Wasu manazarta da dama sun siffanta karfin ikon Turkiyya na kwanan nan a matsayin sabon tashin nata, inda kasar ke taka rawar gani a manyan batutuwan kasa da kasa. Tare da kasancewarta ta 15 a jerin manyan tattalin arzikin duniya, wurin da Turkiyya take ya mayar da ita cibiyar makamashi tsakanin Gabas da Yamma. Wasu ma sun yi amfani da kalmar TRIC, maimakon BRIC, wadda Goldman Sachs ta fara kirkira a rahoton 2005 lokacin da take bayyana sabbin kasashen da ke tasowa. Yanzu kwararru da dama suna kwatanta hawan Turkiyya da sabuwar Ottomanci.

A number of analysts have described Turkey’s recent assertiveness as a new resurgence with the nation playing a leading role in a number of international issues. With the 15th largest economy in the world, Turkey’s geographical location has turned the country into a energy hub between the East and the West. Some have even used the term TRIC, rather than BRIC, which was originally coined by Goldman Sachs in a 2005 report when describing the new upcoming nations. Various experts are now describing Turkey's ascendency as neo-Ottomanism.

Stratfor ya ce:

Stratfor said:

"Turkiyya, kamar Rasha, ita ma tana kan hanyar hawan daraja. Ankara tana sake gano tasirinta na zamanin Usmaniyya bayan ta shafe shekaru da dama tana zaman kadaici a fagen siyasar duniya. Tasirinta yana yaduwa a fadin duniyar Musulunci zuwa Gabas ta Tsakiya, Tsakiyar Asiya da Kudancin Asiya, haka kuma ta hanyar Eurasia a Caucasus da Balkans. Abin da ake da shi shi ne wata dabara ta Turkiyya mai taka-tsantsan, wadda ta ƙunshi binciko yankunanta daban-daban da ke kewaye da ita, tana kokarin amfani da damammakin da za su iya samuwa. Inda Turkawa suka ci karo da turjiya, sukan ja baya. A inda suka ci karo da ɗan turjiya ko babu, sukan ci gaba. Wadannan matakai na farko-farko da na bincike za su bayyana yunkurin Turkiyya na farfado da matsayinta a siyasar duniya na wani lokaci mai tsawo a gaba."19

“Turkey, like Russia, is also on an ascendant path. Ankara is rediscovering its Ottoman-era influence after spending the past several decades as a geopolitical hermit. Its influence spreads across the Islamic world to the Middle East, Central Asia and South Asia as well as through Eurasia in the Caucasus and the Balkans. What we have is a careful Turkish strategy that involves probing into its various surrounding regions, attempting to take advantage of potential opportunities. Where the Turks find resistance, they retreat. In places where they encounter little or no resistance, they advance. These very preliminary and exploratory moves will define Turkish attempts at geopolitical revival for some time to come.”19

John Feffer, co-director na Foreign Policy In Focus, ya ce:

John Feffer, co-director of Foreign Policy In focus said:

"Turkiyya na da damar zama babbar kasa mai karfin fada-a-ji nan gaba. Tana da tattalin arziki na 17 mafi girma a duniya, kuma bisa ga Goldman Sachs, tana da kyakkyawan damar shiga cikin manyan kasashe 10 nan da shekara ta 2050. Karfin tattalin arzikinta ma yana da kariya sosai: bayan shekaru da dama na taimako daga Kungiyar Yarjejeniyar Tsaro ta Arewacin Atlantika (NATO), sojojin Turkiyya yanzu sun zama karfi mai girma a yankin. Watakila mafi muhimmanci, Turkiyya tana kan mahadar hanyoyi masu muhimmanci tsakanin Turai, Gabas ta Tsakiya da Asiya ta Tsakiya. Kasa ce mafi yawan jama'arta Musulmi kuma dimokuradiyya, wadda ta ginu a kan kufan Byzantium, tana kuma hada al'adun Musulunci da na Yahudawa-Kiristanci, duk kuwa da cewa tana tsaye a mahadar siyasar makamashi. Hanyoyi duka a da suna kai wa Rome; a yau kuma dukkan bututun mai da iskar gas kamar suna kai wa Turkiyya. Idan matsayin babbar kasa yana bin ka'idojin harkar gidaje - wuri, wuri, wuri - to Turkiyya da tuni tana kusa da saman jerin."20

