Harkar masu wa'azin addini ta yi tasiri mai muni a kan duniyar Musulunci. Abin da kafirai ba su iya cimmawa ba cikin shekaru dubu da amfani da karfi, masu wa'azin addini sun cimma shi cikin karni guda.

The missionary movement had a devastating impact on the Muslim world. What the Kuffar could not achieve in a thousand years by the use of force, the missionaries achieved within a century.

Ci gaban halin wa'azi a zahiri da shigarsa cikin harkar ilimi a fili da kuma yadda yake aiki sosai, sun samo asali ne daga sauye-sauyen da aka yi ƙoƙarin yi a Daular Musulunci a karni na sha tara. Kafa makarantu, kwalejoji da jami'o'i ya bai wa 'yan wa'azi damar shigar da al'adun kafirci cikin al'adun Musulunci. An kai hari kan ra'ayin jihadi na kai hari, aka yi wa'azin ƙa'idar Yammacin duniya ta daidaito tsakanin dukkan 'yan ƙasa a gaban doka, aka kuma tayar da shakku kan dacewar Shari'ah a zamanin fasaha. An koyar da haƙurin addinai, ko da masu bin waɗannan addinai sun keta iyakokin Shari'ah. An yi amfani da tarihin da aka koyar daga wani kusurwa don shigar da girman kai a tsakanin Musulmai daban-daban, kuma a ƙarshe, amma ba mafi ƙarancin muhimmanci ba, aka gabatar da ra'ayin ƙasashe a matsayin hanya kaɗai ta farfaɗowa da ci gaban Musulmai.

The organic growth of the missionary movement and its open and effective participation in the educational movement resulted from the attempted reforms by the Islamic State in the 19th Century. The establishment of schools, colleges and universities enabled the missionaries to infuse the Kufr culture with the culture of Islam. The concept of offensive jihad was attacked, the Western principle of equality of all citizens before the law was preached, and doubts raised about the suitability of Shari‘ah in the age of technology. Tolerance of religions was taught, even if the proponents of these religions contravened the limits of the Shari‘ah. History taught from a certain angle was used to inject pride amongst the various Muslims and last, but not least, the idea of nation states was proposed as the only means of revival and progress for the Muslims.

Mishan-mishan sun yi tasiri mai dorewa a zukatan Musulmi, kuma sun yi nasarar haifar da ƙiyayya tsakanin 'yan ƙasar Daular Musulunci da sunan 'yancin addini, sun kuma iya ƙaddamar da nau'o'in ayyukan addini daban-daban masu alaƙa da 'aqeedah a tsakanin Musulmi, Kiristoci da Druze.

The missionaries had a lasting impact on the minds of the Muslims and they succeeded in creating animosity between the citizens of the Islamic State in the name of religious freedom and managed to initiate among the Muslims, Christians and Druze various kinds of religious activities related to the ‘aqeedah.

Kuskuren Daular Musulunci wajen barin wadannan mishaneri su yi aiki tun farko, da rashin iyawarta na kare Musulunci daga hare-haren da suka biyo baya, ya sa irin su Mustapha Kamal da Rifa'a Badawi Rafi al-Tahtawi suka jawu zuwa ga akidun Yammacin Duniya, suka zama masu biyayya, da sani ko ba da sani ba, ga tunanin Yamma. Yawancin wadannan mutane a zahiri ilimi ne suka samu daga kasashen Turai, ko kuma suna da wata hulda da su, kuma wannan fallasa ce ta burge su. Suka yi mafarkin farfado da Musulmai bisa ga tunanin Yamma na raba addini da gwamnati, ba tare da sanin cewa ba addinin ne yake da laifi ba, sai dai fahimtar Musulunci daidai, kuma hanyar aiwatar da shi ita ce wurin gazawa.

The mistake of the Islamic State in allowing these missionaries to operate in the first place, and its inability to counteract the attacks on Islam subsequently, meant that the likes of Mustapha Kamal and Rifa’a Badawi Rafi al-Tahtawi7 were attracted by Western ideals and they became subservient, consciously or unconsciously, to Western concepts. Most of these people were actually educated by, or had some other contact, with European countries, and it was this exposure that mesmerised them. They dreamt of revival of the Muslims based on the Western thought of separating deen from the state, not realising that it was not the deen that was at fault but the correct understanding of Islam, and the method of its application was the failing point.

