Quran Course
All BooksDownloads
All BooksDownloadsSystem Of Islam
Also visitSystem Of Islam
Built with love by StudioToronto.ca
Quran Course
All BooksDownloads
All BooksDownloadsSystem Of Islam
0%
Palestine A Four Thousand Year History9 min readViewed 6 times

6.6 Coins Minted ‘in-filastin’ (‘ بفلسطين ’): Palestine Currency, Monetary Autonomy And Numismatic Evidence From Arab Islamic Palestine


Numismatic and monetary evidence are important sources of knowledge on the economy and degree of political autonomy of Roman, Byzantine and medieval Islamic Palestine. Numismatic evidence of Arab Byzantine coinage of the province of Jund Filastin (the military/administrative province of Palestine in early Islam) in the 7th century (Goodwin 2004)

shows the continuities of Palestine, the variety of styles and traditions evolving in the country, as well as some of the distinct traditions evolving within Palestine.

One of the key indicators of economic prosperity and greater regional and economic autonomy under empire was the ability of a particular region or city to issue its own currency. As we have already seen, the earliest phase of the momentary phenomenon in Palestine began in the late 6th and early 5th century BC and took place in Philistia. This phase continued into the 4th century up to the end of the Achaemenid (Persian) rule over Palestine. Throughout much of this period the economically autonomous Palestinian cities of Gaza, Ascalon and Ashdod were able to issue their own silver coins. The monetary phenomenon of silver coinage became widely known as the coinage of Philistia or Philisto-Arabian coins.

However, in the 1st century AD the Roman Empire granted many cities in Palestine the right to mint only bronze and copper coins. Minting prestigious silver coins was confined to a few important cities outside of Rome.

Bronze coins were issued by many Palestinian cities, including Gaza, Caesarea, Joppa (Jaffa), Ascalon, Ptolemais (Akka), Tiberias, Sepphoris, Neapolis (Nablus), Antipatris, Diospolis (Lydda), Nicopolis (Emmaus), Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem) and Eleutheropolis (Beit Jibrin). Antoninus Pius (Titus Fulvus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius, 86–161

AD), also known as Antoninus, was Roman Emperor from 138 to 161 AD.

His name appears on imperial bronze coins struck in Gaza, Philistia. This tradition of bronze coinage struck in several Palestinian cities persisted into the Byzantine era.

Islam in Palestine pragmatically adapted and combined the Roman/ Byzantine monetary tradition of coinage with the Achaemenid silver coinage in Palestine and encouraged the minting of both silver and gold coins in Palestinian cities. Furthermore, the continuation of this Arab-Byzantine tradition and the continuity of economic growth and prosperous trade in Palestine under Islam is evident in the widespread presence of precious metals and minting of gold coinage in Islamic Palestine.

Rare and naturally occurring elements of high economic value and investment, historically precious metals were important in fine jewellery and coinage as currency. The best known precious metals were the Arab Islamic coinage and initially coins were minted in Filastin in copper, and later gold and silver coins were widely minted in several Palestinian cities.

The key elements of the Islamic coins struck in Palestine – materials, words, designs, signs and symbols – evolved significantly from the initial Byzantine-style coinage used in early Islam to the post-reform currency introduced by Caliph ‘Abdel Malik ibn Marwan around 696 AD into the coins used during the Abbasid, Tulunid, Ikhshidid and Fatimid periods from the 8th to the 11th centuries (Shamma 1969, 1980). After the Umayyads took over the Muslim Caliphate and made Damascus their capital in 661 AD, the economic and financial stability of their vast Islamic empire was one of their top priorities. Consequently, the Byzantine-style solidus – originally a Roman weight unit of a relatively pure gold – influenced the Umayyad gold dinar; the Arabic name of the gold coin derives from denarius, a Roman coin. The Arab gold dinar was first issued by the reforming Caliph ‘Abdel Malik ibn Marwan around 696 AD, with his own image replacing that of the Byzantine Emperor. However, subsequently the image of the Caliph was removed from the Islamic currency. Greek was the official language of the Byzantine Empire and under the influence of Byzantine-style coinage, the fineness of the gold Arab dinar was measured in qirat (carat) which derives from the Greek κεράτιον. The carat as a gold unit of weight still stands today.