“Turkey promptly becomes a likely candidate for future superpower. It possesses the 17th top economy in the world and, according to Goldman Sachs, has a good shot at breaking into the top 10 by 2050. Its economic muscle is also well defended: after decades of assistance from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Turkish military is now a regional powerhouse. Perhaps most importantly, Turkey occupies a vital crossroads between Europe, the Middle East and Central Asia. A predominantly Muslim democracy atop the ruins of Byzantium, it bridges the Islamic and Judeo-Christian traditions, even as it sits perched at the nexus of energy politics. All roads once led to Rome; today all pipelines seem to lead to Turkey. If superpower status followed the rules of real estate - location, location, location - then Turkey would already be near the top of the heap.”20

A shekara ta 1453 Daular Usmaniyya ta kammala fatattakar birnin Constantinople, babban birnin Daular Byzantine. Wannan ya kawo ƙarshen duk wani sauran mulkin Roman, waɗanda suka kasance babbar daular duniya tsawon kusan ƙarni huɗu. Usmaniyawa na ɗaya daga cikin ƙungiyoyin mahayan Turkmen da suka fara shiga ƙasashen Musulunci sakamakon mamayar Mongoliya a ƙarni na sha uku. Waɗannan jarumai na Turkmen, waɗanda suka musulunta, Seljukawa, waɗanda asalinsu Turkawa ne, suka aika su zuwa iyakokin daular, domin su yi amfani da ƙwarewarsu ta yaƙi da himmarsu a kan iyakar da ke tsakaninsu da Byzantine. Gidan Uthman ya zama ɗaya daga cikin ƙungiyoyin da suka fi samun nasara, inda suka ƙwace garuruwa da ƙauyuka da dama daga ikon Byzantine, sannan suka haɗa sauran ghazawa a ƙarƙashin tutarsu, suka kuma kawo ƙasashen da ke kewaye da Constantinople ƙarƙashin Musulunci, har ya kai ga kama babban birnin Daular Byzantine, Constantinople, a shekara ta 1453.

In 1453 the Ottoman’s concluded the conquest of Constantinople, the Byzantine capital. This brought to an end all remnants of Roman rule, who had been the world’s superpower for nearly four centuries. The Ottoman’s were one of the many bands of Turkmen horsemen who began to come into the Islamic lands as a result of the Mongol invasions in the 13th century. These Turkmen warriors, who had converted to Islam, were sent to the frontiers of the state by the Seljuks, who themselves were of Turkish origin. They had excellent fighting skills and zeal, which the Seljuks wanted them to apply along the frontier with the Byzantines. The house of Uthman proved to be one of the most successful of these bands, taking many towns and villages from the control of the Byzantines, they then unified the other ghazis, under their banner, brought the lands surrounding Constantinople under Islam, culminating in the capture of Byzantine Empire capital - Constantinople in 1453.

Daular Usmaniyya ta yi yawo cikin ban mamaki ta cikin yankin Balkan da Gabashin Turai. Birnin Thessaloniki (Macedonia), wani muhimmin birni, an kwace shi daga hannun Venetiyawa a shekara ta 1387. A shekara ta 1389, sarakunan Austriya, Bulgaria, Bosnia da Hungary sun kai hari kan Usmaniyyawa, amma Sarki Murad I ya murkushe su a Kosovo, lamarin da ya girgiza Turai. A shekara ta 1396, dukkan Turai, ciki har da sojojin Faransa da Jamus, sun yi yaƙi da Sarki Bayazid Yaldram a Nicopolis, amma an ci su gaba ɗaya, aka kuma kawo sarakuna da manyan mutane 20 zuwa fadar Khaleefah a matsayin fursunoni. Sarki Bayazid ya mallaki dukkan yankin daga Bosnia zuwa kogin Danube. Haka kuma ya ci Girka (Athens) a shekara ta 1398.

