Hali ya dunia wakati wowote ule inaweza kuwa na matukio mengi yanayotokea kwa pamoja, jambo linalofanya iwe vigumu kubaini nani anafanya nini na nia zilizo nyuma ya vitendo hivyo. Kwa kuwa Ummah umekabidhiwa jukumu la kubeba da‘wah ya Kiislamu kwenda kwa dunia nzima, ni jambo la lazima kwa kila Muislamu kufuatilia hali ya dunia, kuelewa mazingira yake, na kujifahamisha na nia za mataifa ya dunia pamoja na mipango yao ya kisiasa. Ili kuelewa hali ya dunia au mizani ya nguvu duniani, mambo yafuatayo yanapaswa kukumbukwa:

The global situation at any given time can have multiple events taking place which can cloud who is doing what and the motives behind such actions. Since the Ummah is entrusted with carrying the Islamic da’wah to the whole world, it is indispensable for every Muslim to pursue the global situation, comprehend its circumstances, and acquaint oneself with the motives of the world’s nations and their political plans. In order to understand the global situation or the global balance of power the following points should be kept in mind:

1. Ili kupima uhalali wa hali yoyote ya kisiasa, au faida ya kimkakati ambayo sera fulani inaweza kuleta, au hata kama jambo fulani katika uhalisia ni hadithi za kubuni, jambo hilo haliwezi kueleweka kikweli isipokuwa mtu anafahamu hali ya kimataifa na mataifa yanayoshindana. Hali halisi za kijiografia peke yake hazionyeshi uhalali wake; kuunganisha mambo mapana kama mataifa yanayounda mizani ya nguvu duniani pamoja na sera za kitaifa ndiyo njia ya kuelewa mapambano yoyote ya kimataifa na kutofautisha hadithi za kubuni na ukweli.

1. In order to asses the validity of any political situation or the strategic advantage a particular policy may bring, or even whether a certain fact in reality is a myth - this can only really be understood if one is acquainted with the international situation and the nations that compete with each other. Geopolitical realities on their own give no indication of their validity, linking wider factors such as the nations that make up the global balance of power alongside national policies is the way to comprehend any global struggle and distinguish myths from truths.

2. Jiografia ya kisiasa (geopolitics) ni tawi la siasa. Haiwezekani wala si salama kufuatilia hali ya kijiografia ya kisiasa duniani bila kwanza kuelewa siasa. Ni kupitia siasa ndipo jiografia ya kisiasa inaeleweka wazi. Hii ni kwa sababu siasa ni sera, mipango na mitindo inayotumiwa kusimamia mambo ya ndani ya taifa kupitia utekelezaji wa itikadi fulani, ilhali sera ya nje ya taifa ni mahusiano ambayo taifa hujenga na dunia ili kufikia malengo yake. Ni siasa ndizo zitakazofafanua uwanja wa kijiografia ya kisiasa, kwa hiyo visima vya maji vinavyopungua duniani kote, siasa za mafuta, udhibiti wa Mfereji wa Suez au Ghuba ya Uajemi si masuala yanayojisimamia yenyewe, bali maslahi mbalimbali ambayo mataifa tofauti duniani yanayo ndiyo yanayoyafanya kuwa muhimu kimkakati.

2. Geopolitics is a branch of politics. It is impossible and dangerous to follow the global geopolitical situation without first understanding politics. It is through politics that geopolitics is clearly understood. This is because politics is the polices, plans and styles used to take care of the nations affairs domestically through the implementation of an ideology whist a nations foreign policy is the relations a nation builds with the world in order to achieve its goals. It is the politics that will define the geopolitical arena, hence the dwindling water wells around the world, the politics of oil, control of the Suez canal or the Persian Gulf are not issues in themselves, but the multiple interests a variety of nations around the world have makes them strategically important.

