8. 纳粹德国的崛起:"犹太人问题"——从公民到被排斥的他者
8. The Rise Of Nazi Germany: “a Jewish Problem” - From Citizens To Othered Outcasts
阿尔弗雷德·罗森贝格是纳粹意识形态形成过程中的重要人物,也是纳粹领导层中的重要成员。尽管他在政治上的实际影响力并不那么大,但他的奠基性著作《二十世纪的神话》(Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts)提出了一套全面而广泛的非人化策略,他也因此背上了恶名。国家社会主义世界观的根基,是一种关于新世界的历史构想,这种世界观把人类的自我理解定义为以种族为特征,并以争夺种族统治为核心。该书描述道:
Alfred Rosenberg was an important character in the formation of Nazi ideology and within the Nazi leadership. Though he was not so politically relevant, it was his seminal work, Der Mythus des 20. Jahrhunderts (The Myth of the 20th Century), which came to present a thorough and far-ranging strategy of dehumanisation for which he earned his disrepute. At the root of the worldview of National Socialism is a historical vision of a new world, a worldview that positioned human self-understanding as characterised by race and struggle for ethnic domination. The book describes:
“过去与现在正以一种全新的面貌显现,因此我们对未来有了一项新的使命。历史与未来的行动不再意味着阶级斗争,也不再是教会教条之间的战争,而是血统与血统、种族与种族、民族与民族之间的冲突。这意味着精神价值之间的较量。”64
“Present and past are suddenly appearing in a new light, and as a result we have a new misson for the future. The actions of history and the future no longer signify class struggle or warfare between Church dogmas, but rather the conflict between blood and blood, race and race, people and people. And this means combat between spiritual values.”64
罗森堡的著作塑造了一种将犹太人视为"寄生虫"的形象,把他们定义为"反种族",认为他们并非完全的人类,无法成为德意志乃至全球社会认同的一部分。他还主张,犹太人缺乏形而上和文化层面的维度,不能被归入人类这一种族,因而更像动物。此后,纳粹宣传中常将犹太人比作老鼠,包括艺术作品、海报、演讲和电影在内都是如此。卢旺达在屠杀图西族时也出现了同样的动物化意象,图西人被称为"蟑螂";美洲的黑人奴隶同样被视为次等的动物。值得注意的是,在上述所有例子中,我们都能观察到一种模式:所引用的动物大多令人畏惧,例如蛇、老鼠和蜥蜴。正是这种"他者化",即把他人贬斥为可以随意丢弃、低于人类的存在,既为种族灭绝倾向的产生创造了条件,也加速了它的发展。对纳粹而言,"次等人"(Untermenschen)一词并非用来描述那些类似次等生物的人,而是用来指称那些本就是次等人的人。1946年主检察官泰尔福德·泰勒(Telford Taylor)……
Rosenberg’s work formed an image of the Jewish person as a “parasite”, defining them as an ‘anti-race’ who were not fully human and could not be part of a German or even global social identity. Jews were furthermore devoid, he argued, of a metaphysical and cultural dimension and could not be prescribed to a human race, rendering them instead animal-like. Jews were henceforth often compared to rats in Nazi propaganda - including art pieces, posters, speeches and films. The same kinds of animalistic imagery were prevalent in Rwanda when Tutsis were called “cockroaches” and so too were black slaves in the Americas, viewed as subhuman animals. Interestingly, in all the aforementioned instances, we observe a pattern of referencing animals that are mostly feared, such as snakes, rats and lizards. It was this Othering, such a castigating of others as disposable and less-than-human entities that both made possible and accelerated the development of genocidal tendencies. The untermenschen for the Nazis was not a description to describe those who were like subhuman entities, but to describe those who were subhuman. Principal prosecutor Telford Taylor of the 1946
纽伦堡医生审判开庭时宣读了如下陈述:
Nuremburg doctors’ trial opened with this statement:
“本案被告被控以医学科学之名实施的谋杀、酷刑及其他暴行。这些罪行的受害者多达数十万人。如今仅剩寥寥数人尚在人世;部分幸存者将出庭作证。然而,这些不幸的受害者中,大多数当场被屠杀,或在遭受酷刑的过程中死去……在施暴者眼中,这些可怜人根本不是独立的个体。他们是成批成批地被送来的,所受的对待比牲畜还要恶劣。”65
“The defendants in this case are charged with murders, tortures and other atrocities committed in the name of medical science. The victims of these crimes are numbered in the hundreds of thousands. A handful only are still alive; a few of the survivors will appear in this courtroom. But most of these miserable victims were slaughtered outright or died in the course of the tortures to which they were subjected ... To their murderers, these wretched people were not individuals at all. They came in wholesale lots and were treated worse than animals.”65