The Ottoman’s swept through the Balkans and Eastern Europe in spectacular fashion. The important city of Thessaloniki (Macedonia) was captured from the Venetians in 1387. In 1389, the kings of Austria, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Hungary attacked the Ottoman’s but Sultan Murad I crushed them at Kosovo, which shocked Europe. In 1396, the whole of Europe including French and German armies fought against Sultan Bayazid Yaldram at Nicopolis but were comprehensively defeated and 20 rulers and dignitaries were brought to the Khaleefah’s court as the captives. Sultan Bayazid had annexed all the territory from Bosnia to Danube. He had also conquered Greece (Athens) in 1398.

Kafin mulkin Suleiman al-Qanooni ya zo ƙarshe a shekara ta 1566, ya riga ya faɗaɗa iyakokin Musulunci sosai zuwa Gabashin Turai, inda ya kawo Belgrade, babban birnin Serbia, ƙarƙashin Musulunci, tare da sake ƙwato tsibirin Rhodes na Girka. Ya kayar da Louis na Biyu na Hungary da Bohemia, ya kuma kawo yawancin Hungary ƙarƙashin ikon Musulunci. Zuwa shekara ta 1578, Georgia da abin da yake yanzu Romania suna ƙarƙashin Musulunci. Kafin farkon ƙarni na 17, Ottoman sun kawo Kudancin Italiya, Hungary, Austria, Romania, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Albaniya, Malta, Cyprus, Croatia, Ukraine, Tsibiran Canary, wasu sassan Iceland, da kuma babban tsibiri a cikin ruwan Bristol a Ingila, Birtaniya, wato Lundy, ƙarƙashin ikon Musulunci.

Before Suleiman al Qanooni's reign came to an end in 1566 he had expanded the Islamic frontiers well into Eastern Europe bringing Belgrade the capital of Serbia under Islam as well as regaining the Greek island of Rhodes. He had defeated Louis II of Hungary and Bohemia and brought most of Hungary under Islamic authority. By 1578 Georgia and what is today Romania was under Islam. Before the beginning of the 17th century the Ottoman’s had brought Southern Italy, Hungary, Austria, Romania, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Albania, Malta, Cyprus, Croatia, Ukraine, the Canary Islands, parts of Iceland and the largest island of the Bristol waters in England, UK - Lundy under Islamic authority.

Haka kuma irin fargabar da ake yi wa Daular Usmaniyya ta Khilafah a zamanin mulkin Suleiman al-Qanooni ta kai har jakadan sarkin Austriya Ferdinand I, Busbecq, ya yi gargadin cewa Turai na cikin hatsarin mamaya cikin gaggawa: "A bangaren Turkawa akwai albarkatun wata daula mai karfi, karfi wanda ba a raunata shi ba, saba da nasara, jure wahala, hadin kai, horo, tsari da kuma kiyaye al'amura... Shin za mu iya shakkar abin da sakamakon zai kasance? ... Idan Turkawa suka gama yarjejeniya da Farisa, za su far mana da karfin dukkan Gabas, kuma ba mu shirya ba, ban kuskura na fadi yadda ba mu shirya ba."21

Tun daga lokacin da Abdullah Gul da Recep Tayyip Erdogan suka bar jam'iyyar Fadila suka kafa Jam'iyyar Adalci da Ci Gaba karkashin jagorancin Erdogan, dukkansu suka fara karfafa alaka da Amurka don kawar da tasirin Birtaniya da hulda da ta ke da ita da soja. Duk da cewa an kawo sauye-sauye da dama don karya ikon soja a kan mulki, babban jigon dabarun AKP shi ne 'Takardar Hangen Nesa ta Hadin Gwiwa' da gwamnatin Turkiyya da ta Amurka suka sanya hannu a kai, wanda Abdullah Gul da Condoleezza Rice suka sanya hannu a ranar 5 ga Yuli, 2006. Taron ya tabbatar da cewa: "Takardar hangen nesa ta dabaru ta tabbatar da yarjejeniyar Turkiyya da Amurka wajen mayar da hangen nesanmu na hadin gwiwa zuwa kokarin hadin gwiwa ta hanyar ingantaccen hadin kai da tattaunawa mai tsari."22 AKP da Amurka sun amince a kan wasu batutuwa da dama, ciki har da:

