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Palestine A Four Thousand Year History5 min readViewed 6 times

6.3 The Extent Of The Arab Province Of Jund Filastin: From Marj Ibn ‘amer To The Red Sea


For several centuries Aylah, the present-day Jordanian port city of al-ʿAqabah on the Red Sea, was part of the Islamic administrative province of Jund Filastin, whose governors (walis) were also in charge of looking after the safety of the caravans of Muslim pilgrims from Mecca through Aylah and al-Ramla to Damascus and beyond. Umayyad numismatic and epigraphic evidence shows that Aylah was an early Islamic town in the province of Jund Filastin. Originally a Roman and Byzantine town called Aelas, now the ruins of Aylah lie within the present-day port city of al-ʿAqabah (Ramadan 2010b). ‘Aylah in Filastin’ (‘Aelas in Byzantine Palaestina’) was also the reason, within the Israeli settler toponymic project post-1948, for calling the nearby new Israeli settlement Eilat.

Southern ‘Aelas’ in Byzantine Palaestina, which became ‘Aylah’ in Islamic Jund Filastin, should be clearly distinguished from the northern ‘Ilya-Filastin’ (Jerusalem) under Islam (Aelia Capitolina under the Romans and Byzantine). Aylah (Aelas) was a vibrant Palestinian port town under both the Byzantines and Muslims and at the centre of the Indian and South Arabian spice trade. Rising to prominence after the Islamic conquests, Aylah-Filastin, located strategically on the Red Sea – also known to medieval European geographers as Mare Mecca, or the Sea of Mecca, and Sinus Arabicus, or the Gulf of Arabia – developed into a major trading port town and benefited hugely from the annual caravans of Muslim pilgrims to and from Mecca (Lev 2006: 591) and from the linking of the al-Sham region with the Arabian Peninsula and Indian Ocean. Apparently, Umayyad ‘Aylah in Filastin’ coins were also minted in Iliya-Filastin for the use in the Red Sea town and beyond (Ramadan 2010a, 2010b) and 10th century Palestinian geographer al- Maqdisi, after visiting Aylah-Filastin, described it as ‘a port of Palestine on China Sea’ (Ramadan 2010a, 2010b). The combination of Arabic written sources, Umayyad numismatic and epigraphic evidence and Byzantine sources gives us a good idea about the way the large Arab province of Jund Filastin emerged out of the combination of two provinces of Palaestina Prima and Palaestina Tertia. In this regard, it is worth noting that Palestinian historian Prokopios of Caesarea Maritima had already written in 560 AD:

The boundaries of Palestine extend toward the east to the sea which is called the Red Sea. Now this sea, beginning at India, comes to an end at this point in the Roman domain. And there is a city called Aelas [modern-day ‘Aqabah] on its shore, where the sea comes to an end, as I have said, and becomes a very narrow gulf. And as one sails into the sea from there, the Egyptian mountains lie on the right, extending toward the south; on the other side a country deserted by men extends northward to an indefinite distance; and the land on both sides is visible as one sails in as far as the island called Iotabe, not less than one thousand stades distant from the city of Aelas.

(Prokopios 2005)

Aylah-Filastin under Islam gives us some indication of the vastness and wealth of the province of Jund Filastin which stretched from the fertile plain of Marj Ibn ‘Amer in the north – a rich granary in Palestine and a region which at the time was considered part of lower Galilee – to al-‘Arish in Sinai and to the trading town of Aylah-Filastin on the Red Sea. In fact, the province of Jund Filastin encompassed most of Palaestina Prima and Palaestina Tertia (Avni 2014: 27). Jund al-Urdun ( جند الأردن ), ‘the Military/ Administrative Province of Jordan’, replacing Palaestina Secunda (Blankinship 1994: 84; Avni 2014: 27), was formed with its capital in the Palestinian city of Tabariyyah (Tiberias). Founded in Roman Palestine and known by its Greek name, Τιβεριάς, the city had been the regional capital of Galilee at the time of Jesus and would remain a key Palestinian centre of trade, silk industry and leisure activities for several centuries to come.

The city was also a seat of religious learning for Arab-Judaism and ancient Hebrew – then a language of liturgy (lashon hakodesh) rather than a day-to day spoken language – was codified in Tabariyyah under the globalising impact of Arabic and Islam. Under Islam the fame of Tabariyyah as a multicultural, hedonistic and leisure city –situated in the proximity of many natural thermal springs and hot health baths – became so great that the Sea of Galilee became known in Arabic as the ‘Sea of Tiberias’ (Bahr Tabariyyah and later Buhayrat Tabariyyah). Like Palaestina Secunda, Jund al-Urdun included most of the Galilee and some territories in Transjordan.