最后两句直指纳粹对犹太人的非人化政策,这一政策在大屠杀中得以实施。然而,如此精心策划的灭绝计划,无法用几句话、也无法归因于某一个人来充分解释。推动行动议程的,是一种大规模工业化的思维转变,以及将人视为低于人类的想法,正是这种想法为泰勒所描述的难以言表的暴行铺平了道路。一旦犹太人和吉普赛人在公众心目中成为"次等人"(untermenschen),他们便被排除在将人类彼此联结的正常道德权利体系之外。人们已被灌输这样的观念:犹太人和吉普赛人不再是人类,而是被感染的老鼠,清除他们是社会的必要之举。
The last two sentences strike at the horrific policy of Nazi dehumanisation of Jews in the Holocaust. Such a sophisticated program of extermination cannot however be adequately explained in a few words or with reference to a single architect. It is a changed thinking on an industrial scale that sets the agenda for action, and the thinking of humans as less than human that paved the way for the unspeakable atrocities that Taylor described. Once the Jews and Gypsies became, in the public mind, the untermenschen, and thus excluded from the normal system of moral rights that bind humans together. People had been conditioned to think that Jews and Gypsies were no longer human but infected rats whose disposal was a social necessity.
因此,穆斯林对于与之交往的各民族拥有良好的历史认识是非常重要的。了解对人们具有重大社会历史意义的事件,可以为同理心和更好的理解开辟途径。我们的历史背景显然影响着我们对世界和他人的态度;它们构成了我们品格与个性的一部分。理解他人所承受的痛苦,能够更好地促进换位思考,并培养欣赏之心。纽伦堡审判让我们了解到许多关于“他者化”和将大屠杀受害者非人化的心理学,也了解到施害者的心理。纳粹施暴者的证词反映出权力的严重滥用,他们坚持将贬低犹太人作为一项社会政策。对他们的羞辱,是将起初的不容忍与虐待煽动为普遍的“他者化”、并最终导致大规模屠杀的根本要素。
In light of the above, it is very important for the Muslim to have a good historical understanding of the peoples with who he or she engages. Knowing of events that have immense socio-historical importance for people can open avenues for empathy and better understanding. Our historical contexts have an obvious bearing on our attitudes towards the world and towards others; they form part of our characters and personalities. Understanding the pain that others have endured can better facilitate perspective taking and harness appreciation. Much was learnt from the Nuremburg Trials about the psychology of Othering and dehumanising of the Holocaust victims, as well as the psychology of the perpetrators. The gross abuse of power is reflected in the testimonies of Nazi perpetrators who had insisted on a policy of debasing Jews as a matter of social policy. Their degrading was a fundamental component of eliciting what began as intolerance and abuse into a widespread othering, culminating in their mass murder.
在审判中,吉塔·塞雷尼问施坦格尔:“如果反正都要杀他们,那么所有这些羞辱有什么意义,为什么要如此残忍?”施坦格尔回答说:“是为了驯化那些真正必须执行这些政策的人。使他们能够做出他们所做的事情。”66
In the trials, Gitta Sereny asked Stangl, “if they were going to kill them anyway, what was the point of all the humiliation, why the cruelty?” Stangl replied, “To condition those who actually had to carry out the policies. To make it possible for them to do what they did.”66
纳粹看守所表明的是,他们的受害者的人性必须被抹去。他们需要被变成“非人”、“类动物”,他们的行为也必须符合纳粹在其社会环境中——媒体、学校以及普通民众之中——所散布的那种漫画式形象。该政策还进一步揭示了人类天生对杀人的厌恶。要以如此工业化的规模实施杀戮并非易事,因此人的思想必须被灌输、被训练,使其相信枪口指向的只是一只啮齿动物、一种害虫,而不是与自己平等的人。
What the Nazi guards revealed was that the human identity of their victims needed to be effaced. They needed to become ‘unhuman’, ‘animal-like’ and their behaviour needed to fit the caricature they had promulgated in their social environment – in the media, in schools and among the lay population. What the policy further reveals is the natural, innate abhorrence to murder. It was not so easy to commit murder on such an industrial scale and so the mind had to be programmed, conditioned to believe that the barrel points only at a rodent, a pest and not at an equal human being.
