Marekani na Umoja wa Kisovieti walishindana kwa miongo kadhaa kwa ajili ya nafasi ya kuwa nguvu kuu ya dunia. Pande zote mbili zilishindana katika mbio za silaha ili kutengeneza makombora yenye nguvu zaidi, na katika mbio za anga ili kumweka mtu wa kwanza mwezini. Ushindani huu hatimaye uliiangamiza Umoja wa Kisovieti, na mwaka 1990, baada ya mapinduzi mbalimbali, Umoja wa Kisovieti ulisambaratika.

The US and the Soviet Union competed with each other for decades over the post of the world’s superpower. Both competed in the arms race in order to produce the most powerful missiles and the space race to place the first man on the moon. This competition eventually consumed the Soviet Union and in 1990 after various revolutions the Soviet Union disintegrated.

Wamarekani wengi wenye nafasi ya kufanya maamuzi ya sera waliona kuvunjwa kwa Urusi kama kazi ambayo bado haijakamilika. Baada ya kuanguka kwa Umoja wa Kisovieti, Magharibi, ikiongozwa na Marekani, ilianza kusukuma mipaka yake barani Ulaya kuelekea mashariki kwa kasi, na hivyo kuharibu uwezo wa Urusi wa kuathiri eneo hilo. Kwa miongo miwili iliyopita, mistari ya kuunga mkono Magharibi ilisogea mashariki kupitia upanuzi wa NATO na Umoja wa Ulaya, hadi ikaisukuma kwa nguvu hadi kwenye mipaka ya Urusi. Kufuatia kuanguka kwa Umoja wa Kisovieti, Marekani ilifanya kazi ya kubomoa mfumo wa kitaasisi uliojengwa na Umoja huo. Ilijitahidi kuidhibiti Urusi kwa kuziweka jamhuri zote za zamani za Kisovieti chini ya ushawishi wake, na kwa muongo uliofuata, kupitia Shirika la Fedha la Kimataifa (IMF) na Benki ya Dunia, iliziunganisha kiuchumi na Magharibi.

Many US policy makers saw the dismemberment of Russia as unfinished business. After the fall of the Soviet Union, the West led by the US began working to push its boundaries in Europe rapidly eastward, destroying Russia’s ability to influence the region. The pro-Western lines moved to the east for the past two decades, via NATO and EU expansion, until they pushed hard up against Russia’s borders. With the collapse of the Soviet Union the US worked to dismantle the architecture established by the USSR, it worked to contain Russia by bringing all the former Soviet republics under its sphere of influence and for the next decade through the IMF and the World Bank it economically linked them to the West.

Marekani pia iliongeza uwepo wake katika Balkani. Marekani ilifanya kazi kuzuia Urusi baada ya Usovieti, ikijitahidi kuiondoa katika Balkani na Ulaya Mashariki. Marekani ilizuia makubaliano kuhusu Yugoslavia iliyodhibitiwa na serikali kuu lakini yenye uhuru nusu, jambo lililopelekea vita vya wenyewe kwa wenyewe mwaka 1993. Ilitumia hili kama kisingizio cha kuanzisha vita dhidi ya Serbia, ambako Urusi ina uhusiano wa kikabila na Waslavu. Kwa kuzindua uhuru wa Kosovo, ilidhoofisha zaidi uwepo wa Urusi. Marekani ilifanya kazi kuanzisha mahusiano ya kiuchumi na kijeshi na nchi za Ulaya Mashariki, hivyo kuhodhi usalama wa eneo hilo. Jaribio la kuizingira Urusi lilifuatiwa pia kupitia mapinduzi yaliyoitwa ya rangi, ambapo tawala zilizoiunga mkono Urusi ziliangushwa na viongozi wanaounga mkono Magharibi wakachukua madaraka. Uhusiano wa namna hiyo ulitumika kama msingi wa kuiunganisha Ulaya Mashariki katika NATO.