Ever since Abdullah Gul and Recep Tayyip Erdogan left the Virtue party and formed the Justice and Development Party under the leadership of Erdogan, they both began cementing ties with America in order to remove the influence of Britain and its ties with the Army. Whilst many reforms have been introduced to break the armies hold on power the centrepiece of the AKP’s strategy was the ‘Shared Vision Document’ signed between the Turkish and American government by Abdulla Gul and Condoleezza Rice on 5th July 2006. The meeting confirmed: "The strategic vision document confirms Turkish-US consensus to translate our shared vision into common efforts through effective cooperation and structured dialogue."22 The AKP and the US agreed to amongst a number of issues:

1. Goyon bayan ƙoƙarin ƙasashen duniya na kawo ƙarshen rikicin Larabawa da Isra'ila har abada, ciki har da ƙoƙarin ƙasashen duniya na warware rikicin Isra'ila da Falasdinu bisa tsarin ƙasashe biyu.

1.Supporting international efforts towards a permanent settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, including international efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on the basis of a two-state solution.

2. Tallafa wa ƙoƙarin diflomasiyya kan shirin nukiliya na Iran, ciki har da shirin P5+1 na baya-bayan nan. Bayar da gudummawa ga zaman lafiya, dimokuraɗiyya da wadata a yankin Bahar Maliya, Caucasus, Asiya ta Tsakiya da Afghanistan.

2.Supporting diplomatic efforts on Iran's nuclear program, including the recent P5+1 initiative Contributing to stability, democracy and prosperity in the Black Sea region, the Caucasus, Central Asia and Afghanistan.

3. Ƙarfafa tsaron makamashi ta hanyar bambanta hanyoyi da tushen makamashi, ciki har da daga yankin Caspian.

3.Enhancing energy security through diversification of routes and sources, including from the Caspian basin.

Turkiyya ƙarƙashin Khilafar Usmaniyya ta yi yaƙe-yaƙe da dama a ƙarni na 18 da na 19, ta kuma yi rashin nasara a yawancinsu, lamarin da ya sa Usmanawa suka miƙa wa Rasha wasu yankuna. Rushewar Khilafar Usmaniyya a shekara ta 1924 ya haifar da abubuwa da dama tsakaninta da Armeniya, abubuwan da aka sani da kisan kiyashin Armeniya. Wannan ya bayyana irin dangantakar adawa da ke tsakanin ƙasashen Caucasus da Turkiyya. A yau, dukkan Rasha da Turkiyya suna ƙoƙarin samun gindin zama a yankin.

Turkey under the Uthmani Khilafah fought and lost a number of wars in the 18th and 19th centuries which led to the Ottoman’s to cede territory to Russia. The collapse of the Ottoman Khilafah in 1924 led to a number of incidents with Armenia - which have come to be known as the Armenian massacre. This defined the hostile relations between the Caucasian nations and Turkey. Today both Russia and Turkey are working to gain a foothold in the region.

Turkiyya tana cikin wani dogon tsari na daidaita dangantaka da Armeniya. Daidaita dangantakar ya hada da bude iyakar da ke tsakaninsu. Tattaunawar ta wuce ta taruka da tattaunawa da dama, wanda hakan ya haifar da yarjejeniyoyi (protocols) da kasashen biyu suka sanya hannu a kansu. Sai dai yarjejeniyoyin sun makale a majalisun dokokin Turkiyya da Armeniya saboda adawar da wasu bangarori a kasashen biyu ke yi. Sakamakon wadannan tattaunawa yana da alaka ta kut-da-kut da Azerbaijan, wacce ke son a warware batun yankin Nagorno-Karabakh a duk wata yarjejeniya tsakanin Armeniya da Turkiyya.