穆斯林必须了解人类历史的更广阔背景,懂得何时何地应当保持敏感,并能够结合其更广泛的内涵去理解某一具体情境。在任何人际关系中,包括穆斯林之间的交往中,人们都很容易超出所需的限度,越过得体与可接受的界线。如果我们不能区分不同的人,就可能把他们完全概念化、泛泛地加以描绘,以至于即便同属一个信仰,也将他人视为本质上、永久性的“他者”。在这样的心态下,与他人的交往便会出现问题,因为我们会落入他人看待穆斯林时所存在的同样困境——以他们被灌输、被塑造的眼光去看待他人。
It is essential for the Muslim to be aware of the broader contexts of human history, to know when and where to be sensitive and how to understand a specific context in light of its broader resonances. It is quite easy, in any relational context, including one between Muslims, to sometimes go beyond what is required and to overstep the boundaries of what is decent and acceptable. In our failing to make distinctions between people, we can run the risk of caricaturing them completely and in very general terms to the point where we see others as inherently and permanently Othered despite belonging to the same faith. With such a frame of mind, engaging with others is problematised since we fall into the same problem that others have of Muslims - of seeing others as they have been indoctrinated and conditioned to see us.
那两个亚当之子的故事,不仅揭示了可能驱使人走向谋杀的冲动,也揭示了这个杀人者在罪行发生时所能感受到的东西,以及良心对他所说的话。米尔格拉姆的研究与著作《对权威的服从》,为我们理解作恶行为与服从之间的关系,以及残忍行为与冷漠之间的关系,提供了很好的视角。米尔格拉姆服从实验的一位参与者回忆说:"很奇怪,你真的会开始忘记外面有一个人,尽管你能听到他的声音。很长一段时间里,我只专注于按下开关和念出那些词句。"67
The story of the two sons of Adam is revealing not only for what it describes of the impulse that might drive a person to murder, but also about what that murderer can feel, what the conscience speaks as the crime is committed. Milgram’s study and work Obedience to Authority provides us with a good understanding of the relationship between committing acts of evil and of obedience, as well as the relationship between the committing of acts of cruelty and of indifference. One of the participants in Milgram’s obedience studies recalled: “It’s funny how you really begin to forget that there’s a guy out there, even though you can hear him. For a long time, I just concentrated on pressing the switches and reading the words.”67
心理场域中加害者与受害者之间的认知距离被缩小,因此冷漠和无动于衷的感觉使这一行为显得不那么恶劣,也更容易被接受。
The cognitive field between the perpetrator and his victim is narrowed and so feelings of detachment and indifference enable the act to appear less heinous and more acceptable.
相反,当受害者与施害者距离较近时,后者会更加意识到人类可辨认的标志——痛苦、鲜血、不安和恐惧的感受。他能够看到并观察自己的受害者,并在对方身上开始与自身的某些方面产生共鸣——这正是同理心的温床。巴里·布里奇斯上校在以下陈述中呼应了这一点:
Contrastingly, when there is proximity between victim and perpetrator the latter is more conscious of human codes of recognisability – pain, blood, unease, and feelings of fear. He can see and observe his victim and in him he can begin to relate to some of himself – the breeding ground of empathy. This is echoed by Colonel Barry Bridges in the following statement:
“我想在战斗飞行员和在地面上与敌人面对面作战的人之间做一个区分。在空中环境中,一切都非常冷静、干净,也没有那么个人化。你看到的是一架飞机,看到的是地面上的目标——你不会与战斗中的汗水和情绪近距离相对,因此它对你来说不会那么情绪化,也不会那么个人化。我认为从这个意义上说,这样做会更容易——你不会受到影响。”68(美国空军巴里·布里奇斯上校)
“I would draw one distinction between being a combat aviator and being someone who is fighting the enemy face-to-face on the ground. In the air environment, it’s very clinical, very clean, and it’s not so personalized. You see an aircraft; you see a target on the ground – you’re not eyeball to eyeball with the sweat and the emotions of combat, and so it doesn’t become so emotional for you and so personalised. And I think it is easier to do in that sense – you’re not affected.”68 (Colonel Barry Bridges of the U.S. Air Force)