The US also expanded its presence in the Balkans. The US worked to contain the post-Soviet Russia, working to drive it out of the Balkans and Eastern Europe. The US obstructed the deal on a federally controlled but semi independent Yugoslavia which led to civil war in 1993, it used this as a pretext to launch war against Serbia where Russia has ethnic ties with the Slavic’s, and by inaugurating Kosovo’s independence it further weakened Russian presence. The US worked to establish economic and military relations with Eastern European states, hence monopolising the security of the region. The encirclement of Russia was further attempted through the so called colour revolutions where pro-Russian regimes were overthrown and pro-Western leaders took the helms. Such relations were used as a basis to annex Eastern Europe into NATO.

Vladimir Putin alichukua nafasi ya Boris Yeltsin mwaka 1999. Yeltsin alikuwa mzalendo aliyejitahidi kubadilisha hatima ya Urusi. Putin alianza mchakato wa kurudisha chini ya umiliki wa taifa sekta muhimu, mali, huduma za umma na viwanda, kupitia sera zilizokusudiwa kubadilisha mwelekeo wa taifa. Alishughulika na wale oligarchs ambao, kimsingi, walikuwa wakiliibia taifa, kwa kuwekea kikomo kiasi cha fedha walichokuwa wakitoa nje ya nchi; baadhi waliruhusiwa kuondoka nchini, huku wengine wakishughulikiwa kwa ukatili. Alilituliza hali ya ndani kupitia sera za kiuchumi ambazo zingewezekana tu chini ya udikteta. Bunge au seneti yoyote ingekwama mbele ya maamuzi makubwa kama hayo, na ingeruhusu maslahi yao binafsi kuingilia njia.

Vladimir Putin succeeded Boris Yeltsin in 1999, a nationalist who endeavoured to change the fortunes of Russia. Putin began the process of re-nationalizing key sectors, assets, utilities and industries through policies intended to change the course of the nation. He dealt with the oligarchs who were essentially looting the nation, by restricting the amount of money they took out of the nation; some were allowed to leave the country whilst others were dealt with ruthlessly. He stabilised the domestic situation through economic policies which were only possible under a dictatorship - any parliament or senate would have stalled on such huge decisions and would have allowed their own interests to get in the way.

Tangu Vladimir Putin awe Rais wa Urusi, ameweza kuimarisha udhibiti wake juu ya taifa na kupinga juhudi za Marekani za kudhoofisha Urusi. Leo hii Urusi inaendelea kwa kasi bila kufuata mfano wa demokrasia ya huria ya Magharibi. Urusi imeamua kupinga waziwazi Magharibi pamoja na Marekani karibu kila hatua, iwe ni kwa kupanda bendera chini ya bahari iliyo chini ya barafu ya Aktiki, kufanya jaribio la bomu kubwa la mlipuko wa hewani, au kupinga uwekaji wa mifumo ya Marekani ya tahadhari ya mapema ya ulinzi huko Ulaya Mashariki, jambo ambalo imefanikiwa kulizuia kwa sasa. Urusi imeanza kujijenga upya kama nguvu ya dunia kwa kudai haki yake juu ya kile kinachoitwa "nchi jirani zake za karibu", yaani haki ya Urusi juu ya jamhuri zake za zamani.

Since Vladimir Putin become Russian President he has managed to gain a grip on the nation and counter US attempts to weaken Russia. Today Russia is rapidly developing without following the example of Western liberal democracy. Russia has opted to openly challenge the West as well as the US at practically every turn, whether by planting a flag on the seabed beneath the Arctic icecap, testing the massive ordnance air blast bomb or disputing the sitting of US early-warning defence systems in Eastern Europe, which it has managed to successfully halt for the moment. Russia has begun re-inventing itself as a world power by laying its claim to it’s near abroad – this is Russia’s right over its former republics.

Uhusiano wa kimataifa wa Urusi kwa sasa unaongozwa na lengo la kubadilisha mwelekeo uliofuata baada ya Vita Baridi na kulinda mipaka yake ya pembezoni kwa kuweka jamhuri zote za zamani za Muungano wa Sovieti chini ya ushawishi wake. Urusi inashindana moja kwa moja tena na nguvu kuu ya dunia.

