Watu wengi duniani huitazama Israel kwa mshangao, taifa lenye umri wa miaka 60 pekee, lililojengwa na watu waliodhulumiwa kwa karne nyingi, na lenye mojawapo ya majeshi yenye nguvu zaidi duniani. Israel imeweza, tangu kuanzishwa kwake, kuyashinda mataifa jirani katika vita vinne, ingawa idadi ya watu wake ni kama ya kisiwa kidogo. Ni hali hizi ndizo zilizowafanya wengi waamini kwamba ni Israel inayovuta kamba duniani kote, hata kudhibiti sera ya nje ya Marekani. Kinachopaswa kuchunguzwa ni nani anamdhibiti nani, na kwa kiwango gani.

Many people around the world look in awe towards Israel, a nation only 60 years old, built by a people who were persecuted for centuries and have one of the most advanced militaries in the world. Israel has managed, from its inception, to defeat its neighbouring nations in four wars, even though its population is that of a small island. It is such realities that have led to many believing it is Israel that pulls the strings around the world even controlling US foreign policy. What needs to be explored is who controls who and to what extent?

Uhusiano wa karibu kati ya Marekani na Israel umekuwa mojawapo ya sifa zinazojitokeza zaidi katika sera ya nje ya Marekani kwa karibu miaka thelathini na tano na nusu. Dola bilioni 3 za msaada wa kijeshi na kiuchumi ambazo Washington hutuma kila mwaka kwa Israel hazihojiwi mara kwa mara katika Bunge, hata na wanaliberali ambao kwa kawaida hupinga msaada wa Marekani kwa serikali zinazofanya ukiukaji mkubwa wa haki za binadamu, wala na wahafidhina ambao kwa kawaida hupinga msaada wa kigeni kwa ujumla. Karibu nchi zote za Magharibi zinaunga mkono kwa dhati haki ya Israel kuwepo kwa amani na usalama. Marekani mara nyingi husimama peke yake pamoja na Israel katika Umoja wa Mataifa na majukwaa mengine ya kimataifa pale pingamizi zinapotolewa kuhusu ukiukaji unaoendelea wa sheria za kimataifa na Israel na masuala mengine yanayohusiana na hayo.

The close relationship between the US and Israel has been one of the most salient features in US foreign policy for nearly three and a half decades. The $3 billion in military and economic aid sent annually to Israel by Washington is rarely questioned in Congress, even by liberals who normally challenge US aid to governments that engage in widespread violations of human rights, or by conservatives who usually oppose foreign aid in general. Virtually all Western countries share the United States strong support for Israel’s right to exist in peace and security. The US often stands alone with Israel at the United Nations and other international forums when objections are raised over ongoing Israeli violations of international law and related concerns.

Baada ya Vita vya Pili vya Dunia, Marekani ilianza kupendezwa na Mashariki ya Kati pale ilipoonja faida za mafuta ya Ghuba, na ikaamua kwamba haiwezi tena kubaki pekee yake, hivyo ikaanza kuendesha mikakati yake katika eneo hilo. Mwaka 1944 Idara ya Mambo ya Nje ilieleza Rasi ya Uarabuni kuwa: ‘Chanzo kikubwa mno cha nguvu za kimkakati na zawadi kubwa zaidi ya nyenzo katika historia ya dunia.’ Marekani ilifahamu kwamba kudhibiti usambazaji wa mafuta wa eneo hilo kulikuwa ni kitufe cha kudhibiti dunia nzima. Kama George Kennan, mpangaji mwenye ushawishi wa mkakati wa kuzuia Umoja wa Kisovieti, alivyosema mwaka 1949: ‘Kama Marekani itadhibiti mafuta, itakuwa na mamlaka ya kura ya turufu juu ya hatua zijazo za wapinzani kama Ujerumani na Japani.’ Ikitambua uwezo wa Mashariki ya Kati, Marekani iliweka mbele mipango na mikakati mingi ya kudhibiti eneo hilo.

The US took an interest in the Middle East after World War 2 when it tasted the benefits of Gulf oil and decided that it could no longer remain isolated and began manoeuvring in the region. In 1944 the State Department described the Arabian Peninsula as constituting: ‘A stupendous source of strategic power and the greatest material prize in the world’s history.’ The United States was aware that control of the region’s oil supply was a lever to control the world. As George Kennan, the influential planner of the containment of the Soviet Union put it in 1949: ‘If the US controlled the oil, it would have veto power over the potential actions in the future of rivals like Germany and Japan’ Realising the potential of the Middle East, the US set forward multiple plans and strategies to control the region.

