传教士播下民族主义的种子
Missionaries Sow Seeds Of Nationalism
19世纪中叶,传教士采取了一项此前从未采用过的政策。传教士们不再满足于仅仅办学校、印刷所和诊所,而是进一步设立各种协会。1842年,在美国传教团的主持下成立了一个委员会,负责组建一个科学协会。该委员会的工作持续了五年,最终成立了名为“艺术与科学协会”的组织。其成员包括纳西夫·雅兹吉和布特鲁斯·布斯塔尼,二人是黎巴嫩基督徒,因为他们是阿拉伯人而被吸收入会;还有美国人伊莱·史密斯和科尼利厄斯·范·迪克,以及英国人丘吉尔上校。该协会的宗旨起初较为模糊,它倾向于向成年人传授科学知识,同时也在学校教育青少年。协会鼓励成年人和青少年学习西方文化,并使他们按照传教士的计划转向西方的方向。
During the mid-19th Century, the missionaries adopted a policy which they had not employed before. The missionaries were not content themselves with just schools, printing shops and clinics, but went further to establish associations. In 1842, a committee was set up to establish a scientific association under the auspices of the American mission. The committee’s work lasted for five years until it had managed to establish an association called the ‘Association of Arts and Science’. Its members included Nasif al-Yaziji and Boutros al-Bustani2, who were Lebanese Christians taken on board because they were Arabs, Eli Smith and Cornelius van Dick, who were American, and Colonel Churchill, who was English. The objectives of the association at first were vague, it had the tendency to teach science to adults, as well as teaching youngsters at school. The association encouraged adults and youngsters alike to learn Western culture, orientating them according to the missionary plan.
然而,尽管该协会付出了巨大努力,两年间在整个沙姆地区也只吸收了五十名活跃成员。他们全都是基督徒,主要来自贝鲁特,没有任何穆斯林或德鲁兹人加入该协会。为扩大协会的工作并使其活跃起来,人们付出了巨大的努力,但毫无成效。
However, despite the huge efforts put in by the association it only managed to recruit fifty active members in the whole of al-Sham in two years. They were all Christians, mainly from Beirut, no Muslim or Druze whatsoever joined the association. Colossal efforts were made to expand and activate the work of the association but to no avail.
该协会在成立五年后便瓦解了,除了让传教士们更加渴望建立更多协会之外,并未取得任何显著成果。于是,1880年又成立了另一个协会,名为"东方协会"。它由耶稣会创办,置于法国耶稣会士亨利·德布雷尼尔神父的庇护之下,其成员全部为基督徒。它沿袭了"艺术与科学协会"的道路,同样只存在了很短时间便如其前身一样瓦解了。此后,各地又涌现出多个协会,但它们都注定失败,并和从前一样相继解体。
The association collapsed after five years from its initial establishment without reaping any significant results except for the desire of the missionaries to establish more associations. Therefore, another association was founded in 1880 and it was named the ‘Oriental Association’. It was founded by the Jesuits under the guardianship of the French Jesuit Father Henri Debrenier and all its members were Christians. It followed in the footsteps of the ‘Association of Arts and Science’ lasting only a short time before collapsing as its predecessor had done. Afterwards, several associations sprang up all over the place, but all were doomed to failure and they collapsed as before.