Karuwar irin waɗannan mutane, wasu daga cikinsu a zahiri suna kan albashin Yammacin duniya, ya ba Yammacin duniya damar ƙaddamar da mataki na ƙarshe na makircinsu - wato mamayar siyasa ta ƙasashen Musulmi. Wannan ya faru ne ta hanyar ƙarfafawa da goyon bayan akidu daban-daban na kishin ƙasa, waɗanda daga baya aka ƙarfafa su ta hanyar kafa jam'iyyun siyasa na Larabawa da Turawa kamar Jam'iyyar Turkiyyah al-Fatat, Jam'iyyar Ƙungiya da Ci Gaba (wadda aka fi sani da 'Young Turks'), Jam'iyyar 'Yancin Larabawa da Alkawari (al-'Ahd).

The rise of such people, some of whom were actually on Western payrolls, enabled the West to launch the final phase of their conspiracy - that of the political invasion of the Muslim world. This was done by the encouragement and support of various nationalistic ideas, which were later solidified by the establishment of Arab and Turkish political parties such as the Turkiyyah al-Fatat Party, the Union and Progress Party (also known as ‘Young Turks’), the Arab Independence Party and Covenant (al-‘Ahd)

Jam'iyya. Tawayen da aka yi wa Khilafar 'Uthmaniyya an shirya su tare da ba da kuɗaɗensu daga Yammaci ta hanyar waɗannan ƙungiyoyin siyasa na kishin ƙasa da wasu mutane masu muhimmanci. Ɗaya daga cikin irin waɗannan mutane shi ne Sharif Hussain na Makkah, wanda Ofishin Harkokin Wajen Birtaniya ke biyan fam 200,000 a kowane wata domin ya yi kamfen neman kafa ƙasar Larabawa mai cin gashin kanta, wadda aka yi masa alƙawarin samunta ta hannun McMahon, Babban Kwamishinan Birtaniya a Masar, a shekarar 1916: "Gundumomi biyu na Mersina da Alexandretta [dukkansu yanzu suna cikin Turkiyya] da kuma sassan Siriya da ke yammacin Damascus, Homs, Hama da Aleppo, ba za a iya cewa Larabawa ne zalla ba, don haka ya kamata a cire su daga iyakokin da aka nema... Amma dangane da yankunan da ke cikin waɗannan iyakoki inda Birtaniya take da 'yancin aiki ba tare da cutar da muradin abokiyar haɗin gwiwarta Faransa ba... Birtaniya a shirye take ta amince da goyon bayan 'yancin Larabawa."9

Party. Revolts against the ‘Uthmani Khilafah were organised and financed by the West through these nationalistic political groups and some key individuals. One such individual was Sharif Hussain8 of Makkah, who was paid £200,000 a month by the British Foreign Office to campaign for an independent Arab state, which was promised to him through McMohan, the British High Commissioner of Egypt, in 1916, “The two districts of Mersina and Alexandretta [both now in Turkey] and portions of Syria lying to the west of Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo, cannot be said to be purely Arab, and should be excluded from the limits demanded...As for the regions lying within those frontiers where Great Britain is free to act without detriment to the interest of her ally France...Great Britain is prepared to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs.”9

Ta haka ne ƙwayar kishin ƙasa mai mutuwa ta samu wurin zama a cikin Daular Musulunci. Zuwa farkon karni na 20, zazzabin kishin ƙasa ya yaɗu zuwa dukkan sassan Daular Musulunci, yana girgiza Daular da ƙarfi kamar yadda ba a taɓa yi ba.

This is how the deadly seed of nationalism was implanted in the Islamic State. By the turn of the 20th Century the fever of nationalism had spread to all corners of the Islamic State, shaking the State violently as never before.

Harin ƙarshe kuma mafi tsananin hari a kan Daular Islama an ƙaddamar da shi bayan Yakin Duniya na Farko da Turawa suka aika da sojojinsu don cin nasarar daular da ta taɓa zama wadda ba a iya ci ba. Daular Islama, bayan ƙarnuka na raguwa, ta rushe ba tare da wata turjiya ba. Lokacin da Janar Allenby ya shiga al-Quds (Urushalima) a shekarar 1917, ya ce: "Yau kawai Yakin Salibiyya ya ƙare."10

The final and the most brutal assualt on the Islamic State was launched in the wake of the 1st World War by the Europeans when they despatched their forces to conquer the once invincble state. The Islamic State, aftre centuries of decay, just crumbled without any resistence. When General Allenby entered al-Quds (Jeruslame) in 1917, he said, “Only today the Crusades have ended.”10

Sai mafarkin kowane Bature a lokacin ya zama gaskiya.

The dream of every European then became a reality.