Kuanzishwa kwa nchi ya Wayahudi kulipendekezwa na Waziri Mkuu wa Uingereza, Henry Bannerman, mwaka 1906: 'Kuna watu (Waislamu) wanaodhibiti maeneo mapana yaliyojaa rasilimali dhahiri na zilizofichika. Wanatawala makutano ya njia za dunia. Ardhi zao ndizo zilikuwa utoto wa ustaarabu na dini za binadamu. Watu hawa wana imani moja, lugha moja, historia moja na matarajio yale yale. Hakuna vizuizi vya asili vinavyoweza kuwatenganisha watu hawa na wenzao ... iwapo, kwa bahati, taifa hili lingeungana kuwa dola moja; lingechukua hatima ya dunia mikononi mwake na lingeitenganisha Ulaya na sehemu nyingine ya dunia. Tukichukulia mambo haya kwa uzito, kiumbe kigeni kinapaswa kupandikizwa katikati ya taifa hili ili kuzuia mabawa yake kukutana kwa namna ambayo ingeweza kuyamaliza nguvu zake katika vita visivyokoma. Pia kingeweza kutumika kama kiinua mgongo cha Magharibi kupata malengo yake yanayotamaniwa.

The establishment of a Jewish homeland had been proposed by British Prime Minister Henry Bannerman in 1906: ‘There are people (the Muslims) who control spacious territories teeming with manifest and hidden resources. They dominate the intersections of world routes. Their lands were the cradles of human civilizations and religions. These people have one faith, one language, one history and the same aspirations. No natural barriers can isolate these people from one another ... if, per chance, this nation were to be unified into one state; it would then take the fate of the world into its hands and would separate Europe from the rest of the world. Taking these considerations seriously, a foreign body should be planted in the heart of this nation to prevent the convergence of its wings in such a way that it could exhaust its powers in never-ending wars. It could also serve as a springboard for the West to gain its coveted objects.

Israel liundwa kwa msingi wa kutimiza maslahi ya Uingereza kwa kuwekwa katikati ya ulimwengu wa Waislamu; hata hivyo, udhaifu wa Uingereza baada ya Vita vya Pili vya Dunia ulisababisha Marekani kupanga upya eneo hilo.

Israel was created on the basis of fulfilling a British interest by being placed in the middle of the Muslim world; however British weakness after World War 2 led to the US reorganising the region.

Marekani ilitazama Israel kama taifa lenye mipaka iliyofafanuliwa na salama, ingawa lilianzishwa likiwa na ndoto za Eretz Israel (Israel kubwa zaidi). Hii ndiyo tofauti ya kwanza kati ya Marekani na Israel. Msimamo wa Israel uko wazi sana, kwani tangu mwanzo imekataa kufafanua mipaka yake. Hili lilidhihirisha kwamba Israel haikuwa koloni la Marekani, na kwamba kulikuwa na maslahi yanayokinzana baina ya nchi hizo mbili.

The US looked towards Israel, within defined and secure boundaries, even though it was established with dreams of Eretz Israel (a greater Israel). This was the first difference between the US and Israel. The position of Israel is very clear since it has refused to define its borders from the very beginning. This exposed the fact that Israel was not a colony of the US and there were conflicting interests between the two.

Tangu kuanzishwa kwa harakati ya Kizayuni, Wayahudi wamekuwa wakilenga kupata utawala wa kiuchumi na kisiasa juu ya eneo hili. Marekani inakataa wazo la kuchukua nafasi ya ushawishi wa Ulaya kwa ushawishi wa Kiyahudi, na pia inakataa wazo la kugawana madaraka na nchi nyingine yoyote. Marekani imejitolea kulinda Israel, kuhakikisha usalama wake na kuwahakikishia Wayahudi wanaoishi huko kiwango cha maisha chenye ustawi. Hata hivyo, inakataa kuruhusu Israel igawane ushawishi nayo. Ili kuzuia upanuzi wa Israel na kuenea kwa ushawishi wa Israel katika eneo hili, sera ya Marekani imejengwa juu ya kuitenga Israel na eneo lote lililobaki, kwa lengo la kuidhibiti na kupunguza nafasi yake katika juhudi za kutatua suala la Wapalestina na suala la Mashariki ya Kati. Sera ya Marekani inajikita katika kuanzisha dola ya Kipalestina itakayotumika kama chombo cha kuzuia; kwa kuweka dhamana nyingi za kimataifa na kwa kuleta vikosi vya kimataifa vitakavyopelekwa kando ya mipaka kati ya Israel na nchi jirani za Kiarabu - Jordan, Syria, Misri na dola ya baadaye ya Kipalestina. Sera ya Marekani pia imejikita katika kufanya kazi ya kuifanya Jerusalem kuwa ya kimataifa, kwani Marekani inaona kwamba hali hii ya kimataifa ni suluhisho la mgogoro nyeti wa Jerusalem utakaowafurahisha Wakristo na kuhakikisha uwepo imara wa Marekani kupitia uwepo wa Umoja wa Mataifa.