The Islamic-style currency reform introduced by this fifth Umayyad ruler was designed to reinforce Umayyad power and provide a standardised Arab Islamic coinage that reflected the new politico-cultural reality of the time (Ramadan 2010b). Using the oldest calligraphic form of the Arabic script, the Kufi script, in addition to ‘there is no god but God’ and later ‘Muhammad is the messenger of God’, gold, silver and copper coins struck in Palestine added the Arabic name Filastin.

The economic and monetary prosperity of Palestine in early Islam and the centrality of the coins minted locally in the province of Jund Filastin, especially in the administrative capital al-Ramla, in the first half of the 8th century is evident from the origins of the two hoards of post-reform Islamic coins excavated at Jericho. Currency is about monetary power and the currency minted locally in Palestine gives us a sense of the extent of the local autonomy exercised in the province of Palestine under Islam. Not surprisingly, in view of the location of Jericho and the centrality of the province of Palestine in the Umayyad period, the provinces of Jund Filastin and Jund Dimashq ‘provided an almost equal number of coins’ excavated from the Jericho site (Walmsley 2000: 338). Originating from a range of mints in Bilad al-Sham, the percentage of these coins were as follows:

• 32 per cent minted in the province of Jund Filastin; • 35 per cent from the province of Jund Dimashq; • 20 per cent minted in Jund Hims; • 6 per cent from Jund al-Urdun; • 5 per cent from al-Jazirah; • 1 per cent from Jund Qinnasrin; • 1 per cent from Egypt (Walmsley 2000: 336‒337).

These coins were from the following mints:

• twenty-seven Jund Filastin (twenty-three from the mint of the capital al-Ramla; three Lydda; one Iliya [Jerusalem]); • twenty-nine Jund Dimashq (all from the mint of the capital Dimashq); • five Jund al-Urdin (four Tiberias; one al-Urdun); • seventeen Jund Hims (all from Hims mint)

• one Jund Qinnasrin (Aleppo mint); • four al-Jazirah (al-Ruha mint); • one Egypt (Alexandria mint) (Walmsley 2000: 338).

Under Islam, especially from the early 8th century onwards, Palestine also began to develop its own distinct Arab Islamic traditions of weights, measures and coinage; crucially coins were produced in several Palestinian cities with the mint formula ‘struck in Filastin’ (Gil, M. 1997: 257)9 and circulated locally, regionally and internationally. The earliest numismatic evidence for the official designation of the country as Palaestina on Roman coins comes from the period of Vespasian (69 to 79 AD) and subsequently for the name ‘Syria Palaestina’ from the period of Marcus Aurelius, who was Roman Emperor from 161 to 180 AD. In the 1st century AD the Roman Empire also granted many Palestinian cities the right to mint bronze coins.

Sir George Francis Hill, the Director and Principal Librarian of the British Museum (1931–1936), produced the British Museum Catalogue of Palestine coins showing sixteen Palestinian cities minting their own coins (Hill 1914).

This tradition of economic autonomy and Palestine city-coins came to an end in the 3rd century AD when the (western) Roman Empire disintegrated, but it was renewed and expanded in Muslim-ruled Palestine in the Middle Ages to include the minting of coins in silver and gold in the Palestine cities of Ilya10 (Bayt al-Maqdis, al-Quds, Jerusalem), al-Ramla, Tabariyyah (Tiberias), ‘Asqalan and others. This autonomous bronze coinage of Palestine cities under the Romans and Byzantines and silver and gold under Islam suggests the development of a considerable degree of regional Palestinian autonomy and of distinct local traditions, away from rigid imperial control:

