Hanyoyin Warware Matsaloli na Khulafa Ar-Rashidun - Juyin Halittar Fiqhu | Quran Course

Hanyoyin Warware Matsaloli na Khulafa Ar-Rashidun - Juyin Halittar Fiqhu | Quran Course

Baya ga tarurrukan na yau da kullum da manyan Sahabbai suka yi, waɗanda halifofi suka kira domin yanke hukunci, akwai abubuwa da yawa da suka faru a kullum, inda ake tambayar wasu Sahabbai daidaiku su bayar da hukunci. A irin waɗannan lokuta, sukan bi hanyoyi uku na gaba ɗaya.

In addition to formal meetings of the major Sahaabah which were called by the caliphs for decision-making, there arose many day-to-day situations where individual Sahaabah were asked to make rulings. In such cases they tended to follow three general courses of action.

Da farko, Sahabbai waɗanda ke cikin matsayin yanke hukunci sun bayyana a fili cewa ijtihadinsu ba lallai ba ne ya zama kamar yadda Allah ya nufa. Misali, lokacin da aka tambayi Ibn Mas'ood game da haƙƙin gado na wata mace da aka aura ba tare da an ƙayyade sadaqi ba, ya ce: "Ina faɗin ra'ayina game da ita. Idan daidai ne, to daga Allah ne, amma idan ba daidai ba ne, to daga gare ni ne da shaiɗan." 96 Na biyu, idan sun yanke hukunci daban-daban a kan wata matsala a matsayinsu na mutane, sannan aka sanar da su wata Hadisi ingantacciya ko aikin Annabi ﷺ a kan batun, da nan suke karɓa, suna barin duk bambance-bambancen da ke tsakaninsu. Misali, bayan rasuwar Annabi ﷺ, Sahabbai sun sami saɓani a kan inda ya kamata a binne shi. Sai Abu Bakr ya ba su labari cewa ya ji Annabi ﷺ yana cewa annabawa ana binne su a wurin da suka rasu, sai suka bar saɓaninsu, suka haƙa kabarinsa a ƙarƙashin gidan matarsa ‘Aa’eshah.

In the first place, Sahaabah who were in decision-making positions made it clear that their deductions were not necessarily as Allaah intended. For example, when Ibn Mas’ood was questioned about the inheritance rights of a woman who had been married without a defined Mahr (dowry), he said, “I am giving my opinion about her. If it is correct, then it is from Allaah, but if it is incorrect, then it is from me and Satan.” 96 Secondly, if they made different rulings on a problem in their individual capacities and were later informed of an authentic (Hadeeth) saying or action of the Prophet (s.w.) on the subject, they would immediately accept it dropping all differences. For example, after the Prophet’s (s.w.) death, the Sahaabah held different opinions as to where he should be buried. When Abu Bakr related to them that he had heard the Prophet (s.w.) say that prophets are buried in the spot where they die, they dropped their differences and dug his grave beneath his wife ‘Aa’eshah’s house.

Daga ƙarshe, idan ba a iya samun hujja ingantacciya ko ijma'i ba, sahabbai na Annabi ﷺ suna girmama ra'ayoyin juna, kuma ba sa tilasta wa sauran sahabbai bin wani ra'ayi na mutum ɗaya. Banda kawai a cikin wannan ƙa'ida shi ne idan sun ga mutane suna bin ayyukan da, duk da cewa a da an halatta su, daga baya aka haramta su. Misali, Mut'ah, wani nau'in aure na ɗan lokaci kafin Musulunci wanda aka halatta a farkon Musulunci, an hana shi kafin rasuwar Annabi ﷺ.

Finally, when neither authentic proof nor unanimity could be arrived at, the companions of the Prophet (s.w.) used to respect the opinions of each other and would not force other Sahaabah to follow any individual opinion. The only exception to this rule was if they found people following practices, which though formerly acceptable later became prohibited. For example, Mut’ah, a pre-Islamic form of temporary marriage which had been allowed in the early stages of Islaam, was forbidden by the time of the Prophet’s (s.w.) death.