Ever since the establishment of the Zionist movement, the Jews have been aiming to achieve economic and political domination over the region. America rejects the idea of substituting European influence with Jewish influence, and she also rejects the idea of sharing power with any other country. America is committed to protecting Israel, guaranteeing her security and securing a prosperous standard of living for the Jews living there. However, she refuses to allow Israel to share the influence with her. In order to prevent Israeli expansion and the spread of Israeli influence in the region, American policy has been based on isolating Israel from the rest of the region in an attempt to curtail her and minimise her role in the quest to solve the Palestinian issue and the Middle Eastern issue. US policy is centred around establishing a Palestinian state to act as an instrument of containment; by establishing a host of international guarantees and by bringing multinational forces to be deployed along the borders between Israel and the neighbouring Arab countries - Jordan, Syria, Egypt and the future Palestinian State. The American policy has also been based on working towards the internationalisation of Jerusalem, as America sees this internationalisation as a solution to the sensitive crisis of Jerusalem that would please the Christians and guarantee a strong American presence through the presence of the United Nations.

Kuna mambo mengi yaliyosababisha sera za nje za Marekani na Israeli kufikia kiwango walichofikia leo:

There are a whole host of factors which has led the US and Israeli foreign policies to reach the extent they have today:

Raia nyingi za Marekani zina mshikamano wa kihisia na Israeli, hasa raia wa mrengo wa kiliberali, hasa miongoni mwa kizazi cha baada ya vita kilichopo katika nafasi za uongozi serikalini na katika vyombo vya habari. Wamarekani wengi wanajitambulisha na mapambano ya kihistoria ya Israeli, demokrasia yake ya ndani, kiwango chake cha maisha kilicho juu kiasi, na nafasi yake kama kimbilio kwa kundi dogo lililoonewa lililoishi uhamishoni kwa karne nyingi.

- Many US citizens share a sentimental attachment with Israel especially many liberals - particularly among the post-war generation in leadership positions in government and the media. Many Americans identify with Israel’s historical struggle, internal democracy, relatively high standard of living and its role as a sanctuary for an oppressed minority group that spent centuries in diaspora.

- Haki ya Kikristo nchini Marekani, yenye mamilioni ya wafuasi na msingi mkubwa wa kuunga mkono Chama cha Republican, kihistoria imetumia nguvu zake kubwa za vyombo vya habari na kisiasa kuiunga mkono Israeli na viongozi wengine wa mrengo wa kulia wa Israeli. Ikitegemea kwa sehemu fundisho la kitheolojia linaloona kukusanywa kwa Wayahudi katika Nchi Takatifu kama kitangulizi cha kurudi kwa Kristo, mapambano kati ya Waisraeli na Wapalestina, kwa macho yao, ni mwendelezo tu wa mapambano kati ya Waisraeli na Wafilisti, huku Mungu akiwa ameamua kwamba ardhi hiyo ni ya Israeli peke yake.

- The Christian Right in the US, with tens of millions of followers and a major base of support for the Republican Party, historically has thrown its immense media and political clout in support of Israel and other right-wing Israeli leaders. Based in part on a theology that sees the ingathering of Jews to the Holy Land as a precursor for the second coming of Christ, the battle between Israelis and Palestinians is, in their eyes, simply a continuation of the battle between the Israelites and the Philistines, with God having deemed that the land belongs to Israel alone.

- Mashirika makuu na ya kihafidhina ya Kiyahudi yametumia rasilimali kubwa za ushawishi, michango ya kifedha kutoka jumuiya ya Kiyahudi, na shinikizo la raia kwa vyombo vya habari na majukwaa mengine ya mjadala wa umma, kuunga mkono serikali ya Israel. Jukumu la kundi la ushawishi linalounga mkono Israel ni kuunda mazingira yanayoendana na maslahi ya Israel, na kusaidia kuunda mazingira ya vitisho dhidi ya wale wanaotaka kuleta msimamo wa wastani katika sera ya Marekani, ikiwa ni pamoja na idadi inayoongezeka ya Wayahudi wenye msimamo wa kimaendeleo.

- Mainstream and conservative Jewish organisations have mobilised considerable lobbying resources, financial contributions from the Jewish community, and citizen pressure on the news media and other forums of public discourse in support of the Israeli government. The role of the pro-Israel lobby is to create a climate in line with Israeli interests and help in the creation of a climate of intimidation among those who seek to moderate US policy, including growing numbers of progressive Jews.

