Watu wa Ujerumani walijitokeza kwenye jukwaa la Ulaya kwa namna ya kustaajabisha. Ujerumani ilipiga hatua haraka katika viwanda, na mara mbili ilijaribu kubadilisha mizani ya nguvu duniani. Ujerumani ya zama za kati, iliyokuwa kwenye tambarare wazi ya Kaskazini mwa Ulaya, iligawanywa katika mamia ya falme, wakuu, madola ya wakuu, maaskofu na miji huru zilizoshindana, tangu kuundwa kwa Dola la Roma. Kwa zaidi ya miaka elfu moja, wafalme na watawala mbalimbali walijaribu kuziunganisha nchi za Kijerumani bila mafanikio. Kwa sababu hiyo, watu wa Ujerumani walishiriki vita na migogoro mingi ya ndani miongoni mwao.

The German people emerged on the European scene in spectacular fashion. Germany rapidly industrialised and on two occasions attempted to change the global balance of power. Medieval Germany, lying on the open Northern European plain, was divided into hundreds of competing kingdoms, principalities, dukedoms, bishoprics and free cities since the formation of the Roman Empire. Over a thousand years various kings and rulers attempted to unify the German states without success. As a result the German people engaged in many internal wars and conflicts amongst each other.

Otto Van Bismarck aliongoza muungano wa Ujerumani, jambo lililoiweka nchi hiyo kwenye njia ya kuwa na nguvu kubwa ya viwanda. Kuanzia mwaka 1884, Ujerumani ilianza kuanzisha koloni kadhaa nje ya Ulaya. Bismarck alifanikiwa kuunganisha ardhi za Kijerumani, jambo ambalo wengi walikuwa wamejaribu kulifanya kwa karibu miaka elfu moja. Muungano huo ulimaanisha kwamba rasilimali na madini ya Ujerumani vingeweza kufuata sera moja iliyoungana, na kwa mara ya kwanza Ujerumani iliweza kuendelezwa ndani bila kukabiliwa na wito wa kujitenga.

Otto Van Bismarck oversaw German unification which set the nation on the path to industrial supremacy. Beginning in 1884, Germany began establishing several colonies outside of Europe. Bismarck managed to achieve unification of the German lands which many had attempted for nearly a thousand years. Such unification meant German resources and minerals could all follow one unified policy and for once Germany could be domestically developed without facing any secessionist calls.

Maendeleo ya haraka ya Ujerumani yalimweka katika mgongano wa moja kwa moja na Uingereza, na kufikia mwaka 1900 Ujerumani ilikuwa sawa na Uingereza katika nguvu za kijeshi na ilishindana nayo katika ukoloni wa dunia. Ujerumani ilichukua fursa kamili ya mauaji ya mrithi wa Dola ya Austria-Hungary yaliyofanywa na Serbia. Ujerumani ilivamia Ufaransa, ikavunja muungano wake na Urusi, na ikaanza kuvamia Urusi ya Mashariki. Ujerumani haikuishia hapo, bali iliendelea kuvamia Ulaya, na mashine yake ya kijeshi ilipoingia Ubelgiji, Uingereza ilijiandaa kwa vita, na Vita vya Kwanza vya Dunia vikaanza. Udhibiti wa Dola ya Uingereza juu ya mafuta, pamoja na kunyakua maeneo tajiri ya mafuta ya Baku kwenye Bahari ya Caspian, ulinyima Ujerumani vifaa muhimu, na hatimaye kusababisha kusalimu amri kwa Ujerumani.

Germany’s rapid development placed it in direct conflict with Britain and by 1900 Germany matched the military prowess of Britain and competed with it in the colonisation of the world. Germany took full advantage of Serbia’s assassination of the heir to the Austria-Hungary Empire. Germany invaded France, broke its alliance with Russia and began invading Eastern Russia. Germany didn’t stop there and continued the invasion of Europe and when its military machine went into Belgium Britain mobilised for war and WW1 had begun. The British empires control of oil and the capturing of the rich oil fields of Baku on the Caspian Sea denied vital supplies to Germany and resulted in the eventual surrender of Germany.