Russian foreign relations are currently being driven on reversing the post Cold War trend and securing Russia’s periphery by bringing all the former Soviet republics under its influence. Russia is directly completing with the worlds superpower once again.

Russia imechukua fursa kamili ya kushughulika kwa Marekani na ulimwengu wa Kiislamu kurudisha nyuma mapinduzi yote ya rangi yaliyoungwa mkono na Marekani. Mradi wa kuleta jamhuri zote za zamani za Soviet chini ya ushawishi wa Urusi umekuwa kazi ya makini iliyoongozwa na Vladimir Putin. Urusi tayari imepata mafanikio makubwa nchini Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Belarus na Armenia, na inatarajiwa kupata mafanikio makubwa zaidi nchini Azerbaijan, na inapaswa kuondoa kile kilichobaki cha ushawishi wa Magharibi katika taifa hilo la Caucasus. Uundaji upya wa muungano wa kisiasa katika sehemu kubwa ya nafasi ya zamani ya Soviet unaendelea kwa kasi.

Russia has taken full advantage of America’s preoccupation with the Islamic world to reverse all the American sponsored colour revolutions. The project to bring all of the former Soviet republics under Russian influence has been a meticulous task led by Vladimir Putin. Russia has already made significant gains in Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Belarus and Armenia and set to make significant gains in Azerbaijan and should have removed what remains of western influence in the Caucasian nation. The reformulation of a political union in much of the former Soviet space is making rapid progress.

Kazakhstan, Belarus na Armenia tayari ni wanachama wa Shirika la Mkataba wa Usalama wa Pamoja (CSTO), kundi la kiusalama linaloongozwa na Moscow linalojumuisha nchi za zamani za Sovieti zinazounga mkono Urusi. CSTO kimsingi ni muungano ambao Urusi inautumia kuunganisha na kueneza ushawishi wake katika jamhuri za zamani za Sovieti kupitia uratibu wa kiusalama. Urusi imefikia makubaliano ya Muungano wa Forodha na Kazakhstan, Belarus na Armenia, ambao utaunganisha zaidi uchumi wao na Moscow. Azerbaijan inafikiria kujiunga na CSTO, na katika uchaguzi wa Ukraine wa Januari 2010 mtu anayeunga mkono Urusi aliingia madarakani, na nchini Kyrgyzstan, vivyo hivyo, mabadiliko ya utawala yaliyochochewa na Urusi yalitokea Mei 2010.

Kazakhstan, Belarus and Armenia are already members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a Moscow-led security group comprising pro-Russian former Soviet states. The CSTO is primarily a bloc that Russia uses to integrate with and project influence throughout former Soviet republics via security coordination. Russia has concluded a deal for a Customs Union with Kazakhstan, Belarus and Armenia which will align their economies to Moscow further. Azerbaijan is considering CTSO membership and in Ukraine’s January 2010 elections a pro-Russian came to power and in Kyrgyzstan, similarly Russia inspired regime change in May 2010.

Urusi itakuwa hivi karibuni na asilimia 70 ya iliyokuwa Umoja wa Kisovieti chini ya udhibiti wake, na juhudi zozote za kubadilisha upanuzi wa Urusi lazima ziwe kubwa sana ili zifanikiwe. Mara hilo likifikiwa, Urusi itakuwa katika nafasi ya kwanza kupanua ushawishi wake zaidi ya jamhuri za zamani za Kisovieti. Huku Marekani ikiendelea kutafuta njia ya kujitoa Iraq na Afghanistan, Urusi inaonekana kusonga mbele katika kujaribu kubadilisha mizani ya nguvu duniani.

Russia will very soon have 70% of the former Soviet Union under its control and any effort to change Russian expansion must be monumental if it is to succeed. Once achieved Russia is in pole position to expand its influence beyond the former Soviet Republics. With the US still looking to extricate itself from Iraq and Afghanistan, Russia looks to be moving into poll position in attempting to shift the global balance of power.

