Dangane da ko tsarin da ake amfani da shi a yanzu yana kawo wadata ko kuwa yana kawo halaka, ya dace a kawo maganar Kennedy: "Kuɗi ba wai kawai yana taimakawa wajen musayar kaya da hidimomi ba, har ila yau yana iya hana musayar kaya da hidimomi idan ana ajiye shi a hannun waɗanda suke da fiye da abin da suke buƙata. Ta haka ne yake samar da wata mashigar haraji ta kanta, inda waɗanda suke da ƙasa da abin da suke buƙata suke biyan kuɗi ga waɗanda suke da kuɗi fiye da abin da suke buƙata. Wannan ba shi da wani abu da zai iya ake kira "yarjejeniya ta adalci" ba. A gaskiya, tsarin kuɗinmu na yanzu za a iya kiransa "wanda ya saɓa wa kundin tsarin mulki" a mafi yawan ƙasashe masu dimokuraɗiyya" 13.

As for whether the prevailing model is prosperous or preposterous, it is apt to quote Kennedy: “Money does not only help the exchange of goods and services but can also hinder the exchange of goods and services by being kept in the hands of those who have more than they need. Thus it creates a private tollgate where those who have less than they need pay a fee to those who have more money than they need. This is by no means a “fair deal”. In fact, our present monetary systems could be termed “unconstitutional” in most democratic nations” 13.

Gwamnati tana biyan kuɗin da take kashewa da kuma haɓaka kamfanoni (wanda kusan ba ya isa ga talaka) ta hanyoyi da yawa. Hasarar da ke biyo baya tana rufuwa ta wani tsari mai sarƙaƙiya na haraji wanda ya shafi kusan kowane fanni na rayuwa: harajin samun kuɗin shiga, harajin kayan amfani, da harajin ɓoye, hauhawar farashi, ceto da tallafin kuɗi, tallafin gwamnati, yankewar fansho da walwala, da kuma ƙoƙarin sassauta cinikayya a ƙasashe masu tasowa. Ba abin mamaki ba ne cewa tsarin tattalin arzikin jari-hujja yana cike da rikice-rikice, yaƙe-yaƙe da juyin-juya-hali.

The government covers its expenditure and promotes growth of the corporations (which rarely trickles down to the common man) by several means. The resulting bust is covered by a complex set of taxes which covers almost every aspect of life: income taxes, utility taxes and stealth taxes, inflation, bail outs, subsidies, pension and welfare cuts and not to mention efforts to liberalise trade in developing countries. It is not surprising that the capitalist economic system is punctuated with crises, wars and revolutions.

Ba dole ba ne booms su biyo bayan busts ba. Idan aka dauki yammaci da rikicin da ya gabata a matsayin misali, hakan yana bayyana wani bangare kawai na labarin. Rikici mai girman wanda ake fuskanta yanzu ya isa ga masu sharhi da dama na yammaci su tattauna yanayin hasashen karshen tsarin tattalin arzikin jari-hujja. Kuskure na gaba tabbas zai fi tsanani; jiran irin wannan mummunan bugu a fili wauta ne. Matsalolin yammaci sau da yawa ana fitar da su ta hanyar ayyukan duniya, inda sauran kasashe ke daukar nauyin mafi yawan illar. Ko da ba tare da daukar irin wadannan misalai ba, rikicin Asiya na 1997 ya tsaya a matsayin bayyanannen misali na bust da ba a biyo bayansa da boom ba. Indonesia, wacce a da take daya daga cikin tattalin arzikin damisa (wani kalma ga tattalin arziki mafi saurin bunkasa a shekarun 1990), har yanzu tana fama da bashin waje na dala biliyan 113. Malaysia ta shiga tsakani don hana bust kuma ta fito a matsayin kasa mai matsakaicin iko wacce ta yi nasara sosai, sai dai an soke ta a matsayin barazana ga jari-hujja da kasuwa mai 'yanci.

Booms will not always follow busts. Taking the west and the past crises as an example, only reveals part of the story. A crisis of the current magnitude has sufficed for many western commentators to discuss apocalyptic scenarios for the capitalist economic system. A future mistake would certainly be more severe; awaiting such a fatal blow is patently foolish. Western problems are often exported via global ventures, where other countries absorb the brunt. Even without resorting to such examples, the 1997 Asian crisis stands as a clear example of a bust gone without a subsequent boom. Once a tiger economy (a term for the fastest growing economies in the 1990s) Indonesia continues to reel with $113bn of external debt. Malaysia intervened to prevent the bust and has emerged as a relatively successful middle power, only to be criticised as a threat to capitalism and the free market14.

Amurka tana fuskantar gibi mai girma na kasafin kuɗi, wanda ya zarce kashi biyu bisa uku na GDP ɗinta (fiye da dala tiriliyan 10 na bashin tarayya, kuma idan aka haɗa da wajibai marasa kuɗi, wannan ya kai kusan dala tiriliyan 60). Masu mallakar takardun basussukan gwamnatin Amurka na waje sun zarce dala tiriliyan 2.6. Akwai raguwar sha'awar masu saka hannun jari na ƙasashen waje saboda faduwar dalar Amurka a dogon lokaci, kuma bashin da ke wanzuwa mallakin bankunan tsakiya na Japan, China, da na ƙasashen da ke fitar da mai ne musamman. Amurka tana kuma fuskantar ƙaruwar dogaro ga kasuwannin fitar da kayayyaki masu raguwa, saboda kayayyakin shigowa masu gasa daga waje da kuma tsananin gasa a ƙasashen waje. Har ƙasashe masu rauni kamar Kuwait suna janyewa daga haɗa kuɗinsu da dala, suna zaɓar haɗakar kuɗaɗen duniya. Ceton manyan bankuna yana ƙara ɗora bashi a kan tsarin da ke rataya a gefen hadari. Baya ga tsarin kuɗinta mara tsayayye ta asali, duk wani sauyi a tattalin arzikin siyasa na duniya na iya haifar da mummunan tasiri ga lafiyar ƙasar. Tsarin jari-hujja da alama ba zai iya gyaruwa ba, domin gyaran zai buƙaci ya raunana kansa.

The US displays obscene deficits of over 2/3 of its GDP (over $10 trillion of Federal debt and when unfunded obligations are included this raises it to around $60 trillion). Foreign owners of US treasury securities exceed $2.6 trillion. There is declining willingness of foreign investors due to the long term falling dollar, and the existing debt is owned in particular by Japanese, Chinese, and oil exporting central banks. The US faces increased dependency on diminishing export markets for its products due to competitive foreign imports and fierce competition overseas. Even weak countries such as Kuwait are pulling out of the dollar peg and opting for a basket of international currencies. The bailouts of the largest banks are loading further debt into a system teetering on the edge. In addition to its inherently unstable financial system, any changes in the global political economy can have serious implications for the health of the state. The capitalist system appears to be non-correctable, as it would need to undermine itself to do it.