Mkataba wa Versailles wa mwaka 1919 ulimaliza rasmi Vita Kuu ya Kwanza ya Dunia kati ya Mamlaka Washirika na Washirika Wenza pamoja na Dola la Ujerumani. Baada ya miezi sita ya mazungumzo, Ujerumaniililazimishwa kukubali kubeba wajibu kamili wa kusababisha vita hiyo, na kwa mujibu wa masharti ya makubaliano, ilitakiwa kulipa fidia kwa baadhi ya wanachama wa Washirika. Ujerumani pia ilipoteza sehemu fulani ya eneo lake yenyewe kwa nchi kadhaa jirani, ikanyang'anywa makoloni yake yote ya ng'ambo, na uwezo wake wa kuanzisha vita tena ulipunguzwa kwa vikwazo vya ukubwa wa jeshi lake.

The Treaty of Versailles in 1919 officially ended World War I between the Allied and Associated Powers and the German Empire. After six months of negotiations, Germany was forced to accept full responsibility for causing the war and, under the terms of agreement would make reparations to certain members of the Allies. Germany would also lose certain amount of its own territory to a number of surrounding countries, be stripped of all its overseas colonies, and its ability to make war again was limited by restrictions on the size of its military.

Ilikuwa katika hali kama hiyo ambapo Hitler alijitokeza, mfashisti wa mrengo wa kulia aliyeamini kwamba Ujerumani ni taifa kubwa. Hitler alifanikiwa kuwaunganisha wananchi wengi wa Ujerumani kwenye maono yake, kwamba Ujerumani ni taifa kubwa, na kwa hiyo inahitaji uchumi imara ili kufikia uwezo wake, jambo ambalo inasemekana Hitler alilichukulia kama nguvu ya dunia. Maono ya Reich ya miaka elfu moja yaliteka mawazo ya sehemu kubwa ya umma wa Ujerumani, na hilo liliwahamasisha mamia ya maelfu yao kufanya kazi kwa malengo ya Unazi.

It was in such circumstances Hitler emerged, a rightwing fascist who believed Germany to be a great state. Hitler managed to unify the German masses on his vision, that Germany is a great state, and therefore needed a strong economy in order to achieve her potential, which arguably Hitler perceived, as a world power. The vision of a thousand-year Reich managed to capture the imagination of a large section of the German public, which motivated hundreds of thousands of them to work towards the aims of Nazism.

Mara mbili Ujerumani ilipojaribu kuwa nguvu ya dunia kupitia uchumi wake wa vita, ilifikia haraka hadhi ya nguvu ya dunia; kupanda kwa kasi kwa Ujerumani ya Kinazi kulizuiliwa tu kupitia kuhamasishwa kwa nguvu za dunia katika Vita vya Pili vya Dunia.

On the two occasions Germany embarked on becoming a world power through its war economy it quickly became a world power, the rapid rise of Nazi Germany was only halted through the mobilisation of the world’s powers through WW2.

Ushindi wa Ujerumani katika vita vyote viwili vya dunia umefafanua sera za taifa hilo baada ya vita. Msaada uliopokelewa kutoka Marekani ili kudhibiti uwezekano wa kuhama kuelekea Ukomunisti ulisababisha Marekani kuijenga upya Ujerumani, na tangu wakati huo Ujerumani imeendeleza sera ya kigeni inayozingatia zaidi uchumi, ikitazamwa kupitia mtazamo wa Ulaya. Ujerumani inaendelea kufanya kazi kupitia ushirikiano kutokana na urithi wake wa kihistoria, na hutumia nguvu zake za kiuchumi kuimarisha Ujerumani yenyewe. Hili halijazaa ushawishi wa kisiasa, kwa kuwa kizazi cha baada ya vita kinaliona kama kurudi kwa urithi wake wa kikoloni. Baada ya kuungana tena, Ujerumani ilipanuka kiuchumi kupitia seti tofauti ya sera za kiuchumi, ikiwa na utawala halisi wa kiuchumi Ulaya Mashariki. Wakati wa Vita Baridi, biashara nyingi za Ulaya Mashariki zilipokauka, Ujerumani ikawa mshirika mkubwa zaidi wa biashara wa Magharibi kwa kila nchi ndani ya Umoja wa Kisovieti wa zamani. Mfumo wa kikomunisti ulipoanguka, wafanyabiashara wa benki na wenye viwanda wa Ujerumani walihamia haraka kujaza ombwe hilo. Safari hii haikuwa mizinga na wanajeshi waliouvamia Ulaya Mashariki, bali pesa na viwanda.