Turkey is currently in the middle of a lengthy process to normalise relations with Armenia. Normalising ties includes the opening of the shared border. The talks have gone through a number of summits and discussions, which has produced protocols both nations have signed. The protocols however remain stuck in both Turkish and Armenian parliaments due to the resistance in both nations by certain elements. The outcome of such negotiations is intrinsically linked to Azerbaijan who wants the Nagorno-Karabakh territory to be resolved under any agreement between Armenia and Turkey.

Yankin Nagorno-Karabakh an ba shi 'yancin kai a kwanakin ƙarshe na Tarayyar Soviet. Yanki ne da Armeniya da Azerbaijan duka ke da'awar mallakarsa. Yankin ya ci gaba da haifar da matsala a dangantakar Armeniya da Azerbaijan, domin ƙasashen biyu sun yi yaƙi a lokuta da dama saboda yankin. A yanzu haka ana gudanar da tattaunawa tsakanin Azerbaijan da Armeniya, Rasha ce ke shiga tsakani. Farfaɗowar Rasha ta sa ta sake faɗaɗa zuwa yankin Caucasus, tana ƙoƙarin sake sanya tsoffin jamhuriyoyinta a ƙarƙashin tasirinta. Caucasus na da muhimmanci ga Rasha domin tana aiki a matsayin yankin kariya tsakaninta da sauran manyan ƙasashen yankin. Tasiri da ikon Rasha a kan ƙasashen da ke cikin Caucasus na hana sauran ƙasashe samun gindin zama a yankin.

The Nagorno-Karabakh territory was given independence in the dying days of the Soviet Union. It is a territory that both Armenia and Azerbaijan lay claim to. The territory continues to plague relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan as both have gone to war on a number of occasions over the territory. Currently negotiations are taking place between Azerbaijan and Armenia mediated by Russia. Russia’s resurgence has meant that it is expanding into the Caucuses again and working to bring its former republics under its influence once again. The Caucuses is important to Russia as it acts as buffer zone between Russia and other regional powers. Russian influence and control over the nations that comprise the Caucuses prevents other powers from gaining a foothold in the region.

Azerbaijan na da shakku game da muhimmancin da Turkiyya ke ba da'awarta ga yankin. Wannan ya sa Azerbaijan ta juya ga sulhun Rasha. Rasha ta iya yin wasa da Azerbaijan, Armeniya da Turkiyya ta hanyar sanya su gāba da juna. Wannan dabarar Rasha ta kuma zama cikas ga karfin da Turkiyya ke ta samu, domin tana hana ta samun hanyar kai tsaye ta samar da makamashi daga Tekun Caspian, wanda hakan ke hana Turai samun damar amfani da wadannan albarkatun yayin da take kokarin kewaye dogaronta ga makamashin Rasha.

Azerbaijan has doubts over the importance Turkey places upon its claims to the territory. This has resulted in Azerbaijan turning to Russia’s mediation. Russia has been able to play Azerbaijan, Armenia and Turkey off each other. This strategy by Russia also places an obstacle in the apparent ascendency of Turkey as it prevents it from a direct supply line to the energy of the Caspian Sea, which prevents Europe from accessing those resources as it attempts to circumnavigate around its dependence on Russia’s energy.

Turkiyya ta zama wata hanyar tsaro ta dabaru ga Jojiya ta hanyar hulda kai tsaye da Gwamnatin Abkhazia. Ga Jojiya, cinikayyar Turkiyya da Abkhazia da Ossetia ta Kudu tana taimakawa Abkhazia ta kubuta daga cikakken mulkin Rasha.24

Turkey has become a strategic reinsurance for Georgia through its direct contact with the Government of Abkhazia. For Georgia Turkey’s commerce with Abkhazia and South Ossetia helps Abkhazia from total Russian domination.24