3. Mataifa duniani yanaweza kuwa ya kiitikadi, ambapo yamechukua itikadi inayoyapa mwelekeo na kutumika kama msingi wa kutunga sheria na kuunda sera, kama vile Marekani, Uingereza, Ufaransa na Ujerumani zinavyofuata Ubepari. Kisha zipo nchi nyingine ambazo hazifuati itikadi yoyote, bali zina maslahi yanayobainishwa na historia au eneo lake. Kwao, kulinda maslahi hayo ndiko kunakoongoza uundaji wa sera, kama inavyoonekana kwa Pakistani inayojaribu kujilinda dhidi ya India, na Tibet inayotaka uhuru kutoka China. Utekelezaji wa itikadi na juhudi za kulinda na kufikia maslahi ya kitaifa husababisha mwingiliano kote duniani, na hii ndiyo hali ya kimataifa.

3. Nations around the world are either ideological in nature where they have adopted an ideology which gives the nation direction and acts as a basis for deriving legislation and building polices, such as the US, Britain, France and Germany with Capitalism. Then there are other nations which do not embrace an ideology but have interests which are defined by their history or location, for them the protection of the interest is what drives policy development as can be seen with Pakistan attempting to defend itself against India and Tibet wanting independence from China. The application of the ideology and the attempts to protect and achieve national interests leads to interactions across the world and this is the international situation.

4. Hali ya mambo katika taifa lolote duniani haibaki ile ile. Hupitia mabadiliko mengi, kwa upande wa nguvu na udhaifu, nguvu ya ushawishi au kukosekana kwake, na kwa upande wa tofauti na mabadiliko katika mahusiano yake ya kigeni na mataifa mengine. Ndiyo sababu haiwezekani kuchora mfumo usiobadilika au seti ya miongozo ya kuangalia hali ya kimataifa, kwa kuwa hali ya kimataifa daima iko katika mabadiliko. Hata hivyo, uchambuzi wa hali ya kimataifa wakati wowote ule unawezekana, ukizingatia kwamba inaweza kubadilika. Pia inawezekana kuchambua nguvu za madola duniani, ukizingatia kwamba tathmini hiyo nayo inaweza kubadilika. 5. Hali ya kimataifa ni muundo wa mahusiano ya kimataifa kati ya mataifa ya dunia. Ni hadhi ya nguvu kuu (superpower) na mataifa yanayoshindana nayo.

4. The state of affairs in any nation of the world does not remain the same. It goes through many changes, in terms of strength and weakness, power of influence or its absence, and in terms of difference and change in its foreign relations with other nations. This is why it is impossible to draw a constant framework or a set of guidelines to view the international situation as the international situation is always in a state of flux. However, an analysis of the international situation at any given time is possible bearing in mind it is liable for change. It is also possible to analyze the strength of the powers in the world bearing in mind such an assessment is liable for change. 5. The international situation is the structure of the international relations between the world’s nations. It is the status of the superpower and the nations that compete with it.

Kuelewa mizani ya nguvu duniani, kando na kujua mataifa ambayo ni nguvu za dunia, sera zao na malengo yao, kunahitaji maarifa ya mahusiano ya kimataifa, ambayo ni ushindani wa mara kwa mara kati ya nguvu za dunia kuhusu nafasi ya kuwa nguvu kuu. Ndiyo maana hali ya kimataifa si thabiti na hupitia mabadiliko mengi. Kwa hiyo uchambuzi wowote wa mizani ya nguvu duniani ni maelezo ya wakati fulani mahususi. Hali ya kimataifa inapobadilika, uchambuzi kama huo huwa sehemu ya historia.

Understanding the global balance of power apart from knowing the nations who are the world’s powers, their policies and aims requires the knowledge of international relations, which is the constant competition between the world’s powers over the position of the superpower. This is why the international situation is not stable and goes through many changes. Hence any analysis of the global balance of power is a description of a particular point in time. When the international situation changes such an analysis becomes part of history.