German defeats in both the world wars have defined the nations post war policies. The help received from the US to curtail the possible shift towards Communism resulted in the US to redevelop Germany and ever since Germany has developed a largely economic centric foreign policy viewed from the lens of Europe. Germany continues to work in partnerships due to its historical legacy and uses its economic strength to strengthen Germany. This has not resulted in political influence as the post war generation views this as a return to its colonial legacy. Germany after reunification expanded economically through a distinct set of economic policies with virtual hegemony in Eastern Europe. During the Cold War, when much of Eastern European business dried up, Germany became the largest Western trading partner of every country within the former Soviet Union. When the communist system collapsed German bankers and industrialists moved quickly to fill the vacuum. This time it was not tanks and soldiers that invaded Eastern Europe but money and industry.

Kurudi kwa Ujerumani kwenye nafasi ya uongozi baada ya Vita vya Pili vya Dunia kumetokana na sera za kisiasa zilizo za tahadhari. Marekani iliharibu jeshi la Ujerumani na msingi wake wa uzalishaji viwandani baada ya Vita vya Pili vya Dunia; hata hivyo, tangu kuungana kwake upya, Ujerumani imeanza kuonyesha nia ya kuwa na matarajio ya kijeshi na kisiasa yenye mwelekeo wa kimataifa. Mfano bora wa hili ni ushiriki unaozidi kuongezeka katika shughuli za NATO huko Bosnia, Kosovo na Afghanistan. Ujerumani imeshiriki pamoja na Ufaransa na Uingereza katika ziara za pamoja za kimataifa nchini Iran, ambazo ziliishinikiza Iran kutia saini itifaki ya ziada inayoruhusu ukaguzi usiopangwa wa vituo vyake vya nyuklia. Ujerumani pia ilicheza nafasi hai katika upatanishi uliofanikiwa wa suala la kubadilishana wafungwa kati ya Israel na Hezbollah. Aidha, Ujerumani ilipeleka kikosi cha majini katika uvamizi wa Israel nchini Lebanon mwaka 2006. Kikosi hicho kilikuwa na meli mbili za kivita, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern na Karlsruhe, zikisaidiwa na helikopta, meli za usafirishaji wa vifaa na boti za doria, zikiwa na wanajeshi takriban 1,500 ndani yake. Hii ndiyo operesheni kubwa zaidi ya kijeshi ya Ujerumani tangu Vita vya Pili vya Dunia.27

Germanys return to prominence after WW2 has been due to tentative political policies. The US destroyed Germany’s military and manufacturing base after WW2; however since reunification Germany has begun showing interest in military and political aspirations that have global dimensions. The best example of this is the increasing participation in NATO activities in Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan. Germany has participated with France and Britain in the multilateral visits to Iran. Which put pressure on Iran to become signatory to an additional protocol that allows unplanned inspection of its nuclear installations. Germany also played an active role in the successful mediation in the issue of exchanging prisoners between Israel and Hezbollah. Germany also deployed a naval force in the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 2006. Its deployment consisted of two frigates - the Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Karlsruhe - supported by helicopters, supply ships and patrol boats, with about 1,500 men on board. This is Germany’s largest military deployment since WW2.27

Ujerumani leo ni uchumi wa nne kwa ukubwa duniani na uchumi mkubwa zaidi barani Ulaya, jambo linalofanya kuwa nguvu kuu ya kiuchumi barani Ulaya. Hadi kuibuka kwa China hivi karibuni, Ujerumani mara kwa mara ilikuwa msafirishaji mkubwa zaidi wa bidhaa duniani. Ujerumani ina historia ya kuwa nguvu kuu duniani; hata hivyo, kuna vikwazo kadhaa vinavyoizuia Ujerumani, ambavyo vikishindwa vingeiwezesha Ujerumani kuwa tena nguvu kuu duniani:

Germany today is the worlds 4th largest economy and the largest economy in Europe making it the economic powerhouse in Europe. Germany until the recent rise of China was regularly the world’s largest exporter. Germany has a history of being world power, however there are a number of stumbling blocks that hinder Germany, which if overcome would allow Germany once again to be a world power:

Kupitia sera mbalimbali, jamii ya Ujerumani, kupitia mtaala wake wa elimu, maoni ya umma, fasihi na utamaduni, imefikia hatua ya kulidharau historia yake ya kujaribu kutawala Ulaya. Wajerumani wanaiona historia yao ya kujaribu kubadilisha mizani ya nguvu duniani kama jambo ambalo wanapaswa kuendelea kuomba msamaha kwalo, na kwa sababu hiyo wanashirikiana na Ulaya na jumuiya ya kimataifa katika masuala ya kimataifa. Tangu Hitler alipojaribu kuiteka Ulaya, Ujerumani haijafuata sera huru ya mambo ya nje. Mkakati huu wa kuomba msamaha utaizuia Ujerumani daima kuwa nguvu ya dunia.