The finds of coins indicate that there was an intensive production of coins in Palestine in the following places: Jerusalem, Bet Guvrin [Beit Jibrin], Ramla, Ascalon, ‘Amman, Gaza, Lod [Lydda], Yavne [Yubna], Tiberias, Bet Shean [Beisan], Sipphoris [Saffuriyah] and Tyre. Some of these mints were already in existence during the Byzantine era, and it appears that they were again in use during the days of the Damascene Caliphs after ‘Abdel Malik. The inscriptions on the coins were Ilyā Filastin [al‑Quds Filastin], ‘Asqalān Filastin, and the like. From the mint of Bet Shean (Beisan), coins were found with Greek inscriptions, but appear to have been gradually replaced by Arabic. Among those coins from Bet Shean there were some with the Greek inscription ‘Skythopolis’ together with the Arabic, ‘Baysān’ or ‘Baysan’ (Gil, M. 1997: 110).

The history of Islamic Palestine is often read through overall Caliphate chronologies with little consideration for local developments and regional conditions. Under Islam Filastin developed a substantial measure of economic and commercial autonomy. It produced its own coinage and developed its own distinct commercial traditions of weights and measures. Its coins were minted in several Palestinian cities with the inscription ‘in Palestine’, in the same way as the country of manufacture or production is stated on goods today.

Al-Maqdisi devotes an entire section of his work to these distinct traditions, measures and coins of his native country (Gil, M. 1997: 257). The minting of Islamic coins (dinar in gold and dirham in silver) in Filastin began under the Umayyads. It was initially halted by the Abbasids but was restarted in al-Ramla under the Tulunids, which was the first independent Muslim dynasty to rule Egypt, Palestine and much of Syria from 868 until 905 AD. Three decades later the Ikhshidid dynasty ruled Egypt and Palestine from 935 to 969 AD:

[in the 9th century Palestinian] coins began to appear with the inscription bi-filastin [‘ بفلسطين ’, ‘in-Palestine’]. The first of these were produced in the days of Khumarawayh and his son, Harun, from 890

until 904, and these were gold dinars with the unusual weight of 3.2

grams. These practices continued during the period when the Abbasids reconquered Egypt and Palestine ... The Ikhshidids continued to mint coins in Ramla, as previously, but unlike the inferior quality of the Palestinian coins produced under the Tulunids, Muhammad ibn Tughj, the Ikhshid, ordered the minting of dinars of a finer quality ...

The mint in Ramla continued working during Fatimid times as well ... The mint in Tiberias was also active ... After the conquest of most of Palestine by the Crusaders, the mint in Ascalon [‘Asqalan] was activated. (Gil, M. 1997: 258; see also Album 1998)11