1857年又成立了一个新的社团,它采取了略有不同的方式。社团严格禁止任何外国人加入,其创始人全都是阿拉伯人。它居然获得了成功,一些穆斯林和德鲁兹人也加入了其中,社团接纳他们,是因为他们是阿拉伯人。该社团名为“叙利亚科学社”。它因其活动、阿拉伯身份,以及社员中没有外国人而变得成功。社员们设法说服其他人加入,为社团争取支持,直到登记入会的人数达到一百五十人。其行政人员中有一些知名的阿拉伯人物,如德鲁兹派的穆罕默德·阿尔萨兰和穆斯林的侯赛因·拜哈姆。阿拉伯基督教各教派的人物都加入了,其中最知名的是易卜拉欣·雅兹吉和布特鲁斯·布斯塔尼。这个社团比其他所有社团存续得都更久。它的纲领旨在容纳各个教派,并成为阿拉伯民族主义的火种。然而,它隐藏的目标实际上是殖民和传教性质的,却以科学之名掩饰。这一目标体现在传播西方文化和教育之中。
A new association was founded in 1857 which adopted a slightly different method. No foreigners whatsoever were allowed to join and its founders were all Arabs. Somehow it managed to succeed and some Muslims and Druze actually joined, the association accepted them because they were Arabs. Its name was the ‘Syrian Scientific Association’. It became successful due to its activities and its Arabic affiliation and also because of the absence of foreigners among its membership. Its members managed to convince other people to join and they gathered support for the association until one hundred and fifty members had enrolled in it. Among its administrative staff were some noted Arab personalities such as Muhammad Arsalan from the Druze and Hussain Bayham from the Muslims. Personalities from all Arab Christian sects joined, the most noted of them being Ibrahim al-Yaziji and Boutros al-Bustani. This association outlasted all the others. Its programme was designed to accommodate all sects and be the spark for Arab nationalism. However, its hidden objective was in fact colonial and missionary dressed in the name of science. It manifested itself in the spreading of Western culture and education.
1875年,贝鲁特成立了一个“秘密社团”;它实际上是以一种政治理念为基础的。它开始鼓吹阿拉伯民族主义的理念。其创立者是五名曾在贝鲁特新教学院受教育的年轻人。他们都是基督徒,是传教团体成功影响过的人。该团体成立之后,又陆续招募了少数成员。这个社团通过其宣言和传单,似乎在呼吁阿拉伯民族主义,以及阿拉伯人,尤其是叙利亚和黎巴嫩的阿拉伯人争取政治独立。然而,它的实际工作和真正的纲领却完全指向另一个截然不同的目标。它的目的是在人们心中播下奇怪的欲望和虚假的希望。它高呼民族主义、阿拉伯人和阿拉伯主义,煽动对奥斯曼国家的敌意,称其为土耳其国家。它致力于使宗教与国家分离,并使阿拉伯民族主义成为生活的基础。尽管该社团始终以捍卫阿拉伯主义自居,但其负责人在文献中屡次提及土耳其,指责她夺取了阿拉伯人手中的伊斯兰哈里发职位,违反伊斯兰教法,并滥用宗教。这清楚地表明了该社团的真实本质,以及其创立的真正目的,即煽动反对伊斯兰国家的动乱,制造对宗教的怀疑与怀疑主义,并建立基于非伊斯兰原则的政治运动。
In 1875, the ‘Secret Association’ was formed in Beirut; it was actually based on a political concept. It began encouraging the concept of Arab nationalism. Its founders were five young men from amongst those who had been educated in the Protestant college in Beirut. They were all Christians whom the missionary parties had managed to affect. Following this group’s formation of the association, a small number of members were recruited by them. The association seemed to be calling, through its declarations and leaflets, for Arab nationalism and political independence for the Arabs, especially those in Syria and Lebanon. However, its actual work and its real programme was concerned with a different objective entirely. Its aim was to cast strange desires and false hopes into people’s hearts. It called for nationalism, Arabs and Arabism and encouraged animosity towards the ‘Uthmani State, calling it the Turkish state. It worked towards separating religion from the State and towards making Arab nationalism the basis of life. Despite the fact that the association always championed Arabism, those in charge referred repeatedly in their literature to Turkey accusing her of snatching the Islamic Khilafah from the Arabs, of violating the Islamic Shari‘ah and of abusing the deen. This clearly demonstrates the true nature of the association and the real objective for which it had been founded, i.e. to cause unrest against the Islamic State, to create suspicion and scepticism about the deen and to establish political movements based on non-Islamic principles.