- Through a variety of polices German society through its education curriculum, public opinion, literature and culture has come to despise its history of attempting to dominate Europe. Germans view their history of attempting to shift the global balance of power as something that it needs to continually apologize for and as a result it works with Europe and the international community on international issues. Ever since Hitler attempt to conquer Europe, Germany has not pursued an independent foreign policy. This apologetic strategy will always stop Germany from becoming a world power.

- Tangu Vita vya Pili vya Dunia, Ujerumani imefuata sera ya mambo ya nje inayozingatia Ulaya. Kutokana na majaribio yake ya kuiteka Ulaya na vita vilivyofuata, Ujerumani imeanza kuutazama ulimwengu kupitia lenzi ya Ulaya. Ujerumani ilishirikiana na Ufaransa katika kuanzisha Umoja wa Ulaya, na ingawa ndiyo uchumi mkubwa zaidi barani Ulaya, ni dhaifu kisiasa ndani ya EU. Ufaransa ndiyo mtangulizi wa Umoja wa Ulaya. Baada ya Vita vya Pili vya Dunia, Ufaransa iliiona Marekani, hasa utawala wa Marekani juu ya sera za mambo ya nje na ulinzi za Ulaya kupitia NATO, kama tishio ambalo lingeweza kuifanya Paris kuwa isiyo na umuhimu. Wakati huo, Wafaransa waliliona taifa lao kama nguvu kuu ya dunia isiyohitaji miungano mizito, na iliyohitaji kujitenga na Marekani. Mwaka 1950, Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje wa Ufaransa, Robert Schuman, alipendekeza jumuiya ya kuunganisha sekta za makaa ya mawe na chuma za Ulaya, vipengele viwili muhimu katika kutengeneza silaha za vita. Vivyo hivyo, Uingereza ilifanya kazi ya kujiimarisha ndani ya Umoja wa Ulaya wakati détente ilipokubaliwa kati ya Umoja wa Kisovieti na Marekani mwaka 1961. EU ni chombo kinachotumiwa na mataifa haya kufikia maslahi yao ya kitaifa; Ujerumani imeifanya EU kuwa maslahi yake ya kitaifa. Mpaka hili litakapobadilishwa na malengo na matarajio ya kimataifa, hili litaendelea kuwa kikwazo kwa Ujerumani.

- Since WW2 Germany has pursued a European centric foreign policy. Due to its attempts at conquering Europe and the subsequent wars Germany has come to view the world through the lens of Europe. Germany coordinated with France in setting up the European Union and whilst it is the largest economy in Europe it is politically weak inside the EU. France is the forefather to the European Union, after WW2 France perceived the United States and particularly the US dominance of European foreign and defence policies through NATO, as a threat that could make Paris irrelevant. At the time, the French saw their country as a key world power that did not need hefty alliances, and that needed to stand apart from the United States. In 1950 French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman proposed a community to integrate the coal and steel industries of Europe - two elements necessary to make weapons of war. Similarly the UK worked to strengthen itself in the European Union when the détente was agreed between the Soviet Union and the US in 1961. The EU is a tool used by these nations to achieve their own national interests; Germany has made the EU its national interests. Until this is not replaced with global aims and ambitions this will act as an impediment to Germany.