Wasu daga cikin Sahabbai ba su san da haramcin ba, don haka suka ci gaba da aikata auren mut'a a lokacin halifancin Abu Bakr da kuma rabin farko na halifancin Umar. Lokacin da Umar ya samu labarin aikin mut'a, sai ya haramta ta, kuma ya sanya hukunci mai tsanani ga wanda ya aikata laifin.97

Some of the Sahaabah were unaware of the prohibition and thus continued to practice temporary marriage during Abu Bakr’s caliphate and the first half of ‘Umar’s caliphate. When ‘Umar became aware of the practice of Mut’ah, he forbade it and prescribed a severe punishment for the offence.97

Duk da cewa Sahabbai sun yi muhawara kuma sun sava wa juna a wasu al'amuran shari'a, sabanin nasu ba kasafai yake kai matakin rarrabuwar kai da kungiyoyi ba, wanda ya zama siffar zamanai na baya. Hakan ya samo asali ne musamman daga dalilai masu zuwa, wadanda suka taimaka wajen kiyaye hadin kansu:

Although the Sahaabah debated and differed on various points of law, their differences rarely reached the level of disunity and factionalism, which characterized later periods. This was mainly due to the following factors, which tended to preserve their unity:.

(1) Dogaro da Khalifofi suka yi wajen yin shawara tare (Shura) don cimma hukunci.

(1) The Caliphs’ reliance on mutual consultation (Shooraa) to arrive at a ruling.

(2) Sauƙin da za a iya cimma ijma'i da shi. Ya kasance mai sauƙi a gudanar da tarurrukan shawara domin halifofin farko ba su barin Sahabbai su yi nisa daga babban birnin Daular Musulunci, Madina.

(2) The ease with which a consensus could be arrived at. It was easy to hold consultative meetings since the early caliphs did not allow the Sahaabah to move far from the capital of the Islamic State, Madeenah.

(3) Gabaɗayan kin ƙin yin hukunce-hukuncen shari'a (Fatwowi) daga ɓangaren kowane Sahaabi. Maimakon haka, sun kasance suna mayar da tambayoyi masu wahala ga wasu Sahaabah waɗanda suka fi cancanta su amsa su.

(3) The general reluctance of individual Sahaabah to make legal rulings (Fatwaas). Instead, they tended to re-direct puzzling questions to other Sahaabah who were better qualified to answer them.

(4) Ƙarancin ambaton Hadisi, wanda suka fi takaita shi ga takamaiman matsaloli na zahiri. Hakan ya faru ne saboda: (a) Tsoron kada su yi kuskure wajen ambaton Annabi ﷺ, wanda ya ce: "Duk wanda ya yi ƙarya a kaina, to ya shirya wurin zamansa a wuta."98.

(4) The infrequent quotation of Hadeeth, which they tended to confine to specific and actual problems. This was due to: (a) Their fear of misquoting the Prophet (s.w.) who had said, “Whoever tells a lie in my name will find in my name find his seat in the fire.”98.

(b) Gaskiyar cewa Halifa ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab ya hana yawaita ambaton Hadisi, kuma ya umurci Sahabbai da su mayar da hankali wajen ruwaitowa da karatun Alkur’ani.

(b) The fact that Caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab forbade excessive quotation of Hadeeth and ordered the Sahaabah to concentrate on the narration and study of the Qur’aan.

Yayin da muke bin diddigin tarihin ci gaban Fiqhu, an ga cewa ya nuna halaye daban-daban a lokuta daban-daban na ci gaban siyasa da zamantakewa da tattalin arziki. Da farko, za a iya fahimtar cewa babban halin Fiqhu a zamanin Khulafa'u Ar-Rashidun shi ne hakikanin abin da ke faruwa, wato an dogara ne da matsaloli na gaske ba na zato ko na tunani ba. Wannan nau'in Fiqhu mai hakikanin abin da ke faruwa daga baya aka kira shi da harshen Larabci al-Fiqhu al-Waqi'i (Fiqhu mai hakikanin abin da ke faruwa), domin a bambance shi da Fiqhun zato da mutanen "Ahlu Ar-Ra'yi" suka yi wa kanfe, waɗanda suka shahara a Kufa ta ƙasar Iraƙi a zamanin Umayyawa.