在与施暴者在近距离实施此类罪行时的感受,以及这对人类良知所产生的影响这一问题上,克里斯托弗·布朗宁在其极具启发性的著作《普通人:第101后备警察营与波兰的“最终解决方案”》(伦敦,1992年)中,探讨了那些帮助大屠杀发生的普通德国人发生了什么变化。数以万计的普通士兵、警察、商人、卡车司机、作家和教师,其中只有少数人是纳粹党员,他们发生了怎样的内心转变?这些人有计划地围捕并系统地处决了数百万犹太人。 布朗宁描述了在波兰东部中央地区约泽福夫村围捕1800名犹太人的经过。根据行动计划,适龄犹太人将被押送至卢布林的一个集中营,而妇女、儿童和老人则要就地枪决。当天许多人拒绝执行命令。中尉海因茨·布赫曼就是其中之一。他于1937年加入纳粹党,到1942年已担任第一连第一排的指挥官。得知即将对平民实施大屠杀的消息后,布赫曼抗议说,他“绝不会参与这样一场行动,在其中手无寸铁的妇女和儿童会被射杀。”69
In relation to what a perpetrator might feel when such crimes are committed from proximity and the bearing this has on a human conscience, Christopher Browning explores in his very revealing study about what changed in the ordinary Germans who made the Holocaust happen, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (London, 1992). What changed in the hearts of tens of thousands of ordinary soldiers and policemen, businessmen, truck drivers, writers and teachers, only a minority of who were members of the Nazi party? These people who rounded up and methodically executed millions of Jews? Browning describes the rounding up of 1,800 Jews in the village of Józefów, east-central Poland. In the operation, Jews of working age were to be sent to a camp in Lublin whilst the women, children and elderly were to be shot on the spot. Many refused the order that day. Lieutenant Heinz Buchmann was one of them. He had joined the Nazis in 1937 and by 1942 was commander of the First Platoon of First Company. When hearing of the impending massacre of civilians, Buchmann protested that he “would in no case participate in such an action, in which defenceless women and children are shot.”69
另有十来二十名男子也交出了步枪,500人中有一打。当天的命令是射杀那些走不动去市场广场的体弱者以及试图躲藏的人,不过在行动中,许多人在面对射杀婴儿时都有所退缩。一名警察意识到现场的恐怖并感到内疚,他说:"……在我们这一片城区被射杀的犹太人中没有婴儿或年幼的孩子。我想说,几乎所有人都默契地避免射杀婴儿和幼童。"另一名警察也同样指出:"……几乎所有参与行动的人都默契地避免射杀婴儿和幼童。整个上午我都能看到,许多妇女被带走时怀里抱着婴儿,手里牵着幼童。"70
Some ten to twelve other men also turned in their rifles, a dozen men out of 500. The orders that day were to shoot those too frail to walk to the marketplace and anyone trying to hide, though in many cases men shied from shooting infants during the operation. Alert to the ghastliness of the scene and emotional guilt, one policeman said that “…among the Jews shot in our section of town there were no infants or small children. I would like to say that almost tacitly everyone refrained from shooting infants and small children.” Another policeman likewise noted that “…tacitly the shooting of infants and small children was avoided by almost all the men involved. During the entire morning I was able to observe that when being taken away many women carried infants in their arms and led small children by the hand.”70
一名警察供认,他发现那一天,没有一名受害者——妇女、老人、病人、婴儿——能够活着回家。这些人没有进行干预。然而,也有人后悔自己没有更早拒绝,称这些杀戮“令人作呕”。71 有人恳求说,他们自己也是有孩子的父亲,无法继续下去。当天还有其他人设法逃避。据悉,配备冲锋枪的非军官士官“故意对着受害者的旁边开枪”。72 行动期间,其他人躲进一位天主教神父的花园里,还有人在市场周围闲逛,因为他们不愿抓捕犹太人;另一些人则在搜查房屋上故意耗费额外的时间,以避开他们本会参与枪决的市场。一名被指派把犹太人送往森林的司机,只出了一趟车便请求被替换。那天,许多人抱怨他们无法向妇女和儿童开枪,因此许多人被从行动中解除。一名士兵瓦尔特·尼豪斯(Walter Niehaus)曾奉命射杀一名老妇人,但在她被杀后便无法继续,他说:“就这一次枪杀,我的神经已经彻底崩溃了。”其他人则抱怨道:“我已经病得厉害,实在再也做不下去了”;“整件事对我来说已变得如此令人作呕,以至于我回到排长那里,告诉他我病了,并请求让我脱离任务。”73