The overall size of Jund al-Urdun was about one-third of modern Mandatory Palestine. With some minor changes this administrative division of Palestine remained largely unchanged until the Crusader invasion of the country in 1099, although under the Fatimids Jund al-Urdun was effectively ruled from al-Ramla by the Military Governor of Palestine .(متولي حرب فلسطين)

Of course, the medieval Arabs were familiar with the Old Testament and New Testament. But they opted for the real historical and official administrative name of the country: Palestine (Filastin) rather than for the ideological Old Testament term ‘Cana’an’, and they embraced and cherished the diverse heritage of Palestine and the shared heritage of the Levant. The medieval Arabic toponymy of Filastin was identical to the Old French term Philistin, which came from Latin Philistina or Philistinus or Palaestina which, in turn, derived from the Roman name of the province, Palaestina, based on the ancient name with its memory preserved in the Old Testament and a variety of ancient languages, the Akkadian Palashtu and Egyptian Parusata.

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Chapters (101)
  1. 10. Introduction : Palestine As A Name Commonly Used Throughout Ancient History
  2. 20.1 Palestine As An Official Administrative Entity
  3. 30.2 From Palestine-focused Biblical Orientalism To The New Histories Of Israel
  4. 40.3 Political Autonomy, Independence And Statehood In Palestine Over The Last Three Millennia
  5. 50.4 From The Geo-political Term Palestine To The Concept Of Palestine: Cartography, Place Names And Social Memory
  6. 60.5 Locating Palestine: The Methodological And Intellectual Framework
  7. 71. The Philistines And Philistia As A Distinct Geo-political Entity
  8. 81.1 The Philistines As Indigenous People: Epigraphic And Archaeological Evidence For Peleset And The Philistines
  9. 91.2 The Name ‘ Cana’an’ In The Late Bronze Period
  10. 101.3 The Name Palestine Takes Over From The Late Bronze Age Onwards
  11. 111.4 The Names Piliste And Philistia In Assyrian Sources
  12. 121.5 Iron Age Philistia As A Distinct Polity: The Country Of The Peleset From Gaza To Tantur (1200‒712 Bc)
  13. 131.6 The Highly Developed Cities Of Philistia
  14. 141.7 The ‘ Way Of The Philistines’: Palestine As A Transit Country And The Historic Road Of Via Maris
  15. 151.8 Philisto-arabian Coins: Currency, Power And Autonomy In Philistia (6th–4th Centuries Bc)
  16. 162. The Conception Of Palestine In Classical Antiquity And During The Hellenistic Empires
  17. 172.1 The Greek Name Παλαιστίνη In Classical And Foundational Greco-hellenic Sources
  18. 182.2 The Conception Of Palaistinê By The Founding Father Of History
  19. 192.3 The Name Palestine In Aristotle’s Meteorology
  20. 202.4 Palaestina On The World Map Of Ptolemy: The Use Of The Term Palaestina By Greek Geographers And Historians During The Seleucid And Ptolemaic Empires
  21. 213. From Philistia To Provincia ‘syria Palaestina’
  22. 223.1 The Upgrading Of Palestine By Hadrian: The Official Designation Of The Province Of ‘syria Palaestina’ (135‒390 Ad)
  23. 233.2 FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS: FROM ‘SYRIA PALAESTINA’ TO PALAESTINA
  24. 243.3 The 1st Century Geography Of Palaestina By Strabo, Pliny The Elder And Pomponius Mela
  25. 253.4 The Official Designation Of Palaestina By Classical Jewish Scholars
  26. 263.5 The Rise Of Caesarea-palaestina
  27. 274. The ( Three In One) Provincia Palaestina
  28. 284.1 Caesarea Maritima As A Mediterranean Capital Of Culture: The City’s Metropolitan Elite
  29. 294.2 Nicaea And Historical Ecclesiastical Representations Of Palestine: The Archiepiscopal See Of Caesarea