As we trace the historical development of Fiqh showed different characteristic trends during different periods of political and socio-economic development. First, we can discern that the outstanding characteristic of Fiqh during the period of the Righteous Caliphs was its realism; that is, it was based on actual problems rather than on hypothetical or imaginary ones. This realistic form of Fiqh was later referred to in Arabic as al-Fiqh al-Waqi’ee (realistic Fiqh) to distinguish it from the hypothetical Fiqh advocated by the “Reasoning People” (Ahl ar-Ra’i) who came to prominence in Kufah, Iraq, during the time of the Umayyads.

Na biyu, ko da yake Khulafa Ar-Rashidun sun kasance, kamar yadda muka lura a sama, suna bin wasu hanyoyi don cimma hukunce-hukuncen shari'a, ba su ba, ko Sahabbai baki ɗaya, da suka kafa tsayayyun hanyoyin da za a bi a ko'ina cikin al'ummar Musulunci (Ummah); haka kuma ba su rubuta dokokin da suka samo asali daga hukunce-hukuncensu ba. Wannan faffadan tunani a fagagen da Shari'ah ba ta bayyana su sarai ba, yana nuna, da farko, girmamawar Sahabbai ga 'yancin ra'ayi a irin waɗannan al'amura. Irin wannan halin ya saɓa sosai da yadda wasu malamai na baya suka nuna tsauri. Na biyu, hakan ya dace da manufar Sahabbai ta ba da shawara ga talakawa su yi nazarin Alƙur'ani da kyau, ba tare da shagaltuwa da hukunce-hukuncen shari'a kan al'amuran da Alƙur'ani bai bayyana su ba.

Secondly, although the Righteous Caliphs tended, as we have noted above, to follow certain procedures to achieve legal rulings, neither they nor the Sahaabah as a whole prescribed set procedures to be followed throughout the Islamic nation (the Ummah); nor did they make a record of the laws resulting from their legal rulings. This open mindedness in areas not clearly defined by Sharee’ah reflects, in the first place, the Sahaabah’s respect for freedom of opinion in such matters. Such an attitude contrasts strongly with the appearance of rigidity on the part of certain later scholars. In the second place, it was in keeping with the Sahaabah’s policy of recommending for the masses the careful study of the Qur’aan without the distraction of legal rulings on matters not defined therein.

Hali na uku na fiqhu a wannan zamani ya shafi amfani da ra'ayin kai wajen yanke hukunce-hukuncen shari'a. Mafi yawan Sahabbai sun fi son manne wa ma'anonin zahiri na nassosin Alkur'ani da Sunnah. A matsayin al'ada gabaɗaya, sun guje wa bayar da fassarorin kansu. Ibn 'Umar, ɗaya daga cikin manyan malaman fiqhu a cikin Sahabbai waɗanda suka zauna a Madina tsawon rayuwarsu, ya bi wannan al'ada. A ɗaya ɓangaren kuma akwai wasu Sahabbai waɗanda suka fi son yin amfani da ra'ayin kai sosai a fagen da Alkur'ani ko Sunnah ba su yi bayani a kansa ba. Duk da haka, sun kasance masu taka tsantsan wajen danganta kurakuran da ke biyo baya ga kansu gaba ɗaya, domin kada su kawo raini ga shari'ar Musulunci. 'Abdullahi ɗan Mas'ud (wanda daga baya ya zauna a Iraƙi) ya wakilci wannan makaranta ta tunani.

A third characteristics of Fiqh in this period relate to the use of personal opinion in making legal rulings. The majority of the Sahaabah preferred to stick closely to the literal meanings of texts of the Qur’aan and the Sunnah. As a general practice, they avoided giving personal interpretations. Ibn ‘Umar, one of the leading jurists among the Sahaabah who remained in Madeenah all his life, followed this practice. On the other hand there were other Sahaabah who favored the wide use of personal opinion in areas undefined by either the Qur’aan or the Sunnah. However, they were careful to attribute resulting errors entirely to themselves, so as not to bring discredit to Islamic law. ‘Abdullaah ibn Mas’ood (who later settled in Iraq) represented this school of thought.

