Njia nyingine ya kubashiri kwa Waarabu ilikuwa ni kupiga kura kwa kutumia Azlam (yaani mishale isiyo na manyoya, ambayo ilikuwa ya aina tatu: moja ikionyesha 'ndiyo', nyingine 'hapana', na ya tatu ikiwa tupu). Walikuwa wakifanya hivi katika mambo mazito kama safari, ndoa na mengineyo. Kura ikionyesha 'ndiyo', walitekeleza jambo hilo; ikionyesha 'hapana', walilicheleweshwa hadi mwaka unaofuata. Aina nyingine za Azlam zilipigwa kwa ajili ya maji, fidia ya damu, au kuonyesha 'kutoka kwako', 'si kutoka kwako', au 'Mulsaq' (aliyeunganishwa). Katika hali ya shaka kuhusu nasaba, walikimbilia sanamu ya Hubal, pamoja na zawadi ya ngamia mia moja, kwa ajili ya mpiga mishale. Ni mishale pekee ndiyo ingeamua aina ya uhusiano.
Ikiwa mshale ulionyesha (kutoka kwako), basi iliamuliwa kwamba mtoto ni wa kabila; ikiwa ulionyesha (kutoka kwa wengine), basi angechukuliwa kama mshirika; lakini ikiwa (Mulsaq) ilionekana, mtu huyo angebaki katika nafasi yake, lakini bila nasaba wala mkataba wa ushirikiano.
Another divinatory tradition among the Arabs was casting of Azlam (i.e. featherless arrows which were of three kinds: one showing ‘yes’, another ‘no’ and a third was blank) which they used to do in case of serious matters like travel, marriage and the like. If the lot showed ‘yes’, they would do, if ‘no’, they would delay for the next year. Other kinds of Azlam were cast for water, blood-money or showed ‘from you’, ‘not from you’, or ‘Mulsaq’ (consociated). In cases of doubt in filiation they would resort to the idol of Hubal, with a hundred-camel gift, for the arrow caster. Only the arrows would then decide the sort of relationship.If the arrow showed (from you), then it was decided that the child belonged to the tribe; if it showed (from others), he would then be regarded as an ally, but if (consociated) appeared, the person would retain his position but with no lineage or alliance contract.
Hii ilikuwa sawa na kamari na kupiga kura kwa mishale, ambapo walikuwa wakigawanya nyama ya ngamia waliowachinja kwa njia hii ya desturi.
This was very much like gambling and arrow-shafting whereby they used to divide the meat of the camels they slaughtered according to this tradition.
Zaidi ya hayo, walikuwa na imani kubwa katika habari za makuhani, wapiga ramli na wanajimu. Kuhani alikuwa akifanya biashara ya kutabiri matukio yajayo na kudai kwamba anajua siri zilizofichwa, na kwamba ana majini wasaidizi wanaomletea habari hizo. Baadhi ya makuhani walidai kwamba wanaweza kufichua yasiyojulikana kwa nguvu waliyopewa, huku wapiga ramli wengine wakijivunia kwamba wanaweza kufunua siri kwa njia ya uhusiano wa sababu na matokeo, njia inayowawezesha kugundua bidhaa iliyoibiwa, mahali pa wizi, mnyama aliyepotea, na mambo mengine kama hayo. Mnajimu alikuwa wa kundi la tatu, ambaye alikuwa akiangalia nyota na kuhesabu mienendo na njia zake, na kwa hiyo alitabiri yajayo. Kuamini habari hizi kulikuwa ishara ya imani yao kwamba mienendo ya nyota fulani ina umuhimu maalum kuhusiana na mvua.
Moreover, they used to have a deep conviction in the tidings of soothsayers, diviners and astrologers. A soothsayer used to traffic in the business of foretelling future events and claim knowledge of private secrets and having jinn subordinates who would communicate the news to him. Some soothsayers claimed that they could uncover the unknown by means of a granted power, while other diviners boasted they could divulge the secrets through a cause-and-effect-inductive process that would lead to detecting a stolen commodity, location of a theft, a stray animal, and the like. The astrologer belonged to a third category who used to observe the stars and calculate their movements and orbits whereby he would foretell the future. Lending credence to this news constituted a clue to their conviction that attached special significance to the movements of particular stars with regard to rainfall.
