Riba da riba-riba na da tasiri daban-daban sosai ga ɓangarorin da abin ya shafa da kuma tsarin gaba ɗaya.

Interest and profits have very different implications for the parties involved and the system as a whole..

Wasu daga cikin sakamakon tattalin arziki mai tushe a kan riba sun haɗa da:

Some of the consequences of an interest based economy are:

1. Cin zarafin mabukata.

1. Exploitation of the needy.

2. Riba ana biyansa ne daga jama'a ko da ba su karɓi wani bashi ba. Riba tana cikin farashin kowane abu da ake biya, kuma ana cire ribar bashin ƙasa ta hanyar haraji.

2. Interest is paid by the public even if they borrow no money. Interest is included in the price of everything paid for and there is interest on the national debt extracted via taxation.

3. Ba kowa ne ke shafar ribar kuɗi daidai da juna ba, wanda hakan ke aiki a matsayin wata ɓoyayyiyar hanyar sake rarraba dukiya.

3. All are not equally affected by interest rates, which serves as a hidden re-distribution mechanism.

4. Ba da rance da riba mai yawa yana samar da kuɗaɗen ruwa marasa tallafi, wanda shi ne wakili na rashin kwanciyar hankali kuma babban dalilin rikicin da ake fuskanta yanzu.

4. Lending money for high returns offers unbacked liquidity, which is the agent of instability and a chief cause of the current crisis.

5. Rage da makomar gaba (Discounting the future): Tun da riba tana haifar da karuwar darajar jarin da aka zuba, ana ganin cewa mutane suna fifita samun wani adadin kuɗi yanzu fiye da samun irin wannan adadin a nan gaba. Wannan tunani da ba a cika tambayarsa ba zai iya haifar da mummunan sakamako. Rage darajar kuɗin gaba yana shafar gudun da ake amfani da albarkatun ƙasa – yawan riba, a haka ne albarkatun za su iya ƙarewa da sauri15.

5. Discounting the future: Since interest results in appreciation of invested capital, it is a presumed rationale for people to prefer having an amount now than the same amount in the future. This rarely questioned logic can have disastrous implications. Discounting affects the rate at which we use up natural resources – the higher the interest rate, the faster the resources are likely to be depleted15.

Babu dalili da zai hana wannan a kai shi ga matsayinsa na ƙarshe, cewa rangwame zai iya kaiwa ga "halakar nau'in halitta" bisa hujjar "tattalin arziki mai hankali", kuma cewa "wajen tantance ayyukan zuba jari na dogon lokaci, musamman waɗanda fa'idodinsu da kashe-kashensu ke rabuwa da juna da wani dogon tazara lokaci, ƙa'idojin darajar yanzu da aka lissafa (net present value) suna jagorantar mai yanke shawara wajen ƙara amfanin tsararraki na yanzu a kan kuɗin tsararraki masu zuwa".

There is no reason that this cannot be taken to its logical conclusion that discounting can lead to the “economically rational” extinction of a species16, and that “in evaluating long term investment projects, particularly those in which the benefits and costs are separated from each other with a long time interval, the net present value rules guide the decision maker to maximise the utility of present generations at the expense of future ones”17.

Haɗuwar riba da riba ta riba ta sa fahimtar bambancin da ke tsakaninsu ta rikice a Yammaci. A Musulunci ana kiyaye bambancin nan bisa doka. Riba ta riba tana tsaye ne a kan ainihin abin da aka samar. Akwai kuma ƙayyadaddun dokoki kan tsarin kamfanoni da za a iya kafawa don samun riba, wanda hakan ke ba da tabbaci ga alaƙar da ke tsakanin riba da abin da aka samar.

The mixing of interest and profits has confused an accurate understanding of their difference in the West. In Islam the distinction is maintained legally. Profits are backed by real output. There are also specific regulations on company structures that can be formed to make profit, which gives substance to the link between profits and outputs.