Yanayin ƙasar Turkiyya a ƙasa ya mayar da ita hanyar wucewar makamashi. Tana tsakanin Turai da Asiya, tashoshin jiragenta suna karɓar man fetur mai ɗanye da iskar gas, waɗanda ake tacewa a sayar wa kasuwannin Turai. Turkiyya tana ta goyon bayan ayyukan makamashi na Turai kamar Nabucco, waɗanda ke kauce wa hanyar sadarwar Rasha. Kamar yadda wani mai nazari ya faɗa: "Sauran hanya mafi aminci don bambanta makamashin Turai ita ce Turkiyya - wadda tuni ta zama ƙarshen manyan bututu biyu daga Tekun Caspian. Tashar Ceyhan ta Turkiyya a Bahar Rum tana samar wa Turai man fetur mai madadin da take matuƙar buƙata. Amma duk da cewa Turkiyya tana da damar zama cibiyar makamashi ga Turai, akwai aiki da yawa da ya rage ga EU. Abu na farko da ya kamata a yi shi ne ƙaddamar da yunkurin diflomasiyya don cimma bututun iskar gas na Nabucco daga Turkiyya zuwa Ostiriya ta ƙasashen Bulgaria, Romania da Hungary. Wannan aikin zai samar da wata hanya ta madadin albarkatun Caspian zuwa Turai, don fara rage dogaro fiye da kima ga Rasha."25

Turkey's geographic location has turned it into a conduit for energy. Straddling Europe and Asia, Turkey's Ports receive crude oil and natural gas which is then refined and sold to European markets. Turkey has regularly advocated European energy projects, like Nabucco, that circumvent the Russian network. As one analyst put it: "The other more secure corridor for European energy diversification is Turkey - already an end point for two major pipelines from the Caspian. Turkey's Mediterranean port of Ceyhan supplies Europe with much needed alternative oil. But while Turkey has the potential to become an energy hub for Europe, there is much work left for the EU. The first order of business would be a diplomatic offensive to realize the Nabucco gas pipeline from Turkey to Austria through Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary. This project would provide another key alternative route for Caspian resources to reach Europe to begin to ameliorate overdependence on Russia."25

Amfani da albarkatun makamashi da Rasha take yi a matsayin kayan aikin manufofin ƙasashen waje ya sa Ukraine, Lithuania, sannan daga baya Turai, suka zama kamar waɗanda aka riƙe a matsayin garkuwa a hannun tsohuwar babbar ƙasa ta duniya. Dogaro da Turai, musamman Faransa da Jamus, suke yi kan man fetur da iskar gas na Rasha ya fito fili sau fiye da ɗaya, kuma Turkiyya ita ce kaɗai madadin da ke gaban wannan dogaro da makamashin Rasha a yanzu.

Russia’s use of its energy resources as a foreign policy tool has seen Ukraine, Lithuania and subsequently Europe being held hostage by the former world power. Europe and especially France and Germany’s dependency on Russia's energy hydrocarbons has been exposed one too many times and Turkey currently represents the only alternative to Russian energy dependency.

Turkiyya ba ta cikin ƙasashen P5 + 1 da ke ƙoƙarin kafa shirin takunkumi a kan Iran saboda tace Uranium. Amurka ta watsar da duk yarjejeniyoyi da alkawura da aka cimma, wanda hakan ya sa matsalar nukiliyar Iran ta ƙara tsanani zuwa matakin da take a yanzu. Wannan yana nuna cewa Amurka ba ta da niyyar warware wannan rikici, kuma a zahiri ta tabbatar da cewa ba a taɓa kaiwa ga mafita ba. Amurka tana cimma wasu daga cikin manufofinta a yankin ta wannan rikicin diflomasiyya. Ta samu gagarumin fa'ida ta dabarun soji ta hanyar ba da tsaro ga ƙasashen Larabawa na Gulf a fuskantar maganganun Iran; haka kuma ta tilasta Isra'ila shiga yarjejeniyar tsaro. Shawarar musayar man nukiliya da Turkiyya da Brazil suka gabatar don rage tsananin takaddamar nukiliyar Iran ta faru ne a ranar da Amurka ta gabatar da takunkumi a kan Iran. Matsayin Turkiyya a sassa daban-daban na Gabas ta Tsakiya ba ya bambanta da na Amurka. Turkiyya tana goyon bayan tsarin ƙasashe biyu, kuma ta shiga tattaunawar kai-tsaye don farfado da tsarin zaman lafiya. Haka kuma, Amurka tana buƙatar ƙasashen da za ta iya dogaro da su don fita daga Iraki, kuma Turkiyya ta kasance cikin shiri sosai don taka rawar mai goyon baya. Stephen Larrabee, Shugaban Tsaron Turai a RAND Corporation, ya ce game da rawar da Turkiyya take takawa a Gabas ta Tsakiya: "Sabon aikin Turkiyya ya samo asali ne daga sauye-sauyen tsari a yanayin tsaronta tun bayan ƙarshen Yakin Cacar Baka. Kuma idan aka tafiyar da shi yadda ya kamata, zai iya zama dama ga Washington da abokanta na Yamma su yi amfani da Turkiyya a matsayin gada zuwa Gabas ta Tsakiya."26