One policeman confessed to finding that none of the victims – women, elderly, sick, infants, would return home alive that day. The men did not intervene. Some however regretted not having refused earlier, describing the killings as “repugnant.”71 Some pleaded they too were fathers with children and were unable to continue. There were others still who sought evasion on that day. Non-commissioned officers armed with submachine guns were known to have “shot past” their victims.72 During the operation, other men hid in a Catholic priest’s garden, others hung around a marketplace, because of their reluctance to round up Jews; others delayed their participation by spending additional time in the searching of houses so they could avoid the marketplaces in which they would participate in the firing squads. A driver assigned to take Jews to the forest made only one trip before he asked to be relieved. Many men complained that day that they could not shoot at women and children, and consequently many were relieved from the operation. One soldier, Walter Niehaus was instructed to shoot an elderly woman and was unable to continue after her murder, “my nerves were totally finished from this one shooting.” Others decried, “I had become so sick that I simply couldn’t anymore”; “the entire business was now so repugnant to me that I returned to my platoon leader and told him that I was sick and asked for my release.”73
这段文字中提到的Browning所引用的最动人的记述之一,描写的是Franz Kastenbaum,他后来承认自己参与了预备警察第101营的罪行。
One of the most evocative accounts cited by Browning describes Franz Kastenbaum who confessed later to his damning participation with Reserve Police Batallion 101:
“对这些人开枪让我感到极其厌恶,以至于第四个人我没有打中。我已经不可能准确瞄准了。我突然感到恶心,便从行刑现场跑开。刚才我的表述有误。并不是我再也无法准确瞄准,而是第四次我是故意没有打中的。随后我跑进树林,呕吐起来,靠着一棵树坐了下来。为确保附近没有人,我朝树林里大声喊叫,因为我想独自待着。今天我可以说,我的神经已经彻底崩溃了。我想我独自在树林里待了大约两三个小时。”74
“The shooting of the men was so repugnant to me that I missed the fourth man. It was simply no longer possible for me to aim accurately. I suddenly felt nauseous and ran away from the shooting site. I have expressed myself incorrectly just now. It was not that I could no longer aim accurately, rather that the fourth time I intentionally missed. I then ran into the woods, vomited, and sat down against a tree. To make sure that no one was nearby, I called loudly into the woods, because I wanted to be alone. Today I can say that my nerves were totally finished. I think that I remained alone in the woods for some two or three hours.”74
64 A. Rosenberg, Race and Race History, op. cit., 33 f. Mythus, op. cit., 1 f.
64 A. Rosenberg, Race and Race History, op. cit., 33 f. Mythus, op. cit., 1 f.
65 https://www.ushmm.org/information/exhibitions/online-exhibitions/special-focus/doctors-trial/opening-statement.
65 https://www.ushmm.org/information/exhibitions/online-exhibitions/special-focus/doctors-trial/opening-statement.
66 Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness: From Mercy Killings to Mass Murder (Pimlico, London: 1974), p. 101.
66 Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness: From Mercy Killings to Mass Murder (Pimlico, London: 1974), p. 101.
67 S. Milgram,《Obedience to Authority》(伦敦:Printer & Martin Ltd,2013年),第39页。
67 S. Milgram, Obedience to Authority (London, Printer & Martin Ltd: 2013), p. 39.
68 D. Grossman, On Killing: The Psychological Costs of Learning to Kill in War and Society(New York, Back Bay Books:
68 D. Grossman, On Killing: The Psychological Costs of Learning to Kill in War and Society (New York, Back Bay Books:
(2009),第110页。
2009), p 110.
克里斯托弗·布朗宁,《普通人:第101预备役警察营与波兰的最终解决方案》(伦敦,1992年),第69页。
69 Christopher Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (London, 1992), p.
56.
56.
70 同上,第59页。
70 Ibid, p. 59.
71 Ibid, p. 69.
71 Ibid, p. 69.
72 同上,第 62 页。
72 Ibid, p. 62.