Kuvunjika kwa Umoja wa Kisovieti mwaka 1990 hakukuleta madhara ya kisiasa na kiuchumi pekee; pia kulileta madhara makubwa ya kijamii. Warusi waliacha kuzaa watoto kutokana na kutokuwa na uhakika, huku vifo vikiongezeka kutokana na mporomoko katika maeneo yote ya Kisovieti. Mgogoro huo uliongeza umaskini kutoka watu milioni 2 hadi milioni 60, ongezeko la asilimia 3000. UNICEF ilibaini kuwa hali hii ilisababisha vifo 500,000 vya "ziada" kila mwaka. Mfumo wa afya wa Kisovieti ulisambaratika, kujiua na UKIMWI viliongezeka, na hivyo vifo vikazidi kuzaliwa kwa watoto. Idadi ya watu wa Urusi usiku wa kuanguka kwake ilikuwa milioni 148, na leo imepungua hadi milioni 141. Tatizo linaloikabili Urusi ni kwamba kundi la umri wa miaka 20 hadi 29 ndilo kubwa zaidi kwa sasa katika idadi ya watu wa Urusi; kundi hili lilizaliwa miaka ya 1980, wakati Urusi bado ilikuwa nguvu kubwa duniani. Kundi la chini ya miaka 20 ni dogo zaidi, kwani lilizaliwa baada ya kuvunjika kwa Umoja wa Kisovieti. Kundi hili haliwezi kudumisha viwango vya juu vya kuzaliwa vya kizazi kilichotangulia, na hivyo Urusi inakabiliwa na tatizo kubwa kwani nguvu kazi yake itapungua sana. Urusi inapopanuka, kuna uwezekano mkubwa kwamba itakuwa na watu wengi zaidi wasio Warusi wa kabila katika eneo lake. Jinsi Urusi itakavyowajumuisha watu hao kutaathiri mshikamano wa eneo lake.

The disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1990 didn’t just have political and economic consequences; it also had massive social consequences. Russians stopped having children, due to the uncertainty as deaths increased due to the collapse across the Soviet territories. The crisis raised poverty from 2 million to 60 million, a 3000% increase. UNICEF noted that this resulted in 500,000 'extra' deaths per year. The Soviet health system crumbled, suicide and AIDS increased leading to deaths outstriping births. Russia’s population on the eve of its collpase was 148 million, today it has declined to 141 million. The problem Russia faces is the 20 – 29 year old categary is currently the largest segment of Russia’s population, they were born in the 1980’s when Russia was still a world power. The under 20’s are much smaller, born after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This segment cannot sustain the high bith rates of the preceeding generation and hence Russia faces a big problem as its labour force will be severly depleeted. As Russia expands it will in all liklehood have more and more non-ethnic Russians in its territary. How Russia integrates them will impact is terratorial cohesion.