Turkey is not part of the P5 + 1 nations who are attempting to construct a sanctions programme against Iran for enriching Uranium. The US has reneged all deals and agreements that have been reached which has allowed the Iran nuclear issue to escalate to the level it has. This shows that the US has no intention of solving this conflict and it has actually ensured no solution is ever reached. The US achieves a number of its aims in the region through this diplomatic crisis. America has gained a strategic advantage by providing security to the Gulf Arab countries in the face of Iran's rhetoric; it has also forced the Israelis into a security pact. Turkey and Brazil’s nuclear fuel swap proposal to de-escalate the Iranian nuclear controversy took place on the same day when the US was tabling sanctions against Iran. Turkey various positions in the Middle East are no different to America’s, Turkey agrees with the two state solution and has actively participated in the indirect talks to kick start the peace process. Similarly America needs nations it can rely on to extricate itself from Iraq and Turkey has been more than happy to play the patron. Stephen Larrabee, Corporate Chair in European Security at the RAND Corporation said regarding Turkey’s role in the Middle East “Turkey's new activism is a response to structural changes in its security environment since the end of the Cold War. And, if managed properly, it could be an opportunity for Washington and its Western allies to use Turkey as a bridge to the Middle East.”26

Ƙarfin kai na Turkiyya a harkokin waje ba shi da cikakken 'yancin kai. Tun bayan karshen Yakin Duniya na Biyu, ta tsawon yakin cacar-baki da yakin Gabas ta Tsakiya, Turkiyya ta kasance tare da Amurka. A halin yanzu yankin Caucasus wuri ne mai zafi, inda Rasha da ta dawo da karfi ke neman kawo tsoffin jamhuriyoyinta karkashin tasirinta, tana kuma neman kafa yankin kariya don kare cikin kasar Rasha. Turkiyya a zahiri, ko da da kanta ko da bisa tsari, ba wai kawai tana kare muradun Amurka ba ne, har ma da na Turai. Ta hanyar gina dangantaka da kasashen yankin, Turkiyya na kokarin dagula muradun Rasha, wanda shi ne dabarar Amurka a yankin.

Turkish assertiveness is anything but independent. Since the end of WW2, throughout the Cold War and Gulf wars Turkey has sided with the US. Currently the Caucuses is a hot spot where a resurgent Russia is looking to bring its former republics under its influence and create a buffer zone to protect the Russia interior. Turkey in reality whether independently or by design is not just protecting US interests but also European interests. By forging relations with the nations of the region Turkey is attempting to complicate Russian interests, which is the US strategy in the region.

A cikin harkar makamashi, 'yancin kai da motsi na Turkiyya abu ne mai cike da shakku, musamman idan aka yi la'akari da cewa Yammaci a lokuta da dama ya gabatar da Turkiyya a matsayin madadin Rasha. Da alama Turkiyya a zahiri tana kare muradun makamashi na Turai, kuma a sakamakon haka muradun Amurka, ta hanyar tabbatar da cewa tasirin Rasha bai samu karfin tasiri ba.

In the area of energy Turkish independence and manoeuvring is highly questionable when the West on many occasions has presented Turkey as the alternative to Russia. It appears Turkey is in reality protecting European energy interests and subsequently US interests in ensuring Russian influence doesn’t gain any momentum.