  30. 304.3 The Emergence Of Independent Palestinian Church: Political Versus Religious Capitals In Palestine
  31. 314.4 Latin Palestine
  32. 324.5 Religio-cultural And Institutional Memories Of Provincia Palaestina And Modern Palestine
  33. 334.6 Material Evidence And Powerful Symbols Of Byzantine Palaestina (παλαιστινη): The 1884 Archaeological Discovery Of The Madaba Mosaic Map
  34. 344.7 The ‘ Athens Of Asia’ In Palaestina: Gaza As A Mediterranean Centre Of Classical Literature And Rhetoric
  35. 354.8 Popular Religion And The Relaxed Setting Of Gaza: The Rose Festival Of Gaza
  36. 364.9 Monastic School Of Gaza And The Monasteries Of Palaestina: The Desert Fathers And Mothers And Their Worldwide Impact
  37. 375. Arab Christian Palestine
  38. 385.1 Arabic Classical Poetry And Byzantine Palestine: Al-nabighah Adh-dhubyani
  39. 396. The Arab Province Of Jund Filastin
  40. 406.1 Palestinian Syriac Aramaic, Palestinian Arabic And Palestinian Toponyms
  41. 416.2 The Continuities And Transformation Of The Province Of Jund Filastin
  42. 426.3 The Extent Of The Arab Province Of Jund Filastin: From Marj Ibn ‘amer To The Red Sea
  43. 436.4 The Secular And Sacred Capitals Of The Province Of Filastin: The Grandeur Of Ilya (bayt Al-maqdis) And Al-ramla Under The Umayyads
  44. 446.5 Jund Filastin As The Richest Province Of Al-sham Region
  45. 456.6 Coins Minted ‘in-filastin’ (‘ بفلسطين ’): Palestine Currency, Monetary Autonomy And Numismatic Evidence From Arab Islamic Palestine
  46. 466.7 Reconfiguration Of Palestine Under The Fatimids: The Province Of Jund Filastin And The Military Governor Of Palestine 11 ) (متولي حرب فلسطين) Th Century)
  47. 477. Between Egypt And Al-sham
  48. 487.1 Palestine On Arab And Venetian World Maps (12th‒15th Centuries): The Maps Of Muhammad Al-idrisi (1154), Pietro Vesconte, Marino Sanudo And Fra Mauro (1450)
  49. 497.2 Ayyubid Palestine And The Re-establishment Of Islamic Jerusalem In Post-crusade Palestine: The Decline Of Palestine’s Coastal Cities And Rise Of The Interior Urban Centres
  50. 507.3 The Leading Role Of Al-quds Under The Mamluks: The Capital Of Mamluk Palestine And The ‘city Without Walls’ (1260‒1517)
  51. 517.4 The Sea Versus The Mountain: Safad As A New Regional Capital Of The Galilee
  52. 527.5 The Social Memory Of Palestine During The Mamluk And Early Ottoman Periods: Filastin In Local Muslim Social Memory
  53. 537.6 The Mosaics Of Historic Palestine, Continuities And Transformation: The Palestinian Glasswork Industry Of Al-khalil And The School Of Mosaics Of Al-quds
  54. 548. Palestinian Statehood In The 18th Century
  55. 558.1 Revivalism And Rediscovery Under Ottoman Rule: The Arab Islamic Jurisprudence Of Palestine And Indigenous Memories Of Filastin Under The Ottomans (1517‒1860s)
  56. 568.2 Al-dawlah Al-qutriyyah: Palestinian Statehood And The Regimes Of Dhaher Al-ʿumar And Ahmad Pasha Al-jazzar In The 18th Century
  57. 578.3 History Of Urban Elites Versus History ‘from Below’: New Leadership, Palestine’s Cotton Trade With Europe And The Industrial Revolution
  58. 588.4 Hourani’s ‘urban’ Elites Paradigm?
  59. 598.5 Taxation, Frontier Provinces And The Rise Of Autonomous Power In 18th Century Palestine
  60. 608.6 Nominal Sovereignty Versus Practical Sovereignty
  61. 618.7 Reading The History Of Modern Palestine Through The Eyes Of The Indigenous People
  62. 629. Being Palestine, Becoming Palestine
  63. 639.1 New Representations Of Palestine, 1805‒1917
  64. 649.2 Western Travelogues Of Palestine: The Distinction Between Palestine/ Holy Land And Syria
  65. 659.3 Palestine-focused Russian Orientalism In The Late Ottoman Period
  66. 669.4 Strategic Ambitions And The British Peaceful Crusade: Science, Empire And The Mapping Of Palestine By The Palestine Exploration Fund (1865–1877)