← Previous chapterNext chapter →
Chapters (101)
  1. 10. Introduction : Palestine As A Name Commonly Used Throughout Ancient History
  2. 20.1 Palestine As An Official Administrative Entity
  3. 30.2 From Palestine-focused Biblical Orientalism To The New Histories Of Israel
  4. 40.3 Political Autonomy, Independence And Statehood In Palestine Over The Last Three Millennia
  5. 50.4 From The Geo-political Term Palestine To The Concept Of Palestine: Cartography, Place Names And Social Memory
  6. 60.5 Locating Palestine: The Methodological And Intellectual Framework
  7. 71. The Philistines And Philistia As A Distinct Geo-political Entity
  8. 81.1 The Philistines As Indigenous People: Epigraphic And Archaeological Evidence For Peleset And The Philistines
  9. 91.2 The Name ‘ Cana’an’ In The Late Bronze Period
  10. 101.3 The Name Palestine Takes Over From The Late Bronze Age Onwards
  11. 111.4 The Names Piliste And Philistia In Assyrian Sources
  12. 121.5 Iron Age Philistia As A Distinct Polity: The Country Of The Peleset From Gaza To Tantur (1200‒712 Bc)
  13. 131.6 The Highly Developed Cities Of Philistia
  14. 141.7 The ‘ Way Of The Philistines’: Palestine As A Transit Country And The Historic Road Of Via Maris
  15. 151.8 Philisto-arabian Coins: Currency, Power And Autonomy In Philistia (6th–4th Centuries Bc)
  16. 162. The Conception Of Palestine In Classical Antiquity And During The Hellenistic Empires
  17. 172.1 The Greek Name Παλαιστίνη In Classical And Foundational Greco-hellenic Sources
  18. 182.2 The Conception Of Palaistinê By The Founding Father Of History
  19. 192.3 The Name Palestine In Aristotle’s Meteorology
  20. 202.4 Palaestina On The World Map Of Ptolemy: The Use Of The Term Palaestina By Greek Geographers And Historians During The Seleucid And Ptolemaic Empires
  21. 213. From Philistia To Provincia ‘syria Palaestina’
  22. 223.1 The Upgrading Of Palestine By Hadrian: The Official Designation Of The Province Of ‘syria Palaestina’ (135‒390 Ad)
  23. 233.2 FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS: FROM ‘SYRIA PALAESTINA’ TO PALAESTINA
  24. 243.3 The 1st Century Geography Of Palaestina By Strabo, Pliny The Elder And Pomponius Mela
  25. 253.4 The Official Designation Of Palaestina By Classical Jewish Scholars
  26. 263.5 The Rise Of Caesarea-palaestina
  27. 274. The ( Three In One) Provincia Palaestina
  28. 284.1 Caesarea Maritima As A Mediterranean Capital Of Culture: The City’s Metropolitan Elite
  29. 294.2 Nicaea And Historical Ecclesiastical Representations Of Palestine: The Archiepiscopal See Of Caesarea
  30. 304.3 The Emergence Of Independent Palestinian Church: Political Versus Religious Capitals In Palestine
  31. 314.4 Latin Palestine
  32. 324.5 Religio-cultural And Institutional Memories Of Provincia Palaestina And Modern Palestine
  33. 334.6 Material Evidence And Powerful Symbols Of Byzantine Palaestina (παλαιστινη): The 1884 Archaeological Discovery Of The Madaba Mosaic Map
  34. 344.7 The ‘ Athens Of Asia’ In Palaestina: Gaza As A Mediterranean Centre Of Classical Literature And Rhetoric
  35. 354.8 Popular Religion And The Relaxed Setting Of Gaza: The Rose Festival Of Gaza
  36. 364.9 Monastic School Of Gaza And The Monasteries Of Palaestina: The Desert Fathers And Mothers And Their Worldwide Impact
  37. 375. Arab Christian Palestine
  38. 385.1 Arabic Classical Poetry And Byzantine Palestine: Al-nabighah Adh-dhubyani
  39. 396. The Arab Province Of Jund Filastin
  40. 406.1 Palestinian Syriac Aramaic, Palestinian Arabic And Palestinian Toponyms
  41. 416.2 The Continuities And Transformation Of The Province Of Jund Filastin
  42. 426.3 The Extent Of The Arab Province Of Jund Filastin: From Marj Ibn ‘amer To The Red Sea
  43. 436.4 The Secular And Sacred Capitals Of The Province Of Filastin: The Grandeur Of Ilya (bayt Al-maqdis) And Al-ramla Under The Umayyads
  44. 446.5 Jund Filastin As The Richest Province Of Al-sham Region
  45. 456.6 Coins Minted ‘in-filastin’ (‘ بفلسطين ’): Palestine Currency, Monetary Autonomy And Numismatic Evidence From Arab Islamic Palestine