6. Hali ya kimataifa daima itakuwa katika hali ya mabadiliko, kwa sababu inaamuliwa na hali ya kisiasa na kiuchumi ya baadhi ya nchi, kutoka mazingira moja hadi nyingine. Mabadiliko hayo ya hali na mazingira hutokea either kwa sababu taifa limekuwa na nguvu zaidi au dhaifu zaidi, au kwa sababu uhusiano wake na nchi nyingine umekuwa imara zaidi au dhaifu zaidi. Katika hali kama hiyo, mabadiliko ya mizani ya nguvu duniani yatatokea kutokana na mabadiliko ya mizani ya nguvu zilizopo ulimwenguni. Ndiyo maana kuelewa hadhi ya kila nchi inayoathiri hali ya kimataifa ndicho msingi wa kuelewa mizani ya nguvu za kimataifa.

6. The international situation will always be in a state of flux because it is determined by the political-economic situation of some states from one circumstance to another. Such change of situations and circumstances is either because a nation became stronger or weaker, or because its relations with other states became stronger or weaker. In such a case, a change in the global balance of power would result due to a change in the balance of powers existent in the world. This is why understanding the status of each state that has influence on the international situation is the basis for understanding the global balance of power.

7. Kuelewa hali ya dunia kwa wakati wowote haimaanishi kwamba mtu lazima awe na ujuzi wa siasa zote za dunia. Mataifa yasiyounda mizani ya nguvu duniani hayahitaji kufuatiliwa, kwa kuwa vitendo vikuu vya ulimwengu ni matokeo ya nchi zenye nguvu za dunia kushindana wao kwa wao na katika medani mbalimbali duniani kote.

7. Understanding the global situation at any given time does not mean one must be acquainted with all of the world’s politics. The nations who do not make up the global balance of power need not be pursued as the major actions in the world are a result of the world’s powers competing with each other and in different arenas across the world.

- Mzozo wa silaha za nyuklia wa Korea Kaskazini na Marekani ni matokeo ya moja kwa moja ya juhudi za Marekani za kudhibiti China. China imekuwa ikifuatilia mazungumzo ya pande nyingi kwa ajili ya kuunganishwa tena kwa Korea Kaskazini na Korea Kusini, ikijaribu kuhakikisha kwamba mlango wake wa nyuma hauwashwi moto. Matamko yanayotolewa katika mikutano kama hiyo yamekuwa yakipingana: China imekuwa ikionyesha kutokuwa na matumaini kuhusu mazungumzo hayo, ikiwa na msimamo wa mbali katika masuala mengi, wakati Marekani imekuwa ikisisitiza mara kwa mara kwamba mazungumzo yamefanikiwa.

- The North Korea Nuclear weapons stand-off with the US is a direct result of US attempts to contain China. China has been pursuing multilateral talks for the reunification of North and South Korea trying to ensure its back door is not set on fire. The statements from such meetings have been contradictory where China has been pessimistic about the talks with distance on most issues whilst the US has continually remarked successful negotiations.

Marekani haijafanya mazungumzo ya moja kwa moja na Korea Kaskazini, jambo ambalo linazidisha mvutano wa suala hilo. Maendeleo yanayoendelea kuwa ya polepole na kuchelewa kwake kunafaa kabisa kwa kuwepo kwa takriban wanajeshi 100,000 wa Marekani katika eneo hilo, na Korea Kaskazini ilipofanya majaribio ya silaha zake za nyuklia mwezi Oktoba 2006, hali hiyo iliongeza gharama za juhudi za China na kutoa sababu inayofaa ya kuendelea na kuwepo kwa kiasi kikubwa cha Marekani nchini Korea Kusini. J Rielly alieleza hili katika karatasi ya sera: ‘Wanajeshi hawa wa Marekani wako katika eneo si tu kupambana na "makundi ya kigaidi" yanayosababisha kutokuwa na utulivu wa eneo hilo, bali pia kuimarisha udhibiti wa kijeshi wa Marekani juu ya eneo katika Bahari ya China Kusini. Eneo hili la kimkakati lenye akiba kubwa inayowezekana ya mafuta lipo kando ya njia za usafirishaji kuelekea Mashariki ya Kati na linatoa ufikiaji wa sehemu kubwa ya Kusini-Mashariki mwa Asia. Upanuzi wa Marekani…’