Imani ya ishara kama dalili za matukio yajayo ilikuwa, bila shaka, ya kawaida miongoni mwa Waarabu. Baadhi ya siku, miezi na wanyama fulani walionekana kuwa ni mambo ya kuleta mkosi. Pia waliamini kwamba roho ya mtu aliyeuawa ingeruka jangwani na kamwe isingetulia hadi kisasi kilipolipwa. Ushirikina ulikuwa umeenea kila mahali. Kama kulungu au ndege, atakapoachiliwa, angegeuka upande wa kulia, basi jambo walilokusudia kulifanya lingeonekana kuwa la baraka; vinginevyo wangekata tamaa na kujizuia kulifuatilia. Watu wa kipindi cha kabla ya Uislamu, ingawa waliamini ushirikina, bado walihifadhi baadhi ya mila za Ibrahim, kama vile kujitolea kwa Al-Haram Takatifu, kuzunguka Kaaba, kutekeleza ibada ya hija, kusimama usiku mzima Arafah na kutoa dhabihu. Mambo haya yote yalifuatwa kikamilifu, ingawa kulikuwa na ubunifu fulani uliozichafua ibada hizi tukufu. Kwa mfano, Quraish, kwa kiburi, kwa hisia ya ubora juu ya makabila mengine na kwa majivuno ya kuwa walinzi wa Nyumba Tukufu, walijizuia kwenda Arafah pamoja na umati; badala yake walisimama Muzdalifah. Qur'ani Tukufu iliwakemea na kuwaambia:
The belief in signs as betokening future events, was, of course common among the Arabians. Some days and months and particular animals were regarded as ominous. They also believed that the soul of a murdered person would fly in the wilderness and would never rest at rest until revenge was taken. Superstition was rampant. Should a deer or bird, when released, turn right then what they embarked on would be regarded auspicious, otherwise they would get pessimistic and withhold from pursuing it. People of pre-Islamic period, whilst believing in superstition, they still retained some of the Abrahamic traditions such as devotion to the Holy Sanctuary, circumambulation, observance of pilgrimage, the vigil on ‘Arafah and offering sacrifices, all of these were observed fully despite some innovations that adulterated these holy rituals. Quraish, for example, out of arrogance, feeling of superiority to other tribes and pride in their custodianship of the Sacred House, would refrain from going to ‘Arafah with the crowd, instead they would stop short at Muzdalifah. The Noble Qur’ân rebuked and told them:
• "Kisha ondokeni mahali walipoondoka watu wote." {2:199}.
• “Then depart from the place whence all the people depart.” [2:199}.
Uzushi mwingine, uliokita mizizi katika mila yao ya kijamii, uliamuru kwamba wasile mtindi uliokaushwa wala mafuta yaliyopikwa, wala wasiingie hema lililotengenezwa kwa nywele za ngamia, wala wasitafute kivuli isipokuwa ndani ya nyumba ya matofali ya udongo, mradi tu walikuwa wamejitolea kwa nia ya kuhiji. Pia, kwa dhana potofu iliyokita mizizi, waliwazuia mahujaji wasio wakazi wa Makka kupata chakula walichokuwa wamekileta walipotaka kuhiji au kufanya umrah.
Another heresy, deeply established in their social tradition, dictated that they would not eat dried yoghurt or cooked fat, nor would they enter a tent made of camel hair or seek shade unless in a house of adobe bricks, so long as they were committed to the intention of pilgrimage. They also, out of a deeply-rooted misconception, denied pilgrims, other than Makkans, access to the food they had brought when they wanted to make pilgrimage or lesser pilgrimage.
Waliwaamuru mahujaji wanaotoka nje ya Makka wazunguke Al-Ka‘bah wakiwa wamevaa mavazi ya Kiquraishi, lakini ikiwa hawakuweza kuyamudu, wanaume walipaswa kufanya hivyo wakiwa uchi, na wanawake kwa kipande fulani cha nguo tu cha kufunika sehemu zao za siri. Allah anasema kuhusu jambo hili:
They ordered pilgrims coming from outside Makkah to circumambulate Al-Ka‘bah in Quraish uniform clothes, but if they could not afford them, men were to do so in a state of nudity, and women with only some piece of cloth to hide their groins. Allâh says in this concern:
• "Enyi wana wa Adamu! Chukueni pambo lenu (kwa kuvaa nguo zenu safi) wakati wa kuswali [na wakati wa kuzunguka (Tawaf ya) Al-Ka'bah]." [7:31].
• “O Children of Adam! Take your adornment (by wearing your clean clothes), while praying [and going round (the Tawaf of) the Ka‘bah". [7:31].
Ikiwa wanaume au wanawake walikuwa wakarimu hadi kuzunguka Al-Ka‘bah wakiwa wamevaa nguo zao, walilazimika kuzitupa baada ya tawaf hiyo milele.
If men or women were generous enough to go round Al-Ka‘bah in their clothes, they had to discard them after circumambulation for good.
Wakati Waquraishi walipokuwa katika hali ya ihram ya hija, hawakuingia nyumbani kwao kupitia milango, bali kupitia matundu waliyokuwa wakiyachimba katika kuta za nyuma. Walikuwa wakiona tabia hiyo kuwa ni matendo ya wema na ya kumcha Mungu. Mazoea haya yalikatazwa na Qur'ani: • "Si wema kwamba mwingie majumbani kwa nyuma; lakini wema ni wa yule anayemcha Allah. Basi ingieni majumbani kupitia milango yake, na mcheni Allah ili mpate kufaulu." [2:189].
When the Makkans were in a pilgrimage consecration state, they would not enter their houses through the doors but through holes they used to dig in the back walls. They used to regard such behaviour as deeds of piety and god-fearing. This practice was prohibited by the Qur’ân: • “It is not Al-Birr (piety, righteousness, etc.) that you enter the houses from the back but Al-Birr (is the quality of the one) who fears Allâh. So enter houses through their proper doors, and fear Allâh that you may be successful.” [2:189].
Ndivyo ilivyokuwa maisha ya kidini huko Arabia: ushirikina, kuabudu masanamu, na khurafa. Hata hivyo, Uyahudi, Ukristo, Umajusi na Usabai uliweza kuingia Arabia kwa urahisi.
Such was the religious life in Arabia, polytheism, idolatry, and superstition. Judaism, Christianity, Magianism and Sabianism, however, could find their ways easily into Arabia.