Halayya ta huɗu ta Fiqhu a zamanin Khulafa'u Ar-Rashidun ta shafi gyara wasu hukunce-hukuncen Shari'ah, saboda ɗaya daga cikin abubuwa biyu: ɓacewar dalilin kasancewar hukuncin, ko canjin yanayin zamantakewa.

The fourth characteristic of Fiqh in the period of the Righteous Caliphs concerns the modification of some laws of Sharee’ah, owing to one or another of two factors: the disappearance of the reason for the laws existence, or a change in social conditions.

Misali na farko shi ne hana da Khalifa ‘Umar ya yi wa al’adar bayar da kyautar kuɗi daga Baitul-Mali ga sababbin musulmi da kuma waɗanda ke karkata zuwa karɓar Musulunci. ‘Umar ya gabatar da dalilinsa cewa wannan al’ada an bi ta ne a farkon Musulunci lokacin da ake matuƙar buƙatar kowane irin taimako, amma yanzu babu sauran buƙatar neman magoya baya. ﷺ Abu na biyu da aka ambata a sama (canjin yanayin zamantakewa) ya haifar da canji a dokar saki. Saboda yawan dukiyar da ta kwararo daga yankunan da aka ci kwanan nan, aure (ko da na mace ɗaya ko na mata da yawa) ya zama mai sauƙin yi, kuma saboda haka saki ya ƙara yawaita sosai har abin tsoro. Don hana cin zarafin saki, Khalifa ‘Umar ya canza wani bangare na dokar. A zamanin Annabi ﷺ, furta kalmomin saki uku a lokaci guda ana ɗaukarsa a matsayin saki ɗaya kawai, kuma ana iya mayar da shi.

An example of the first is the prohibition by Caliph ‘Umar of the practice of giving cash gifts from the central treasury (Bayt al-Maal) to newly converted Muslims and to those leaning towards the acceptance of Islaam. ‘Umar reasoned that the practice had been followed by the Prophet (s.w.) in the early stages of Islaam, when there was urgent need for all possible support, but that there was no longer any need to canvass for supporters. The second factor mentioned above (changing social conditions) prompted a change in the divorce law. Owing to the tremendous influx of wealth from newly acquired territories, marriage (both single and multiple) became easier to contract and, consequently, divorce became alarmingly more frequent. To discourage abuse of divorce, Caliph ‘Umar altered and aspect of the law. In the time of the Prophet (s.w.) the pronouncement of three divorce statements at any one time was considered to be merely one divorce statement and it was reversible.

Halifa 'Umar ya ayyana irin waɗannan furuci da yawa a matsayin waɗanda suke ɗaurarru don haka ba za a iya juya su ba.

Caliph ‘Umar declared such multiple pronouncements to be binding and therefore irreversible.

Na biyar, mazhabin a lokacin Khulafa’u Rashidun ya kasance guda ɗaya kuma yana da alaƙa kai tsaye da gwamnati, kamar yadda yake a zamanin Annabi ﷺ. Mazhabin kowane daga cikin halifofi shi ne mazhabin halifan kansa, domin halifa a kowane lokaci shi ne yake da ikon ƙarshe a dukkan hukunce-hukuncen shari’a da suka shafi Ijtihadi da Ijma’i. Saboda haka, hukunce-hukuncen da halifa ya fitar ta hanyar istidlali ba su taɓa fuskantar adawa a fili daga magadansa ba a lokacin rayuwarsa. Sai dai idan wani halifa ya hau mulki, sai mazhabinsa ya samu fifiko a kan na wanda ya riga shi, kuma hukunce-hukuncen wanda ya riga shi za a canza su domin su dace da ra’ayinsa.

Fifthly, the Madh-hab during the period of the Righteous Caliphs was unified and directly linked to the state as in the time of the Prophet (s.w.). The Madh-hab under each of the caliphs was that of the caliph himself since the caliph in each case had the final say in all legal decisions involving Ijtihaad of Ijmaa’. Consequently, deduced rulings made by a caliph were never openly opposed by his successors during his lifetime. However, when the succeeding caliph came to power, his Madh-hab would then be given precedence over that of his predecessor and the deduced rulings of his predecessor would be changed to conform to his opinion.