The US has not directly negotiated with North Korea which is exasperating the issue. The continued sluggish progress and prolonging fits perfectly for the presence of nearly 100,000 US troops in the region and with North Korea testing its nuclear arsenal in October 2006 this will expend Chinese efforts and gives a suitable justification for sustained and substantial US presence in South Korea. J Rielly outlined this in a policy paper: ‘These U.S. troops are in the region not simply to fight the "terrorist groups" causing local instability, but to enhance U.S. military control over territory in the South China Sea. This strategic area with vast potential oil reserves sits aside the shipping lanes to the Middle East and offers access to much of Southeast Asia. The expanded U.S.

uwepo wa Marekani na miungano ya kijeshi inayoanza kuundwa na mataifa ya Kusini-Mashariki mwa Asia huongeza wasiwasi wa China na kuzuia makubaliano huru kati ya mataifa ya Asia kupitia njia kama vile Jukwaa la Kikanda la ASEAN.41

presence and nascent military alliances with Southeast Asian nations exacerbates Chinese anxieties and impedes independent accords among Asian states though such mechanisms as the ASEAN Regional Forum.’41

- Wito wa Ossetia Kusini wa kujitenga na Georgia ni matokeo ya moja kwa moja ya ushindani kati ya Marekani na Urusi kwa ajili ya kudhibiti Ulaya Mashariki. Vita vya Balkan kimsingi viliundwa na Marekani ili kuzuia Urusi katika dunia baada ya Usovieti na kuleta nchi zilizokuwa za kikomunisti chini ya eneo la ushawishi la Marekani. Urusi iliweza kuiweka Serbia chini ya eneo lake la ushawishi kutokana na historia yake, na imeitumia kama ngome ya kuzuia utawala wa Marekani.

- The call for independence by South Ossetia from Georgia is a direct result of competition between the US and Russia for control over Eastern Europe. The Balkan wars were essentially created by the US to contain Russia in a post Soviet world and bring the former communist states under the US area of influence. Russia was able to bring Serbia under its area of influence due to its history and has used it as a bulwark to frustrate US dominance.

Serbia imekuwa kikwazo kwa ajenda ya Marekani, na kwa sababu hiyo Marekani ilikuwa na hamu ya kuidhoofisha. Mwanzoni ilipanga kutenganisha Montenegro na Serbia, kisha ikatenganisha Kosovo nayo, na baadaye ikashambulia vikosi vya kijeshi vya Serbia huko Kosovo pamoja na ndani ya Serbia yenyewe kwa mashambulizi ya NATO. Ossetia Kaskazini ni eneo linalojitawala kwa kiasi fulani ndani ya Urusi, wakati Ossetia Kusini ilijikuta ndani ya Georgia katika siku za mwisho za Umoja wa Kisovieti. Urusi imetumia uhusiano wake na Ossetia Kaskazini kuwasukuma Waossetia wa Kusini kudai uhuru, jambo ambalo limezuia malengo ya Marekani katika eneo hilo. Urusi inadumisha mawasiliano ya karibu na uongozi wa Tskhinvali, ambapo wanaotaka kujitenga wanakaribisha msimamo wa kuunga mkono wa Moscow. Kwa kuudhika sana kwa Georgia, Waossetia wengi wa Kusini wana pasipoti za Kirusi, na rubli ya Kirusi hutumika sana katika biashara.

Serbia has been a barrier for the American agenda and as a result the US was keen to weaken it initially by engineering the separation of Montenegro from Serbia, then separating Kosovo from it and then the NATO attack on Serbian armed forces in Kosovo as well as in Serbia itself. North Ossetia is a semi autonomous region in Russia, whilst South Ossetia fell into Georgia in the dying days of the USSR. Russia has used its relations with North Ossetia to push South Ossetians to call for independence thus thwarting US aims in the region. Russia maintains close contacts with the leadership in Tskhinvali where separatists welcome Moscow’s supportive stance. To Georgia’s deep annoyance, most South Ossetians have Russian passports and the Russian rouble is commonly used in trade.

Wito wa Tibet wa kujitenga na China pia ni mapambano kati ya China na Marekani.

- The call by Tibet for separation from China is also a struggle between China and the US.

