as a new corps of soldiers derogates these different-looking citizens and soldiers. He cites Sergeant Mejla: “You just sort of try to block out the act that they’re human beings and see them as enemies…You call them ‘hajis. you know. You do all the things that make it easier to deal with killing them and mistreating them.”161

著名的斯坦福实验以及阿尔伯特·班杜拉所进行的实验，旨在证明去人性化标签的力量，这种标签会催生一种“他者化”的文化，进而导致对他人的伤害。研究人员表明，用漫画式的形象和标签去非人化他人，会剥夺他人的人性特质。反过来，他们的研究还表明，积极的标签则能增进对他人的更多尊重。

The famous Stanford experiments and those conducted by Albert Bandura sought to demonstrate the power of dehumanising labels to generate a culture of Otherness which would lead to harming of others. The researchers showed that dehumanising others with caricatures and labels divested others of human qualities. Conversely, their research also showed that positive labelling had the effect of enhancing a greater respect towards people.

纳粹德国的视觉宣传所塑造的恐怖分子或不可信敌人的原型，以及沙欣和其他人所指出的媒体对阿拉伯人的描绘，催生了一种危险的“他们”观念，将其视为“外来者”和“敌对者”。这些形象与负面媒体叙事的反复使用相结合，在社会中制造出一种对身着罩袍的女性或蓄着浓密胡须的男性的集体恐慌。

The archetypes of terrorist or untrustworthy enemy created by visual propaganda in Nazi Germany of Jews or the media portrayals of Arabs that Shaheen and others point out generates an idea of a dangerous “them”, as “outsiders” and “hostile”. The repeated use of such images together with negative media narratives creates a societal paranoia about the burqa attired woman or the heavily bearded man.

在让-哈茨菲尔德（Jean Hatzfeld）那部极其令人痛心的卢旺达种族灭绝记述中，内容大多由施暴者的证词构成。读者由此读到一些可怕的记载，人们以详尽的细节描述种族灭绝期间发生的事件，其中“他者化”与非人化的过程被清楚地展现出来。

In Jean Hatzfeld’s very harrowing account of the Rwandan genocide, made up largely of testimonials by perpetrators we come to read grizzly accounts of human beings who describe in graphic detail the events of the genocide in which the processes of Othering and dehumanisation are made plain:

“约瑟夫-渴望”:那个手握砍刀冲出去的人,已经什么都听不进去了。他忘掉了一切,首先是他的智力水平。每天做同样的事,意味着我们不必去想自己在做什么。我们出去,又回来,脑子里没有任何念头。我们去猎杀,因为这是当天的任务,直到一天结束。我们的手臂主宰了我们的头脑;无论如何,我们的头脑已经不再有发言权。 “福尔让斯”:我们变得越来越残忍,越来越冷静,越来越嗜血。但我们没有看到自己正变得越来越像杀人犯。我们砍得越多,砍杀就越像是小孩子的游戏,如果我可以这么说的话。傍晚时分,你可能会遇到一个同伴。对有些人来说,这成了一种享受,会喊道:“你,我的朋友,给我买一瓶Primus啤酒,否则我就劈开你的脑袋,因为我现在就好这一口了!”但对许多人来说,那只是漫长的一天刚刚结束而已。我们不再考虑责任或好处,我们只想着继续我们已经开始的事情。无论如何,它把我们抓得太紧了,我们根本无法去想它对我们的影响。

“JOSEPH-DESIRE: The one who rushed off machete in hand, he listened to nothing anymore. He forgot everything, first of all his level of intelligence. Doing the same thing every day meant we didn’t have to think about what we were doing. We went out and came back without having a single thought. We hunted because it was the order of the day, until the day was over. Our arms ruled our heads; in any case our heads no longer had their say.” “FULGENCE: We became more and more cruel, more and more calm, more and more bloody. But we did not see that we were becoming more and more killers. The more we cut, the more cutting became child’s play if I may say so. In the evening you might meet a colleague. For a few, it turned into a treat, would call out, “You, my friend, buy me a Primus or I’ll cut open your skull, because I have a taste for that now!” But for many, it was simply that a long day had just come to an end. We stopped thinking about obligations or advantages – we thought only about continuing what we had started. In any case, it held us so tight, we could not think about its effect on us”.