Hakika Amerika haijaweza, mbele ya upanuzi wa Urusi, kutoa rasilimali za kutosha kwa ajili ya kufanikisha kurudisha nyuma mapinduzi ya rangi, kama ambavyo haijaweza kujinasua kutoka kwenye maafa ya Iraq na Afghanistan. Hata hivyo, mwaka 2010 ni mwaka ambao Marekani inapanga kupunguza idadi ya wanajeshi wake wakati suluhu yake kwa migogoro ya Afghanistan na Iraq inapochukua sura. Haya yote yanamaanisha kwamba Marekani itaweza kupeleka rasilimali zinazohitajika na kuelekeza umakini wake kwenye kurejea kwa Urusi. Urusi itahitaji kuzirudisha nyuma zana zote za Marekani. Tangu kuvunjwa kwa Mkataba wa Warsaw mwaka 1991, nchi za zamani za Umoja wa Kisovieti zimevutwa na kuhongwa kwa ahadi na Washington ili zijiunge na NATO. Badala ya kuanzisha mazungumzo baada ya kuvunjwa kwa Mkataba wa Warsaw mwaka 1991 kuhusu kuvunjwa kwa NATO kwa utaratibu, Washington imeigeuza NATO hatua kwa hatua kuwa kile ambacho hakiwezi kuitwa kwa jina jingine zaidi ya chombo cha kijeshi cha dola ya kimataifa ya Kimarekani, kilichounganishwa kwa mtandao wa kambi za kijeshi kuanzia Kosovo hadi Poland, Uturuki, Iraq na Afghanistan. Mwaka 1999, wanachama wa zamani wa Mkataba wa Warsaw, Hungary, Poland na Jamhuri ya Czech, walijiunga na NATO. Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania na Slovakia zilifuata mwezi Machi 2004. Kwa kuzileta nchi kama hizo ndani ya NATO, Amerika inatoa usalama wao na hivyo kudhibiti vifaa vyao vya ulinzi. Vilevile kisiasa, Estonia, Latvia na Lithuania ziliunganishwa katika Umoja wa Ulaya mwaka 2004 zilipokuwa wanachama kamili. Vivyo hivyo katika Caucasus, Uturuki imekuwa ikijitahidi kujenga uhusiano na Georgia, Azerbaijan na Armenia, jambo linalovuruga juhudi za Urusi za kulifanya eneo hilo liwe chini yake. Katika muongo ujao, Urusi itahitaji kukabiliana na washirika wa Marekani, ambao wanafanya kazi ya kuzuia upanuzi wa Urusi. Urusi itahitaji kutumia zana kadhaa ili kuipinga Marekani na zana zake; kiini cha hayo ni kuonyesha picha ya nguvu kupitia jeshi imara, na eneo hili ni changamoto nyingine ambayo Warusi watalazimika kukabiliana nayo.

America has been unable in the face of Russian expansion to commit sufficient resources to Russia’s successful reversal of the colour revolutions, as it has been unable to extricate itself from the debacles in Iraq and Afghanistan. 2010 however is the year the US plans to reduce troop levels as its settlement to the Afghan and Iraqi conflicts takes shape. All of this means the US will be able to deploy the necessary resources and give attention to Russia’s resurgence. Russia will need to push back all of America’s tools. Since the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact in 1991, former states of the Soviet Union have been lured and bribed with promises by Washington into joining NATO. Rather than initiate discussions after the 1991 dissolution of the Warsaw Pact about a systematic dissolution of NATO, Washington has steadily converted NATO into what can only be called the military vehicle of an American global empire, linked by a network of military bases from Kosovo to Poland to Turkey to Iraq and Afghanistan. In 1999, former Warsaw Pact members Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic joined NATO. Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania and Slovakia followed suit in March 2004. By bringing such nations into NATO America provides their security and hence controls their defence apparatus. Similarly politically Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were integrated into the European Union in 2004 when they become full members. Similarly in the caucuses Turkey has been working to forge ties with Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia complicating Russia’s attempts at making the region subordinate to it. In the decade ahead Russia will need to contend with US proxies, who are working to curtail Russian expansion. Russia will need to make use of a number of tools to challenge the US and its tools, central to this is projecting an image of strength through a strong military, and this area is another challenge the Russians will have to contend with.