Uingiliaji wa Marekani katika eneo hili ulianza miaka ya 1950 kupitia CIA, ili kukabiliana na kupitishwa kwa ukomunisti nchini China. Uasi wa umwagaji damu wa mwaka 1959 uliofanywa na Vuguvugu la Kuikomboa Tibet ulikuwa kampeni kubwa ya siri ya kijeshi iliyoendeshwa na CIA dhidi ya Wachina wakomunisti huko Tibet. Maelfu kwa maelfu ya Watibet waliuawa, huku Dalai Lama na takriban wafuasi 100,000 wakilazimika kukimbia kuvuka milima hatari ya Himalaya kuelekea India na Nepal. CIA ilianzisha kambi ya siri ya mafunzo ya kijeshi kwa wapiganaji wa upinzani wa Dalai Lama katika Camp Hale karibu na Leadville, Colorado, Marekani. Wapiganaji wa Kitibet walipewa mafunzo na vifaa na CIA kwa ajili ya vita vya msituni na operesheni za hujuma dhidi ya Wachina wakomunisti. China inakabiliwa na changamoto kubwa, ikiwemo Waislamu wa Uighur katika jimbo la Xinjiang, na shughuli za Falun Gong pamoja na makundi mengine mengi ya upinzani yanayolenga uhuru. Watu wa Tibet wamejikuta wamenaswa kati ya Beijing yenye ukandamizaji na Washington yenye ujanja, inayojaribu kudhoofisha China.

US interference in the region begun in the 1950’s through the CIA in order to counter China’s adoption of communism. The disastrous bloody uprising in 1959 by the Free Tibet Movement was a CIA conducted large scale covert action campaign against the communist Chinese in Tibet. Tens of thousands of Tibetans were left dead, while the Dalai Lama and about 100,000 followers were forced to flee across the treacherous Himalayan passes to India and Nepal. The CIA established a secret military training camp for the Dalai Lama’s resistance fighters at Camp Hale near Leadville, Colorado, in the US. The Tibetan guerrillas were trained and equipped by the CIA for guerrilla warfare and sabotage operations against the communist Chinese. China is faced with significant problems, with the Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang province, and the activities of the Falun Gong among many other dissident groups aiming for independence. Tibetan people find themselves trapped between an oppressive Beijing and a manipulative Washington attempting to weaken China.

8. Ushindani baina ya nguvu kuu za dunia ni jambo lililokuwepo tangu mwanzo wa wakati na utaendelea hadi Siku ya Kiyama. Katika zama za kale, Misri chini ya Mafarao ilikuwa nguvu kuu, na Mesopotamia ilishindana nayo. Dola ya Kirumi ilikuwa nguvu kuu, na Dola ya Kiajemi ilishindana nayo. Kisha Khilafah iliishinda mabaki ya dola za Kiajemi na Kibyzantium, na ikawa nguvu kuu ya dunia hadi karne ya 18, huku ikikabiliana na changamoto kutoka kwa Wamongolia na Makruseda katika kipindi hicho. Ufaransa na Uingereza kisha zilishindana na Khilafah ya Kiutsmani kwa takriban karne tatu, hadi katikati ya karne ya 18. Kabla ya Vita vya Kwanza vya Dunia, Ujerumani ilibadilisha mizani ya nguvu duniani, huku Ufaransa na Uingereza zikishindana nayo. Baada ya Vita vya Kwanza vya Dunia, Uingereza iliibuka kuwa nguvu ya dunia, na Ufaransa ikashindana nayo. Ujerumani tena ilipinga Uingereza kama nguvu kuu ya dunia, na ni Vita vya Pili vya Dunia pekee vilivyousimamisha utawala wa Kijerumani. Marekani iliibuka kuwa nguvu kuu ya dunia baada ya Vita vya Pili vya Dunia, na ilipingwa na Umoja wa Kisovieti kwa miongo mitano hadi ulipoanguka mwaka 1990.