Sera ya kigeni ya Ujerumani inayoongozwa na uchumi imeifanya nchi kuwa kitovu chenye nguvu cha biashara, jambo lililozuia maendeleo katika sekta muhimu za viwanda ambazo zingeisaidia Ujerumani kuwa nguvu ya dunia. Ujerumani ilinufaika kikamilifu wakati Umoja wa Kisovieti ulipoanguka, na kampuni zake zikatawala sehemu kubwa ya masoko ya jamhuri zilizokuwa sehemu ya Umoja huo. Ujerumani inaendelea kufanya vizuri katika utengenezaji wa magari, zana za mashine, na kemikali. Viwanda vya Ujerumani bado vinatawaliwa na kampuni ndogo hadi za wastani za utengenezaji, ambazo zinajihusisha na bidhaa maalum za soko dogo. Rais wa Ujerumani Horst Köhler alilazimika kujiuzulu mnamo Mei 2010 kwa kusema jambo lililo wazi, hata hivyo alieleza kwa ufupi sera ya kigeni ya Ujerumani inayoongozwa na uchumi: "Kwa maoni yangu, hata hivyo, sisi, pamoja na jamii [ya Ujerumani] kwa ujumla, tunafikia uelewa wa jumla kwamba, kutokana na msisitizo huu [mkubwa] na utegemezi unaolingana kwenye mauzo ya nje, nchi yenye ukubwa wetu inapaswa kufahamu kwamba pale inapohitajika au katika dharura, kupelekwa kwa jeshi nako ni jambo la lazima ikiwa tunataka kulinda maslahi yetu kama vile kuhakikisha njia huru za biashara au kuzuia machafuko ya kikanda ambayo pia hakika yataathiri vibaya uwezo wetu wa kulinda biashara, ajira na mapato. Yote haya yanapaswa kujadiliwa, na ninafikiri njia tunayoifuata si mbaya sana."28

- Germany’s economic driven foreign policy has turned the nation into a trade powerhouse which has stifled development in key industrial sectors that would aid Germany in becoming a world power. Germany took full advantage in the fall of the Soviet Union and its companies cornered most of the markets of the former Soviet republics. Germany continues to excel in the production of automobiles, machine tools, and chemicals. German industry continues to be dominated by small to medium sized manufacturing firms, which specialise in niche products. The German president Horst Kohler, was forced to resign for stating the obvious in May 2010, however he encapsulated Germany’s economic driven foreign policy: "In my estimation, though, we—including [German] society as a whole—are coming to the general understanding that, given this [strong] focus and corresponding dependency on exports, a country of our size needs to be aware that where called for or in an emergency, military deployment, too, is necessary if we are to protect our interests such as ensuring free trade routes or preventing regional instabilities which are also certain to negatively impact our ability to safeguard trade, jobs and income. All of this should be discussed and I think the path we are on is not so bad."28

- Ukosefu wa rasilimali za madini wa Ujerumani haukuzuia kamwe kutawala na kushinda sehemu kubwa ya bara la Ulaya. Hili liliwezekana kwa sababu Ujerumani ilikuwa na malengo ya kimataifa. Malengo yake ya kisiasa yaliuhamasisha taifa kuelekeza nguvu katika kujenga uwezo wake wa kujihami na wa kushambulia; kwa sababu hiyo iliitishia Ulaya, na ilichukua vita viwili vya dunia kusimamisha upanuzi wa Ujerumani. Teknolojia iliyotumika kwa makombora ilitokana na roketi zilizotengenezwa na Wanazi, ambazo zilitumika kuendeleza makombora ya kusafiri (cruise missiles) na makombora ya balistiki baada ya Vita vya Pili vya Dunia. Katikati ya juhudi za Marekani za kuwa taifa la kwanza angani kulikuwa na utekaji nyara wa Wernher von Braun, mtaalamu wa roketi wa Kinazi, ambaye hatimaye alikuwa mkurugenzi wa NASA na alijenga makombora ya balistiki ya Marekani. Pia Ujerumani ndiyo iliyovumbua ndege ya kwanza ya kivita duniani, Messerschmitt Me 262, ambayo ikawa msingi wa ndege zote za kivita baada ya Vita vya Pili vya Dunia. Kuelekea mwisho wa Vita vya Pili vya Dunia, Winston Churchill, Franklin Roosevelt na Joseph Stalin walisema: "Ni dhamira yetu isiyoyumba kuiangamiza ubeberu wa kijeshi wa Ujerumani na Unazi, na kuhakikisha kwamba Ujerumani haitaweza tena kuvuruga amani ya dunia. Tumedhamiria kupokonya silaha na kuvunja vikosi vyote vya jeshi la Ujerumani; kuvunja milele Makao Makuu ya Jeshi la Ujerumani; kuondoa au kuharibu vifaa vyote vya kijeshi vya Ujerumani, na kudhibiti au kuondoa viwanda vyote vya Ujerumani ambavyo vingeweza kutumika kutengeneza silaha." Leo Ujerumani ina wanajeshi 247,000 tu, na sekta yake ya viwanda vya kijeshi huzalisha zaidi magari ya kivita, pamoja na manowari na meli za kivita. Ujerumani ina uwezo wa kutengeneza silaha za nyuklia kwa haraka sana iwapo ingetaka, lakini inakosa nia ya kisiasa au hamu ya kufanya hivyo. Ingawa sekta ya viwanda vya kijeshi ya Ujerumani iko nyuma ya mataifa mengine makubwa duniani, Ujerumani bado iko katika nafasi ambayo, kwa nia ya kisiasa, inaweza kwa haraka kujenga juu ya msingi wake wa viwanda uliopo na kuipinga Marekani. Hata hivyo, kwa sasa, ingawa Ujerumani ina viungo vyote vya kuwa nguvu ya dunia, haina kiungo muhimu zaidi – nia ya kisiasa.