Sekta ya kijeshi ya Urusi iko nyuma ya ile ya Marekani kwa kizazi kimoja. Wakati wa Vita Baridi, Umoja wa Kisovieti ulishindana na Marekani katika mbio za silaha na anga. Mataifa yote mawili yalitengeneza silaha za nyuklia zenye nguvu. Yote mawili yalishindana katika mifumo ya kurusha silaha, na yote mawili yaliweza kujenga makombora ya masafa marefu ya balistiki (ICBM) ya kubeba vichwa vya vita vyenye nguvu pamoja na mifumo ya silaha za kimkakati. Mataifa yote mawili yalikuwa na tata kubwa za viwanda vya kijeshi zilizozalisha silaha za kiteknolojia za hali ya juu. Kuvunjika kwa Umoja wa Kisovieti kulisababisha nchi mpya huru kugawana mali za jeshi. Shirikisho la Urusi lilirithi sehemu kubwa zaidi na yenye tija zaidi ya sekta ya ulinzi ya zamani ya Kisovieti, ikiajiri wafanyakazi wapatao milioni 9 katika vituo 1,125 hadi 1,500 vya utafiti, usanifu na uzalishaji. Biashara nyingi za ulinzi za Urusi zilipoteza hatua kwa hatua wafanyakazi wake bora kwa kampuni za Magharibi. Mwaka 1997 sekta ya ulinzi ya Urusi ilikuwa na wafanyakazi wapatao milioni 2.5. Katika kukabiliana na hali hii, Kremlin ilizidi kutegemea silaha zake za nyuklia kama dhamana ya uadilifu wa eneo lake. Silaha za nyuklia za Urusi ndizo kadi yake ya ushindi katika hali zote za ulinzi. Hadi Putin alipoingia madarakani, Kremlin haikuwa na uwezo wala nia ya kushambulia. Urusi inaendelea kuwa na ghala kubwa sana la silaha, likiwemo miundo ya makombora iliyothibitishwa inayofanya kazi, wakati ikiendelea kujaribu vyombo vya kuingia tena vinavyoweza kuendeshwa na visaidizi vya kupenya ili kuboresha uwezo wake dhidi ya ulinzi wa makombora ya balistiki. Miaka 20 tangu kuvunjika kwa Umoja wa Kisovieti, Marekani imeunda na kupeleka ndege pekee ya kivita ya kizazi cha tano, F-22 Raptor. Ina meli 11 za kubeba ndege zinazokuwa baharini kila wakati, zikiwa na ndege za kivita 90 kwenye kila meli, tayari kwa mapigano. Muhimu zaidi, katika miaka 20 iliyopita Marekani imekuwa ikifanya operesheni za msafara nje ya nchi. Jeshi la Marekani limefanya vizuri sana katika mahitaji ya kiusafirishaji ya utumwaji wa nje ya nchi, pamoja na mzunguko wa zamu na mizunguko ya mafunzo inayohitajika kuendesha vikosi vya kijeshi vinavyotumwa mbali na nchi. Urusi, kwa upande mwingine, ina manowari za makombora ya balestiki ambazo hazifanyi doria, na sehemu kubwa ya vichwa vyake vya vita vinavyoweza kurushwa vinabebwa na makombora mazito ya kivita ya masafa marefu ya enzi ya Usovieti, yaliyopitwa na wakati. Jeshi la Urusi liko nyuma ya la Marekani kwa kizazi kimoja. Ili kuweza kuleta changamoto yoyote kwa Marekani, Urusi itahitaji kuboresha sekta yake ya viwanda vya kijeshi na kuunda vikosi vya kijeshi vyepesi na vyenye uwezo wa kuhama haraka, vinavyoweza kutumwa mara moja.

Russia’s military industry is a generation behind America’s. During the Cold War the Soviet Union competed with the US in the arms and space race. Both nations developed powerful nuclear weapons. They both competed in delivery systems and both were able to construct Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBM) to deliver powerful warheads alongside strategic weapons systems. Both nations had huge military industry complexes which supplied technologically advanced weapons. The disintegration of the Soviet Union resulted in the newly independent states dividing up the military's assets. The Russian Federation inherited the largest and most productive share of the former Soviet defence industry, employing as many as 9 million workers in 1,125 to 1,500 research, design, and production facilities. Most Russian defence enterprises steadily lost their best workers to Western companies. In 1997 the Russian defence industry consisted of some 2.5 million workers. In dealing with this situation, the Kremlin came to rely increasingly on its nuclear arsenal as the guarantor of territorial integrity. Russia’s nuclear weapons are its trump card in all defensive scenarios. Until Putin came to power the Kremlin had no offensive capabilities or ambition. Russia continues to field a very sizable arsenal that includes established missile designs that work, even as it continues to toy with maneuverable re-entry vehicles and penetration aids to improve its capability against ballistic missile defenses. 20 years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union America has developed and deployed the only 5th generation fighter jet – the F22 –Raptor, it has 11 aircraft carriers that are constantly at sea with 90 fighter jets on each carrier, ready for combat. More importantly the US in the last 20 years has been conducting expeditionary overseas operations. The US military has excelled in the logistical requirements of overseas deployments, and the rotations and training cycles required for sustaining expeditionary forces. Russia on the other hand has ballistic missile submarines that do not conduct patrols, the bulk of its deliverable warheads are carried aboard aging Soviet-era heavy intercontinental ballistic missiles. Russia’s military is a generation behind the US. To pose any challenge to the US Russia will need to modernise its military industry and develop mobile and agile military units, that can be deployed at a moments notice.