1. Tushen ka'idodin fiqhu na tunani, watau Ijma'i da Qiyas (Ijtihadi), an aza shi ne a zamanin Khulafa'i Rashidun.

1. The basis of the deductive Fiqh principles, Ijmaa’ and Qiyaas (Ijtihaad)(, was laid during the time of thje Righteous Caliphs.

Sabon ƙarin faɗin yankuna masu yawa ya sa Musulmi su yi hulɗa kwatsam da al'adu daban-daban da yawa, kuma wannan ya haifar da matsaloli masu yawa da ba a yi musamman bayani a kansu a cikin dokokin Shari'a ba.

2. The sudden addition of vast new territories brought Muslims into sudden contact with many different cultures, and this produced a host of new problems which were not specifically covered by the laws of Sharee’ah.

3. Hukunce-hukuncen shari'a sun ƙara zama wajibi, kuma Khulafa Ar-Rashidun a hankali suka samar da wasu hanyoyi don cimma Ijtihadi da ƙarancin sabani.

3. Legal rulings became increasingly necessary, and the Righteous Caliphs gradually developed certain procedures for arriving at Ijtihaad with minimum of disagreement.

4. Sahabbai gabaɗaya ma sun bi hanyoyin yanke hukunci waɗanda suka taimaka musu su guje wa hukunce-hukunce masu tsauri da na ƙarfi.

4. The Sahaabah in general also followed decision-making procedures which helped them to avoid hard and fast rulings.

5. Haɗin kan amincewar Khulafa'u Rashidun da Sahabbai game da hukunce-hukuncen shari'a ya kan ƙarfafa haɗin kai, kuma ya kan ba da ƙaramar dama ko babu dama ga rarrabuwar kai a cikin al'ummar Musulunci.

5. The combined approval of the Righteous Caliphs and the Sahaabah in the matter of legal rulings tended to promote unity and to provide little of no occasion for factionalism within the Islamic nation.

6. Madhhabi guda ɗaya ne kawai ya wanzu a zamanin Khulafa Ar-Rashidun. Wannan tsarin ɗaya na Fiqhu ya hana tashin madhhabai waɗanda ba su da alaƙa da gwamnati har zuwa ƙarshen zamanin.

6. Only one Madh-hab existed during the period of the Righreous Caliphs. This unified approach to Fiqh prevented the rise of Madh-habs not linked to the state until the end of the period.

7. An ba muhimmanci sosai ga karatun Alƙur'ani ga talakawa, yayin da aka hana yawan ambaton Hadisai.

7. Particular emphasis was placed on the study of the Qur’aan by the masses, while excessive quotation of Hadeeths was discouraged.

8. Duk da cewa an sami wani bambanci a hanyoyin da Sahabbai suka bi wajen amfani da ra'yi na kashin kai, wannan bambanci bai haifar da wani rarrabuwar kai ko kungiyoyi masu adawa da juna ba a cikin lokacin da ake nazari a kai.

8. Although there was some difference of approach among the Sahaabah in the matter of the use of personal opinion, this difference did not in fact result in any factionalism during the period under review.

9. Har zuwa wannan lokaci, a fannin Fiqh an ci gaba da bin hanya ɗaya ta gaba ɗaya, wato Madhhabi ɗaya. Sai dai, banbancin aikin wasu Sahabbai kamar Ibn ‘Umar a Madina da ‘Abdullahi ibn Mas’ud a Kufa (Iraƙi) wajen amfani da ra’ayi na kansu, ana iya ganin sa a matsayin farkon fara rabuwar malaman Musulunci zuwa Madhhabai daban-daban, ko kuma alamar hakan.

9. So far as Fiqh was concerned, there continued to be one general approach, that is one Madh-hab. However, the different practices of such Sahaabah as Ibn ‘Umar in Madeenah and ‘Abdullah ibn Mas’ood in Kufah (Iraq) in the use of personal opinion could be seen as the early beginnings, or the foreshadowing of a division of Islamic scholars into different Madh-habs.