- Sekta ya silaha, inatoa fedha mara tano zaidi kwa kampeni za Bunge la Marekani na juhudi za ushawishi (lobbying) kuliko AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee) na makundi mengine yanayounga mkono Israeli kwa pamoja. Hata hivyo, sekta hiyo ina maslahi makubwa katika kuunga mkono usafirishaji mkubwa wa silaha kwenda Israeli na washirika wengine wa Marekani katika Mashariki ya Kati. Ni rahisi zaidi kwa mbunge wa Bunge kupinga mkataba wa silaha wa dola milioni 60 kwenda Indonesia, kwa mfano, kuliko mkataba wa dola bilioni 2 wa silaha kwenda Israeli, hasa kwa sababu wilaya nyingi za uchaguzi za Bunge zina viwanda vinavyozalisha vifaa hivyo vya kijeshi. Israeli imefanikiwa kujenga dola na kisha kuhamasisha rasilimali zake ili kufikia malengo mengi ya muda mrefu. Hata hivyo, bila msaada wa Magharibi, ni vigumu kuona jinsi Israeli ingefikia nafasi ilipo leo. Lakini Israeli imeshindwa kufikia lengo lake la mwisho la kuanzisha dola yenye mipaka isiyobadilika inayojumuisha ardhi ambayo inadaiwa iliahidiwa na Mungu, na hili limetokana na sababu moja tu: lengo kama hilo halilingani na maslahi ya Marekani.

- The arms industry, contributes five times more money to congressional campaigns and lobbying efforts than AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee) and other proIsrael groups combined. The industry however does have a considerable stake in supporting massive arms shipments to Israel and other Middle Eastern allies of the United States. It is far easier for a member of Congress to challenge a $60 million arms deal to Indonesia, for example, than the $2 billion of arms to Israel, particularly when so many congressional districts include factories that produce such military hardware. Israel has successfully managed to build a state and then mobilise its resources to achieve many of its long term aims. However, without Western support it is impossible to see how Israel could reach the position it is in today. Israel has however failed in its ultimate aim of establishing a state with fixed borders encompassing the lands it was supposedly promised by God and this is due only to one reason – such an aim is not in the interests of the US.

Mipango ya Marekani inalenga mipaka iliyobainishwa wazi ya Israeli pamoja na taifa la Kipalestina. Chama cha Likud, ambacho kimekuwa chama tawala kwa sehemu kubwa ya historia ya Israeli, kilijaribu kubainisha mipaka hiyo kwa upande mmoja kwa kujenga makazi na kuwafukuza Waislamu. Hata hivyo, Israeli bado inahitaji Marekani kwa makubaliano yoyote ya mwisho, na kwa sababu hizi imepanga harakati za ushawishi nchini Marekani na katika vyombo vya habari vya dunia ili kufikia matokeo yenye manufaa kwake. Juhudi za kutimiza Eretz Israeli zinakabiliwa na changamoto kwa sababu chama cha Labour nchini Israeli kinaamini katika kuachia ardhi kwa ajili ya mipaka ya kudumu iliyobainishwa. Kinaamini kwamba hii ni gharama inayostahili kulipwa kwa ajili ya usalama inaohitaji.

The US plans defined Israeli borders alongside a Palestinian state. The Likud party which has been the party of power for most of Israel’s history attempted to unilaterally define the borders by building settlements and expelling Muslims. However, Israel still needs the US for any final settlement and for these reasons it has organised lobbying in the US and the world’s media in order to achieve a favourable outcome. The endeavour to achieve Eratz Israel is complicated by the fact that the Labour party in Israel believes in giving up land for permanent defined borders. It believes this is a price worth paying for the security it needs.

Kwa hiyo Israel haidhibiti Marekani, lakini imekuwa na ufanisi mkubwa katika kushawishi sera ya Marekani. Marekani ndiyo inayopanga Mashariki ya Kati. Ndiyo inayoamuru, na katika masuala mengi Marekani na Israel zina sera zinazofanana; hata hivyo, hili halipaswi kuonekana kuwa Marekani inaziacha maslahi yake kwa ajili ya Israel. Uungaji mkono wa Marekani kwa serikali ya Israel, kama uungaji mkono wake kwa washirika wake kwingineko duniani, hauchochewi na mahitaji ya kiusalama yaliyo ya kweli wala na kujitolea kwa nguvu kimaadili kwa nchi hiyo. Badala yake, kama ilivyo kwingineko, sera ya kigeni ya Marekani inachochewa hasa na kusonga mbele kwa maslahi yake ya kimkakati yanayodhaniwa.

Hence Israel does not control the US but has been very efficient in influencing US policy. The US is organising the Middle East. It is the one that dictates, and on many issues the US and Israel have the same policy, however this should not been seen as the US abandoning its interests for Israel. US support for the Israeli government, like US support for its allies elsewhere in the world, is not motivated by objective security needs or a strong moral commitment to the country. Rather, as elsewhere, US foreign policy is motivated primarily to advance its own perceived strategic interests.