8. Competition between the world powers is something that has existed from the beginning of time and will continue until the day of judgement. In ancient times Egypt under the pharaohs was the superpower and Mesopotamia competed with it. The Roman Empire became the superpower and the Persian Empire competed with it. The Khilafah then defeated the remnants of the Persian and Byzantine empires and was the world’s superpower until the 18th century facing challenges from the Mongols and the crusaders during this time. France and England then competed with the Uthmani Khilafah for nearly three centuries until the mid-18th century. On the eve of World War 1 Germany shifted the global balance of power, whilst France and Britain competed with it. After World War 1 Britain emerged as the world’s power and France competed with it. Germany once again challenged Britain as the world’s superpower and only World War 2 stopped German hegemony. The US emerged the world’s superpower after World War 2 and was challenged by the Soviet Union for five decades until its collapse in 1990.

9. Mwaka 2008 Marekani ni nguvu kubwa zaidi duniani. Ingawa inadhoofika, bado ina ushawishi mkubwa zaidi duniani katika siasa za kimataifa. Marekani ndiyo uchumi mkubwa zaidi duniani kwa tofauti kubwa, na ndiyo nchi iliyoendelea zaidi kiteknolojia, na inadumisha vituo vya kijeshi kote duniani ili kulinda maslahi yake. Mataifa yanayoweza kushindana na Marekani ni Urusi, Uingereza, Ufaransa na Ujerumani.

9. In 2008 the US is the world’s superpower. Although faltering it still has the greatest influence around the world on international politics. The US is the world’s largest economy by far and the most advanced nation technologically, and maintains military bases across the world in order to protect its interests. The nations that are able to compete with the US are Russia, Britain, France and Germany.

Mataifa yote manne hayo yana malengo ya kimataifa kote duniani. Urusi katika muongo uliopita imefanikiwa kupata udhibiti wa rasilimali zake za madini na huduma za umma, na kuwafukuza oligarchs wengi walionufaika na kuvunjika kwa Umoja wa Kisovieti. Ikiwa na baadhi ya hifadhi kubwa zaidi za nishati duniani, sasa inaendeleza jeshi la kisasa na inashindana moja kwa moja na Marekani katika maeneo ambayo kwa karibu muongo mmoja Marekani ilikuwa na utawala usiopingwa.

All four nations have international ambitions across the world. Russia in the last decade has managed to gain control over its mineral resources and utilities and banished many oligarchs who benefited from the break-up of the Soviet Union. With some of the worlds largest energy reserves it is now developing a state of the art military and competing directly with the US in regions where the US for nearly a decade had uncontested hegemony.

Uingereza kihistoria imekuwa nguvu ya dunia, na bado ina ushawishi katika koloni zake za zamani.

Britain historically has been a world power and still has influence in its former colonies.

Uingereza ni mchezaji muhimu barani Ulaya na imevuruga mipango mingi ya Marekani. Uingereza inaendelea kuwa na malengo ya kimataifa na inafanya kazi kudumisha maslahi yake kwa kushirikiana na Marekani, na mara nyingi kushindana nayo.

Britain is a key player in Europe and has frustrated many US plans. Britain continues to have global ambitions and works to maintain its interests by cooperating with the US and on many occasions competing with it.

Ufaransa, kama Uingereza, imekuwa mhusika mkuu katika historia na siasa za Ulaya. Kwa miongo kadhaa, sera zake zimejikita katika kujenga ushawishi duniani kote kupitia makoloni yake, utamaduni wa Kifaransa, na nguvu yake ya kiuchumi.

France like Britain has been a key player in European history and politics, its policies for decades have been centred on creating influence across the world through its colonies, French culture and through its economic strength.

Ujerumani ni uchumi wa tatu kwa ukubwa duniani kwa dola trilioni 2.7, na ni nguvu kubwa ya kiuchumi barani Ulaya. Ni muuzaji mkubwa zaidi wa bidhaa duniani kwa dola trilioni 1.1. Leo hii Ujerumani inapanuka kiuchumi kupitia seti ya kipekee ya sera za kiuchumi, ikiwa na ushawishi mkubwa unaokaribia utawala kamili katika maeneo ya Ulaya Mashariki. Ujerumani pia ilicheza nafasi hai katika upatanishi uliofanikiwa wa suala la kubadilishana wafungwa kati ya Israel na Hezbollah.