- Germany’s lack of mineral resources never stopped it from dominating and conquering most of the European continent. This was possible as Germany had global ambitions. Its political aims mobilised the nation to focus on building its defensive and offensive capabilities, due to this it menaced Europe and it took the two world wars to halt German expansion. The technology used for missiles came from rockets the Nazi’s developed which were used to develop cruise missiles and ballistic missiles after WW2. At the heart of America’s attempts to be the first into space was the kidnapping of Wernher von Braun, the Nazi rocket expert, who eventually became director of NASA and constructed US ballistic missiles. It was also Germany who invented the worlds first fighter jet, the Messerschmitt Me 262, which became the blueprint for all post WW2 jets. Towards the end of WW2, Winston Churchill, Franklin Roosevelt and Joseph Stalin said, “It is our inflexible purpose to destroy German militarism and Nazism and to ensure that Germany will never again be able to disturb the peace of the world. We are determined to disarm and disband all German armed forces; break up for all time the German General Staff, remove or destroy all German military equipment, eliminate or control all German industry that could be used for military production.” Germany today only has 247,000 troops, its military industry produces mainly armored vehicles, with submarines and warships. Germany has the ability to develop nuclear weapons very quickly if it desired, but lacks the political will or ambition. Whilst Germany’s military industry is behind the other world powers, Germany is still in a position where with the political will it can rapidly build upon its existing industrial base and challenge the US. However currently whilst Germany posses the ingredients to be a world power, it does not posses the key ingredient – political will.

Ujerumani mara mbili ilijaribu kuwa nguvu ya dunia. Ilifanikisha hili kupitia maendeleo makubwa ya viwanda na kupitia ujenzi wa haraka wa sekta yake ya kijeshi na uhamasishaji kwa ajili ya vita. Leo Ujerumani ni nguvu ya kiuchumi, yenye mauzo makubwa nje ya nchi; hata hivyo, hili halijageuka kuwa ushawishi wa kisiasa. Ujerumani, ambayo daima imekuwa na uhaba wa rasilimali za madini, ilikabiliana na tatizo hili kwa upanuzi na kuunganisha maeneo kwa nguvu. Tofauti na Uingereza na Ufaransa, ambazo zinatumia Umoja wa Ulaya kuendeleza maslahi yao wenyewe, Ujerumani haijaunda sera za kulinda maslahi ya Kijerumani, bali sera zake ni za kuimarisha Ulaya. Hadi mabadiliko haya yatakapotokea, Ujerumani itaongeza ustawi wake kupitia nguvu yake ya kiuchumi, lakini haitakuwa nguvu kuu ya dunia kamwe, wala haitakuwa katika nafasi ya kuipinga Marekani. Ujerumani ina sekta ya viwanda iliyoimarika, jambo linaloipa faida kubwa juu ya baadhi ya wapinzani wengine watarajiwa wa Marekani. Pia ina historia ya kuwa nguvu ya dunia. Hali za kisiasa na kiuchumi zote zinaipendelea Ujerumani; Ujerumani inahitaji tu kutambua hili.

Germany on two occasions embarked on becoming a world power. It achieved this thorough industrial development and through rapidly constructing its military industry and mobilising for war. Germany today represents an economic power, which has large exports; however this has not translated into political influence. Germany who has always had a shortage of mineral resources overcame this through expansion and annexation. Unlike Britain and France who use the European Union to further their own interests, Germany has not developed policies for German interests, but rather its policies are to strengthen Europe. Until this shift takes place Germany will increase its prosperity through its economic strength but will never be the world’s superpower and never be in a position to challenge the US. Germany has an established industry, which places it in a distinct advantage over some of the other potential challengers to the US. It also has a history of being a world power. The political and economic facts are all in Germany’s favour, Germany just needs to realise this.