Haka kuma shiga tsakani da Turkiyya tsakanin Siriya da Isra'ila don warware rikicin Falasdinu ba wata Turkiyya da ke sake farfadowa ba ce da ke neman tsara siyasar yankin bisa ga manufofinta, sai dai yana karkashin yunkurin Amurka na fara tattaunawa kai tsaye ba kai tsaye ba tsakanin Isra'ila da kasashen Musulmi na yankin domin daidaita dangantaka, bayan shekaru goma babu wani ci gaba a tsarin zaman lafiya, kuma a lokacin da Amurka ke kokarin fita daga Iraki da Afganistan.

Similarly Turkish mediation between Syria and Israel in solving the Palestinian conflict is not a resurgent Turkey looking to shape the politics of the region according to its aims but rather it comes under US attempts to start indirect talks between Israel and the Muslim nations of the region to normalise relations after a decade of no progress on the peace process and as the US attempts to extricate itself from Iraq and Afghanistan.

Turkiyya tana da ƙarancin albarkatun makamashi, amma saboda wurinta mai muhimmanci tsakanin Turai da Asiya, da kuma tsakanin masu amfani da man fetur da masu samar da shi, ana ratsa ta da bututun mai da iskar gas da dama. Matsayin Turkiyya na ƙasa ya sa ta zama hanyar jigilar kaya ta halitta tsakanin manyan yankunan da ke samar da man fetur a Gabas ta Tsakiya, Asiya ta Tsakiya da Caucasus a gefe guda, da kasuwannin masu amfani da shi a Turai a ɗayan gefen. Sakamakon haka, Turkiyya ta bunƙasa masana'antar sarrafa ma'adanai ta zamani, kuma tana kan gaba a duniya wajen samar da ƙarafa da sinadarai masu yawa. Turkiyya kuma na ɗaya daga cikin manyan ƙasashen duniya masu samar da amfanin gona.

Turkey has very limited energy resources, but because of its strategic location between Europe and Asia and between oil consumers and oil producers, it is crossed by several major oil and gas pipelines. Turkey’s geographical location makes it a natural trans shipment route between the major oil producing areas in the Middle East, Central Asia, and the Caucasus on the one hand, and consumer markets in Europe on the other. As a result Turkey has developed an advanced mineral processing industry and is a world leader in many key metals and chemicals. Turkey is also one of the world’s largest agricultural producers.

Maimakon kare bukatun sauran al'ummomi, Turkiyya tana kan gaba wajen zama babbar kasa a duniya ta hanyar bin manufar harkokin waje mai zaman kanta. Hasashen cewa karfin da Turkiyya ke nunawa a yanzu "farfadowa" ce, daga gaskiya yake nesa, saboda Turkiyya tana motsi ne kawai a cikin fagen da Amurka ta amince mata. Shiga tsakanin Turkiyya a batun Falasdinu na faruwa ne a lokacin da Amurka ta yanke shawarar cewa tattaunawa kai tsaye kan sulhu na karshe ya kamata ta gudana. Haka ma, manufar Amurka ta dakile Rasha da kuma tura karfinta baya zuwa cikin yankinta, ya sa Turkiyya ta taka babbar rawa a yankin Caucasus don kawo cikas ga manufofin Rasha. Amma Amurka ta mayar wa Turkiyya da lada ta hanyar da Kwamitin Harkokin Waje na Majalisar Wakilai ya zartar da kuduri da ke sukar Turkiyya saboda abin da ake zargin Daular Usmaniyya ta yi a Kisan Kare Dangi na Armeniya.

Rather then protecting the needs of other nations, Turkey is in pole position to become a world power through pursuing an independent foreign policy. The current assertiveness many analysts describe as a ‘resurgence,’ could not be further from the truth, this is because Turkey is only manoeuvring within the space the US has permitted it. Turkey's mediation in the Palestinian issue takes place when the US has decided indirect negotiations should take place on the final settlement. Similarly America's policy of containing Russia and pushing Russian assertiveness all the way back into Russian territory has seen Turkey play a leading role in the Caucuses to complicate Russian aims. Turkey's has been repaid by the US by the House Foreign Affairs Committee passing a resolution condemning Turkey for the apparent role of the Ottoman’s in the Armenian Genocide.