Germany is the third largest in economy in the world at $2.7 trillion and an economic powerhouse in Europe. It is the world’s largest exporter of goods at $1.1 trillion. Germany today is expanding economically through a distinct set of economic policies with a virtual hegemony in the regions of Eastern Europe. Germany also played an active role in the successful mediation in the issue of exchanging prisoners between Israel and Hezbollah.

Ujerumani pia ulituma kikosi cha majini katika uvamizi wa Israel nchini Lebanon mwaka 2006. Kikosi hicho kilikuwa na meli mbili za kivita, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern na Karlsruhe, zikisaidiwa na helikopta, meli za usambazaji na boti za doria, zikiwa na wanajeshi wapatao 1,500 ndani yake.

Germany also deployed a naval force in the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 2006. Its deployment consisted of two frigates - the Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Karlsruhe - supported by helicopters, supply ships and patrol boats, with about 1,500 men on board.

Hii ndiyo operesheni kubwa zaidi ya kijeshi ya Ujerumani tangu Vita vya Pili vya Dunia.

This is Germany’s largest military deployment since World War 2.

Baada ya mataifa yanayoshindana moja kwa moja na Marekani duniani kote, China ndiyo yenye ushawishi mkubwa zaidi, hata hivyo bado ni nguvu ya kikanda kwa sasa. Lau China isingekuwa na upeo mdogo katika malengo yake ya kimataifa, ikijikita tu katika eneo lake, ingekuwa inashindana na nguvu kuu za dunia. Hata hivyo, hali hii inawezekana sana kubadilika katika siku zijazo.

After the nations that directly compete with the US across the world, China has the most influence however it remains currently a regional power. Had China not been narrow in its international ambitions, focusing only on its region it would have competed with the world’s powers. However, this situation is very likely to change in the future.

Japani ni nguvu ya kiuchumi yenye uchumi mkubwa zaidi duniani baada ya Marekani. Hata hivyo, nje ya sekta ya kiuchumi haina ushawishi wowote. Sera yake ya sasa ya kushiriki katika muungano nchini Afghanistan na kuondolewa kwa Ibara ya 9 ya katiba yake ya kupinga vita, jambo linaloiwezesha kupeleka wanajeshi na kuendeleza silaha za nyuklia, ni Marekani ikijaribu kusawazisha ushawishi wa China katika kanda hiyo. Ushawishi wa Japani kwa kweli unathibitisha utawala wa Marekani, badala ya maendeleo ya Japani.

Japan is an economic power with the largest economy in the world after the US. However, outside the economic sphere it has no influence. Its current policy of taking part in the coalition in Afghanistan and the removal of article 9 in its pacifist constitution allowing it to deploy troops and develop nuclear weapons, is the US attempting to counterbalance Chinese influence in the region. Japanese influence actually proves US dominance, rather than Japanese development.

Baada ya mataifa makubwa kuna mataifa fulani yenye ushawishi katika baadhi ya hali juu ya masuala mahususi kutokana na historia yake au mahali yalipo, lakini ushawishi huu umekuwa wa muda tu. India ina idadi kubwa ya watu na inamiliki silaha za nyuklia, na ina uwezo wa baadaye wa kuathiri kanda yake, wakati Italia ilikuwa mamlaka kabla ya Vita vya Pili vya Dunia lakini hilo nalo lilikuwa la muda tu. Hivi sasa huu ndio mizani ya nguvu duniani, ambayo inaweza kubadilika wakati wowote.

After the great powers there are some nations that have influence in some circumstances on specific issues due to their history or location, but this has been temporary. India has a large population and possesses nuclear weapons and has the potential in the future to influence its region, whilst Italy was once a power prior to World War 2 but this was temporary. Currently this is the global balance of power, which is liable to change at any time.