“阿德尔伯特：杀戮刚开始时，我们干得很快，急于求成，匆匆了事。杀戮进行到中途时，我们杀人已经漫不经心。时间与胜利的感觉让我们变得懒散。起初，每当我们抓到一些逃亡者，我们还能感到自己更爱国，或更有功。后来，这类感受便离我们而去。我们不再听广播和当局那些冠冕堂皇的话。我们杀人，只是为了让这份工作继续下去。有些人已经厌倦了这些流血的任务。”162

“ADALBERT: At the start of the killings, we worked fast and skimmed along because we were eager. In the middle of the killings, we killed casually. Time and triumph encouraged us to loaf around. At first, we could feel more patriotic or more deserving when we managed to catch some fugitives. Later on, those kinds of feelings deserted us. We stopped listening to fine words on the radio and from the authorities. We killed to keep the job going. Some were tired of these blood assignments.”162

让-巴蒂斯特·穆尼扬科雷是卢旺达沼泽地区大屠杀的幸存者。他描述了普通人、同伴、朋友和同事如何背弃了彼此之间不言而喻的人际信任誓约，更背弃了那种对夺取无辜生命感到厌恶的人类良知。在施救者的讲述中，值得注意的是，他们常常说的是："我做的是任何人都会做的事"，或者"我们只是做了看起来理所当然的事"。

在种族灭绝之后的数周、数月和数年里，尤其是最初一段时间，卢旺达的基督徒对伊斯兰教产生了浓厚兴趣。随着关于穆斯林正直与勇敢的故事逐渐传开——他们拒绝参与杀戮，反而设法拯救图西族受害者的性命——许多人想要了解是什么信仰激励了这样的行为。华盛顿邮报2002年9月23日的一篇文章，艾米丽·韦克斯（Emily Wax）撰写，题为《伊斯兰教吸引了许多卢旺达种族灭绝的幸存者》，文中描述道：

What transpired in the weeks, months and years following the genocide, and most particularly in the initial period was a deep interest in Islam among the Christian people of Rwanda. As the stories unfolded of the integrity and bravery of the Muslims who refused to take part in the killings and instead resorted to saving the lives of Tutsi victims, many wanted to learn about the faith that inspired such conduct. A Washington Post article from September 23, 2002, entitled ‘Islam Attracting Many Survivors of Rwanda Genocide’ by Emily Wax describes:

自种族灭绝以来，卢旺达人皈依伊斯兰教的人数大幅增长。在这个非洲天主教徒最多的国家，820万人口中穆斯林现占14%，是大屠杀发生前的两倍。169

“Since the genocide, Rwandans have converted to Islam in huge numbers. Muslims now make up 14 percent of the 8.2 million people here in Africa’s most Catholic nation, twice as many as before the killings began.”169

这篇文章描述了卢旺达基督徒与当地少数穆斯林群体之间的经历，以及大屠杀之后积极的回应如何为该国各族人民之间开辟了新的理解空间。

The article describes the experience of Rwandan Christians with the minority Muslims and the way the positive responses following the genocide opened up new spaces of understanding between the people of that country:

“萨加胡图说，他的父亲曾在一家医院工作，并与一个穆斯林家庭相处融洽。尽管他们是胡图族人，这个家庭还是收留了萨加胡图。“我看着他们每天祈祷五次。我和他们一起吃饭，亲眼看到他们的生活方式，”他说。“他们礼拜时，胡图族和图西族在同一座清真寺里，没有任何区别。我需要亲眼看到这一点。”170

“Sagahutu said his father had worked at a hospital where he was friendly with a Muslim family. They took Sagahutu in, even though they were Hutus. “I watched them pray five times a day. I ate with them and I saw how they lived,” he said. “When they pray, Hutu and Tutsi are in the same mosque. There is no difference. I needed to see that.”170

另一篇由马克·莱西（Marc Lacey）撰写的文章，于2004年4月7日发表在《纽约邮报》上，标题为《1994年的恐怖之后，卢旺达人转向伊斯兰教》，描述了卢旺达民众的反应。

Another article by Marc Lacey published on April 7, 2004 in the New York Post entitled ‘Since ‘94 Horror, Rwandans Turn Toward Islam’ described the responses of the people of Rwanda:

“没有人死在清真寺里，”卢旺达穆斯林协会执行秘书拉马达尼·卢格马说，“没有穆斯林希望其他穆斯林死去。我们挺身反抗民兵，还帮助了许多非穆斯林脱险。”穆斯林领袖将这些成就归功于他们在1994年大屠杀期间的能力——他们保护了大多数穆斯林以及许多其他卢旺达人，使他们免于必死的命运。“穆斯林在1994年表现得很好，我想成为像他们那样的人，”亚历克斯·鲁蒂里扎说，他解释了自己去年皈依伊斯兰教的原因。他说，当时四处都是杀戮，最安全的地方就是穆斯林聚居的街区。171

“Nobody died in a mosque,’’ said Ramadhani Rugema, executive secretaryof the Muslim Association of Rwanda. ‘’No Muslim wanted any other Muslim to die. We stood up to the militias. And we helped many non-Muslims get away.’’ Muslim leaders credit the gains to their ability during the 1994 massacres to shield most Muslims, and many other Rwandans, from certain death. ‘’The Muslims handled themselves well in ‘94, and I wanted to be like them,’’ said Alex Rutiririza, explaining why he converted to Islam last year. With killing all around, he said, the safest place to be back then was in a Muslim neighborhood.”171