可以确定的是,这些运动是由西方列强发起的。是他们建立了这些运动,监视其进展并加以操控,还撰写了关于其活动的报告。例如,英国驻贝鲁特领事于1880年7月28日致电本国政府称:“革命传单已经开始流传,怀疑来源是米德哈特,尽管如此,局势依然平静。详情见邮件。”3
What is in fact a certainty concerning these movements is that they had been initiated by the Western powers. It was they who established them, monitored their progress and managed them. They also wrote reports about their activities. For instance, the British consul in Beirut sent a telegram to his government on 28th July 1880 saying, “Revolutionary leaflets have come into circulation, Midhat is suspected to be the source, despite this, the situation remains calm. Details in the post.”3
这份电报是在贝鲁特街头散发并张贴在城墙上的一份传单之后发出的。电报之后很快又有几封信件相继送达,由贝鲁特和大马士革的英国领事寄出。信件附有该协会所散发传单的副本,因此理应被视为关于新教学院中所建立的运动的报告,该学院在沙姆地区开始了其活动。协会的活动在沙姆地区更为明显,但正如英国驻吉达专员于1882年写给其政府的报告所示,它们也发生在其他以阿拉伯人为主的地区。在一份关于阿拉伯运动的报告中,他写道:“然而,已有消息传到我这里,即便是在麦加本地,也有一些知识分子开始谈论自由。依我从所听闻的情况来看,似乎已经设计出一项计划,旨在将内志与两河之间的土地(即伊拉克南部)联合起来,并任命曼苏尔帕夏为统治者,同时将阿西尔与也门联合起来,并任命阿里·伊本·阿阿比德统治这些地区。”4
This telegram was despatched in the wake of a leaflet distributed on the streets of Beirut and posted on the walls there. The telegram was soon followed by several letters sent by the British consuls in Beirut and Damascus. The letters were accompanied by copies of the leaflets which the association had distributed and should therefore rightly be regarded as reports on the movement set up in the Protestant college which began its activities in al-Sham. The association’s activities were more evident in al-Sham, although they took place in other predominantly Arab areas as demonstrated by what the British commissioner in Jeddah wrote to his government in 1882; in a report about the Arab movement he stated, “However, news has reached me that even in Makkah itself some intellectuals have begun talking about freedom, it seems to me from what I have heard that a plan has been designed aiming at uniting Najd with the land between the two rivers, i.e. the South of Iraq, and appointing Mansur Pasha as ruler, as well as uniting ‘Asir and Yemen by appointing ‘Ali ibn ‘Aabid to rule over them.”4
英国并不是唯一感兴趣的一方,法国也表现出了极大的兴趣。
Britain was not the only interested party, France also displayed a great deal of interest.