Kuelewa historia za nchi hizi, jinsi zilivyoendelea, imani na thamani zao, pamoja na itikadi walizozikubali, kungempa mtu uelewa wa nia za kila nchi hizi. Nchi hizi zote zinashindana kimataifa, pia na taifa kuu, Marekani. Hali hii ya kimataifa inaweza kueleweka kwa uwazi mkubwa, kwa kuwa hali ya dunia ni ushindani kati ya nguvu za dunia ili kufikia maslahi yao.

Understanding the histories of these states, how they developed, their beliefs and values as well as the ideologies they have embraced would give one an understanding of the motives of these individual states. These nations all compete with each other globally as well as with the superpower - the US. This international situation can be understood very clearly as the global situation is the competition between the world’s powers to achieve their interests.

10. Waislamu wanapaswa kukumbuka kwamba hata kama hali ya Ummah duniani inaonekana kuwa mbaya kiasi gani, sehemu kubwa ya picha hii ni udanganyifu tu na inaweza kubadilishwa na kuondolewa kwa urahisi sana. Ummah wa Kiislamu kihistoria umekuwa nguvu kubwa na uliendelea kuathiri siasa za kimataifa hadi karne ya kumi na tisa. Kwa kuvunjwa kwa Khilafah mwaka 1924, ushawishi wake wa kimataifa ulipungua kwa kuwa haukuwa na dola, na tangu wakati huo umebaki katika hali ya huzuni na machafuko. Hata hivyo, katika muongo uliopita mabadiliko yamefikia kiwango cha juu sana, hadi sasa dalili za kuja kwa Khilafah ni wazo linalokubalika hata miongoni mwa wasiokuwa Waislamu. Baada ya kuonja fikra potofu za Magharibi, Ummah duniani kote umekataa Ubepari, kama inavyodhihirishwa na hamu yake ya Uislamu, na kwa idhini ya Allah, alfajiri ya Khilafah iko karibu kuchomoza, kama alivyotabiri Mtume Muhammad ﷺ katika hadith ifuatayo:

10. Muslims should bear in mind that however dire the situation may look globally for the Ummah, much of this picture is a mirage and can very easily be changed and replaced. The Muslim Ummah has historically been a superpower and continued to influence international politics until the nineteenth century. With the destruction of the Khilafah in 1924 its international influence declined as it was without a state and ever since it has remained in a situation of gloom and anarchy. However, in the last decade change has reached boiling point where now the signs of the coming of the Khilafah is a mainstream idea amongst even non-Muslims. After tasting the corrupt thoughts of the West, the Ummah globally rejected Capitalism as shown by her desire for Islam and by Allah’s leave the dawn of the Khilafah is about to rise as prophesised by the Prophet Muhammad وسلم وآله عليه الله صلى in the following hadith:

"Utume wa Unabii utadumu miongoni mwenu kwa muda ambao Allah atapenda, kisha Allah ataliondoa. Kisha utafuatiwa na Ukhalifa wa Uongofu (Khilafah Rashida) kulingana na njia za Unabii. Utadumu kwa muda ambao Allah atapenda, kisha Allah ataliondoa. Baadaye kutakuwa na uongozi wa kurithishana ambao utadumu kwa muda ambao Allah atapenda, kisha Yeye atauinua ikiwa atapenda. Baadaye kutakuwa na dhulma kali inayouma, nayo itadumu kwa muda ambao Allah atapenda, kisha Yeye ataiondoa ikiwa atapenda."

“The Prophethood will last among you for as long as Allah wills, then Allah would take it away. Then it will be (followed by) a Khilafah Rashida (rightly guided) according to the ways of the Prophethood. It will remain for as long as Allah wills, then Allah would take it away. Afterwards there will be a hereditary leadership which will remain for as long as Allah wills, then He will lift it if He wishes. Afterwards, there will be biting oppression, and it will last for as long as Allah wishes, then He will lift it if He wishes.

Kisha kutakuwa na Khilafah Rashida kwa mujibu wa njia ya Unabii." Kisha akanyamaza kimya. [Musnad Imam Ahmad (273)]

Then there will be a Khilafah Rashida according to the ways of the Prophethood.” Then he kept silent. [Musnad Imam Ahmad (273)]