  67. 679.5 The Historic And Geographic Maps Of Palestine: The National Geographic
  68. 689.6 Paradigm Shift In Late Ottoman Palestine (1872‒1917): Historical Continuities And Administrative Division Of Palestine
  69. 699.7 The Reimagining Of Palestinian Territorial Identity And Proto-nationalism In Late Ottoman Palestine: Khalil Beidas And Palestinian Cultural Nationalism
  70. 709.8 ‘being Palestine, Becoming Palestine’ In Mahmoud Darwish’s Poetry
  71. 719.9 Vernacularisation, Indigeneity And Modern Representations Of Palestine In The Palestinian Arab Press: The Newspaper Falastin (1911–1967)
  72. 729.10 The Term Filastin In Ruhi Al-khalidi’s Unpublished Manuscript
  73. 739.11 Historic Continuities And Colonial Transformation: Palestine As A Single Official Administrative And Territorial Entity Under The British (1918‒may 1948)
  74. 749.12 Self-determination And The Proliferation Of Palestinian Nationalist Organisations: The Palestinian National Movement During The Mandatory Period
  75. 759.13 The Short-lived Newspaper Suriyya Al-janubiyyah (1919‒1920)
  76. 769.14 From Palestine To The Land Of Israel: The Palestine Communist Party (palestinishe Komunistishe Partei)
  77. 779.15 Palestinian National Institutions And Organisations In The Post-nakba Period: The Revolutionary Politics Of The Plo
  78. 789.16 Studia Palaestina: Palestine Studies And The Proliferation Of Modern Research Societies And Institutions
  79. 7910. Settlercolonialism And Disinheriting The Palestinians
  80. 8010.1 Hebrewisation: Antecedents To Zionist Toponymy
  81. 8110.2 From Karm Al-khalili To Kerem Avraham (1855): James Finn’s Colony
  82. 8210.3 Disappearing Palestinian Villages And Place Names Before 1948
  83. 8310.4 Appropriation Of Arabic Place Names, Indigenisation Of The European Settlers And Hybridisation Strategies
  84. 8410.5 Appropriation, Hybridisation And Indigenisation: The Appropriation Of Palestine Place Names By European Zionist Settlers
  85. 8510.6 The Pure Zionist Settler Colony And A Monolingual Mindset: From Palestinian Arab Masha And Sajara To Israeli Kfar Tavor And Ilaniya
  86. 8610.7 Judaisation, Hebraicisation And Biblicisation Strategies
  87. 8710.8 Zionist Toponymic Methods And Strategies In The Post-nakba Period: Key Features Of The Israeli Place Names Projects
  88. 8810.9 The Israeli Army’s Hebrew Names Committee Of 1949: Indigenising The European Settlers And Self-renaming
  89. 8910.10 Hybridity, Hebraicising And The Myth Of Restoration: Eliezer Ben-yehuda, The Committee Of The Hebrew Language And Founding Myths Of Modern Hebrew
  90. 9010.11 Hybridisation And Patterns Of Early Zionist Borrowing From, And Modelling On, Arabic And Aramaic
  91. 9110.12 Self-invention, Self-indigenisation And Self-antiquation: Personal Name Changing By Members Of The Predatory Zionist Ashkenazi Elite Of Israel
  92. 9210.13 Toponyms ‘from Above’ And State-supervised Projects: The Israeli Governmental Names Committee
  93. 9310.14 The Legendary Toponymy Of Zionist Settlers And The Latin Medieval Crusaders
  94. 9410.15 The Creation Of A Usable Past: The Power/ Knowledge Nexus
  95. 9510.16 Israeli Biblical Archaeology As A Secular Religion: Judaisation Strategies And The Assertion Of Ownership: The Superimposition Of Biblical, Talmudic And Mishnaic Names
  96. 9610.17 From Palestinian Majdal-ʿasqalan To Biblical Ashkelon
  97. 9710.17 The New Israeli Place Names And Landscape: Fashioning A European Landscape As A Site Of Amnesia And Erasure
  98. 9810.18 From Yerushalayim To Orshalim: The Transliteration Of New Hebrew Toponyms And Road Signs Into English And Arabic
  99. 9910.19 Epilogue: The Palestinian Multi-layered Identity, Toponymic Memory And The Diverse Heritage Of The Land
  100. 100Bibliography
  101. 101Notes