Tarihin tsawon sama da shekaru 1,000 na tsohuwar daular Musulunci ya tabbata a matsayin babban misali na zaman lafiya da wadata. Abin sha'awa ne a lura cewa tsakanin shekarar 1932 zuwa 1933, ƙaramin garin Wörgl da ke ƙasar Ostiriya ya fara wani gwaji na kuɗi, inda shugaban garin ya shawo kan 'yan kasuwa da masu gudanarwa su gudanar da gwajin kuɗi kamar yadda Silvio Gesell ya ba da shawara, wanda ya ba da shawarar tabbatar da kwararar kuɗi ta hanyar mayar da kuɗi hidimar gwamnati wadda ake biyan kuɗin riƙewa/amfani da ita.

The historical account of more than 1,000 years of the erstwhile Islamic state stands a brilliant example of stability and prosperity. It is interesting to note that between 1932 and 1933, the small Austrian town of Wörgl started an experiment where the town's mayor convinced the business people and administrators to conduct a monetary experiment in the way suggested by Silvio Gesell, who suggested securing the money flow by making money a government service subject to a hold/use fee18.

Majalisar gari ta fitar da "Takardun Aiki" guda 32,000 (watau, Shillings marasa riba), waɗanda kuɗin Shillings na Austriya na yau da kullum guda ɗaya ne a banki ke rufe su. Kuɗin da ake caji kan amfani da/ko riƙe kuɗin shi ne kashi 1% a wata ko kashi 12% a shekara. Wanda yake riƙe da takardar kuɗin a ƙarshen wata ne zai biya wannan kuɗi, ta hanyar tambarin da darajarsa ta kai kashi 1% na takardar kuɗin, sannan a manne shi a bayanta. In ba haka ba, takardar kuɗin ba ta da inganci.

The town council issued 32,000 "Work Certificates" (i.e., interest-free Schillings), covered by the same amount of ordinary Austrian Schillings in the bank. The fee on the use/hold of the money was 1% per month or 12% per year. This fee had to be paid by the person who had the banknote at the end of the month, in the form of a stamp worth 1 % of the note and glued to its back. Otherwise, the note was invalid.

Wannan ƙaramin kuɗin ya ƙarfafa waɗanda aka biya da Free Schillings su kashe su kafin su yi amfani da kuɗinsu na yau da kullum. Mutane ma sun biya harajinsu tun kafin lokaci don su guje wa biyan ƙaramin kuɗin. Cikin shekara guda, 32,000 na Free Schillings sun yi zagaye sau 463, don haka suka samar da kayayyaki da ayyuka masu daraja fiye da 14,816,000 na Schillings. Sabanin haka, Schilling na yau da kullum ya yi zagaye sau 21 kawai.

This small fee encouraged those who were paid in Free Schillings to spend them before they used their ordinary money. People even paid their taxes in advance in order to avoid paying the small fee. Within one year, the 32,000 Free Schillings circulated 463 times, thus creating goods and services worth over 14,816,000 Schillings. The ordinary Schilling by contrast circulated only 21 times.

Wörgl ya rage kashi 25 na rashin aikin yi a cikin shekara guda kacal, a lokacin da Turai ke fama da karuwar rashin aikin yi da koma-bayan tattalin arziki. Lokacin da fiye da ƙauyuka 300 a Austriya suka fara sha'awar karɓar wannan tsari, Bankin Ƙasa na Austriya ya ga ikonsa na mallakar kuɗi yana cikin haɗari. Sai ya shiga tsakani a kan majalisar gari, ya kuma hana buga kuɗin gida nasu19.

Wörgl reduced its unemployment rate by 25 % within this one year, while Europe was struggling with rising unemployment and depression. When over 300 communities in Austria began to be interested in adopting this model, the Austrian National Bank saw its own monopoly endangered. It intervened against the town council and prohibited the printing of its local money19.

15 Pearce D W da Turner R K, 1990, Economics of Natural Resources and the Environment, Harvester Wheatsheaf, London.

15 Pearce D W and Turner R K, 1990, Economics of Natural Resources and the Environment, Harvester Wheatsheaf, London.

16 Daly H E da Cobb J B, 1990, For the Common Good, Greenprint, London.

16 Daly H E and Cobb J B, 1990, For the Common Good, Greenprint, London.

17 Kula E, 1981, Future Generations and Discounting Rules in Public Sector Investment Appraisal, Environment and Planning A, 13: 899-910.

17 Kula E, 1981, Future Generations and Discounting Rules in Public Sector Investment Appraisal, Environment and Planning A, 13: 899-910.