Urusi ina historia ya kuwa na malengo ya kimataifa, na katika historia yake ya karibuni ilikuwa nguvu kubwa duniani. Kuvunjika kwa Umoja wa Kisovieti kulisababisha mgogoro katika nyanja zote za jamii ya Kirusi. KGB ya Urusi na mafia viliendesha mambo kwa vurugu. Tangu Putin alipoingia madarakani, amefanikiwa kushika hatamu za nchi na kuleta utulivu katika maeneo mengi. Hili limeiwezesha Urusi kujenga ulinzi wake, kujenga upya uchumi wake uliovunjika, na leo ina uwezo wa kuonyesha nguvu zake duniani kote.

Russia has a history of global ambitions and was a world power in its recent history. The dissolution of the Soviet Union created a crisis in all aspects of Russian society. Russia’s KGB and mafia ran riot. Since Putin came to power he has managed to gain a grip on the country and brought stability to many areas. This has enabled Russia to build its defences, reconstruct its broken economy and today it is able to project power globally.

Ukaliwepo wa Marekani nchini Iraq na Afghanistan umeiruhusu Urusi kujenga upya uwezo wake wa kushambulia na kubadili mikakati mingi ambayo Marekani iliitekeleza Umoja wa Kisovieti ulipovunjika. Hata hivyo, fursa hii inakaribia kufungwa haraka kwa kuwa Marekani inaanza kupunguza vikosi vyake nchini Iraq na Afghanistan, na Urusi itaona kwamba Marekani itakuwa na uwezo wa kutumia rasilimali nyingi zaidi kuirudisha nyuma.

America’s occupation with Iraq and Afghanistan has allowed Russia to rebuild its offensive capabilities and reverse many of the strategies the US implemented when the Soviet Union collapsed. However this window of opportunity is fast closing as the US begins its drawdown in Iraq and Afghanistan and Russia will find the US able to expend more resources to push Russia back.

Urusi ina faida ya rasilimali nyingi za nishati zinazoiwezesha kutekeleza malengo yake ya kimataifa. Urusi ina akiba kubwa zaidi duniani ya gesi asilia iliyothibitishwa, ni mzalishaji wa pili kwa ukubwa wa mafuta duniani, na inamiliki akiba ya tatu kwa ukubwa duniani ya madini ya urani. Urusi imetumia nishati yake kama chombo cha kisiasa dhidi ya Ulaya, na kurudishwa nyuma kwa upanuzi wa Umoja wa Ulaya kumetokana na faida za nishati ambazo Urusi inazo juu ya Ulaya.

Russia has the advantage of ample supplies of energy to fuel its global ambitions. Russia has the world’s largest proven natural gas reserves, it is the worlds second largest oil producer in the world and posses the worlds third largest Uranium reserves. Russia has used its energy as a political tool against Europe and the reversal of EU expansion has been due to Russia’s energy advantages over Europe.

Wakati Urusi inakamilisha juhudi zake za kurejesha udhibiti juu ya jamhuri za zamani za Soviet zilizo kwenye mpaka wake wa karibu, Urusi iko katika nafasi nzuri ya kueneza ushawishi wake duniani kote. Ikichanganywa na malengo ya kimataifa, Urusi, ikiwa na sera sahihi, inaweza kuipinga Marekani; hata hivyo, jeshi lake bado liko nyuma sana ya lile la Amerika, na hadi hilo litakaposhindwa, haiwezekani sana kwa Urusi kuiondoa Marekani katika nafasi ya kuwa nguvu kuu ya dunia.