1882年,贝鲁特的一名法国官员表达了法国的担忧,他说:“独立精神已经广泛传播。我在贝鲁特期间注意到,穆斯林青年致力于兴办学校和诊所,致力于振兴国家。值得一提的是,这一运动不受任何宗派影响,该协会欢迎基督徒加入,并依靠他们参与民族主义活动。”5
In 1882, one of the French officials in Beirut voiced the French concern by saying, “The spirit of independence is well spread and I noticed during my stay in Beirut the dedication of Muslim youths in establishing schools and clinics and in reviving the country. What is worth mentioning here is that this movement is free of any sectarian influence, the association welcomes the membership of the Christians and relies on them to participate in the nationalist activities.”5
一位法国公民从巴格达写道:“无论我走到哪里,都遇到同样强烈的对土耳其人的仇恨之情;至于发起集体行动以摆脱这种令人痛恨的处境,这一想法已经在进行之中。在地平线上,阿拉伯运动的风正在聚集力量,即将诞生。这个长期受压迫的民族即将宣告其在穆斯林世界中的天然地位,并主导这个世界的命运。”6
A French national wrote from Baghdad, “Everywhere I went I was faced with the common feeling, on the same scale, of hatred for the Turks; as for the concept of initiating a collective action to get rid of this much hated situation, this is very much under way. In the horizons a wind of Arab movement is gathering strength and is about to be born. This people who have been oppressed for a long time are about to proclaim their natural status within the Muslim world and direct the destiny of this world.”6
传教活动以宗教和科学的名义进行,其范围并不仅限于美国、法国和英国的关注之内,而是延伸到大多数非伊斯兰国家,包括派遣传教远征队的沙皇俄国,以及派遣一群“修女”(卡罗特修女会)与其他传教团共同参与的普鲁士(德国)。尽管各传教团和西方代表在各自的政治纲领上意见不一——这些纲领考虑了他们的国际利益——但其目标是一致的:传播基督教,在东方推广西方文化,同时唤起穆斯林对其宗教的怀疑,促使他们反感自己的宗教,轻视自己的历史,并引导他们赞美西方及其生活方式。传教士们怀着对伊斯兰和穆斯林的强烈憎恨开展传教工作。他们鄙视伊斯兰文化及其生活方式,把穆斯林视为落后的野蛮人,这一看法至今仍是几乎每一位欧洲人欠考虑的观点。他们所取得的成果,今天仍体现在我们的土地上不信之风的盛行和殖民主义的存在之中。
Missionary work in the name of religion and science was not merely confined to the focus of the attention of the US, France and Britain, but extended to most of the non- Islamic states, including Czarist Russia who sent missionary expeditions and Prussia (Germany) who sent a group of ‘sisters’ (the nuns of Carodt) to participate with other missions. Inspite of the difference of opinion among the various missions and Western delegates regarding their political programmes, which took into consideration their international interests, the objective was the same; the preaching of Christianity and the spreading of Western culture in the East coupled with the arousal of the suspicions of the Muslims towards their deen, pushing them to resent it and to regard their history with contempt whilst leading them to praise the West and its way of life. The missionaries carried out their preaching according to their great hatred of Islam and the Muslims. They dispised the Islamic culture and its way of life and they regarded the Muslims as backward barbarians, which still remains the ill-considered opinion of nearly every European. The results that they achieved are reflected today in the concentration of disbelief and colonialism in our lands.
2 布特鲁斯·伯斯塔尼是一名马龙派教徒,他在叙利亚创办了一所著名的学校,名为“民族学校”(al-Madrassah al-Watiniyyah)。该校旨在唤起阿拉伯民族主义,这一目标体现在一份名为《爱国》(Hubb al-Watan)的文件中。伯斯塔尼的工作得到了当时控制埃及的民族主义领袖伊斯梅尔的财政支持,伊斯梅尔希望让埃及在文化上向西方敞开。此后,伯斯塔尼又出版了一份政治、科学和文学半月刊《花园》(al-Jinan),并为其采用了一句箴言:“爱国是信仰的一部分。”
2 Boutros al-Bustani, a Maronite, established one prominent school on Syria called al-Madrassah al- Watiniyyah (the National School). This school was designed to arouse Arab nationalism, and this objective was reflected in a document called Hubb al-Watan (Love of the Homeland). Financial support for al-Bustani’s work came from Ismail, the nationalist leader who controlled Egypt at that time, and who wanted to expose Egypt culturally to the West. Al-Bustani went on to produce a political, scientific and literary fortnightly, al-Jinan (the Gardens) for which he adopted a motto “Patriotism is an article of faith”.
3 《伊斯兰国》,Taquiddin an-Nabhani 著,第185页,Al-Khilafah Publications,1994年
3 The Islamic State by Taquiddin an- Nabhani, page 185, Al-Khilafah Publications, 1994
4 同上,第186页
4 Ibid, page 186
5 同上,第186页
5 Ibid, page 186
6 Ibid,第186页
6 Ibid, page 186