  46. 466.7 Reconfiguration Of Palestine Under The Fatimids: The Province Of Jund Filastin And The Military Governor Of Palestine 11 ) (متولي حرب فلسطين) Th Century)
  47. 477. Between Egypt And Al-sham
  48. 487.1 Palestine On Arab And Venetian World Maps (12th‒15th Centuries): The Maps Of Muhammad Al-idrisi (1154), Pietro Vesconte, Marino Sanudo And Fra Mauro (1450)
  49. 497.2 Ayyubid Palestine And The Re-establishment Of Islamic Jerusalem In Post-crusade Palestine: The Decline Of Palestine’s Coastal Cities And Rise Of The Interior Urban Centres
  50. 507.3 The Leading Role Of Al-quds Under The Mamluks: The Capital Of Mamluk Palestine And The ‘city Without Walls’ (1260‒1517)
  51. 517.4 The Sea Versus The Mountain: Safad As A New Regional Capital Of The Galilee
  52. 527.5 The Social Memory Of Palestine During The Mamluk And Early Ottoman Periods: Filastin In Local Muslim Social Memory
  53. 537.6 The Mosaics Of Historic Palestine, Continuities And Transformation: The Palestinian Glasswork Industry Of Al-khalil And The School Of Mosaics Of Al-quds
  54. 548. Palestinian Statehood In The 18th Century
  55. 558.1 Revivalism And Rediscovery Under Ottoman Rule: The Arab Islamic Jurisprudence Of Palestine And Indigenous Memories Of Filastin Under The Ottomans (1517‒1860s)
  56. 568.2 Al-dawlah Al-qutriyyah: Palestinian Statehood And The Regimes Of Dhaher Al-ʿumar And Ahmad Pasha Al-jazzar In The 18th Century
  57. 578.3 History Of Urban Elites Versus History ‘from Below’: New Leadership, Palestine’s Cotton Trade With Europe And The Industrial Revolution
  58. 588.4 Hourani’s ‘urban’ Elites Paradigm?
  59. 598.5 Taxation, Frontier Provinces And The Rise Of Autonomous Power In 18th Century Palestine
  60. 608.6 Nominal Sovereignty Versus Practical Sovereignty
  61. 618.7 Reading The History Of Modern Palestine Through The Eyes Of The Indigenous People
  62. 629. Being Palestine, Becoming Palestine
  63. 639.1 New Representations Of Palestine, 1805‒1917
  64. 649.2 Western Travelogues Of Palestine: The Distinction Between Palestine/ Holy Land And Syria
  65. 659.3 Palestine-focused Russian Orientalism In The Late Ottoman Period
  66. 669.4 Strategic Ambitions And The British Peaceful Crusade: Science, Empire And The Mapping Of Palestine By The Palestine Exploration Fund (1865–1877)
  67. 679.5 The Historic And Geographic Maps Of Palestine: The National Geographic
  68. 689.6 Paradigm Shift In Late Ottoman Palestine (1872‒1917): Historical Continuities And Administrative Division Of Palestine
  69. 699.7 The Reimagining Of Palestinian Territorial Identity And Proto-nationalism In Late Ottoman Palestine: Khalil Beidas And Palestinian Cultural Nationalism
  70. 709.8 ‘being Palestine, Becoming Palestine’ In Mahmoud Darwish’s Poetry
  71. 719.9 Vernacularisation, Indigeneity And Modern Representations Of Palestine In The Palestinian Arab Press: The Newspaper Falastin (1911–1967)
  72. 729.10 The Term Filastin In Ruhi Al-khalidi’s Unpublished Manuscript
  73. 739.11 Historic Continuities And Colonial Transformation: Palestine As A Single Official Administrative And Territorial Entity Under The British (1918‒may 1948)
  74. 749.12 Self-determination And The Proliferation Of Palestinian Nationalist Organisations: The Palestinian National Movement During The Mandatory Period
  75. 759.13 The Short-lived Newspaper Suriyya Al-janubiyyah (1919‒1920)
  76. 769.14 From Palestine To The Land Of Israel: The Palestine Communist Party (palestinishe Komunistishe Partei)
  77. 779.15 Palestinian National Institutions And Organisations In The Post-nakba Period: The Revolutionary Politics Of The Plo
  78. 789.16 Studia Palaestina: Palestine Studies And The Proliferation Of Modern Research Societies And Institutions
  79. 7910. Settlercolonialism And Disinheriting The Palestinians
  80. 8010.1 Hebrewisation: Antecedents To Zionist Toponymy
  81. 8110.2 From Karm Al-khalili To Kerem Avraham (1855): James Finn’s Colony
  82. 8210.3 Disappearing Palestinian Villages And Place Names Before 1948
  83. 8310.4 Appropriation Of Arabic Place Names, Indigenisation Of The European Settlers And Hybridisation Strategies
  84. 8410.5 Appropriation, Hybridisation And Indigenisation: The Appropriation Of Palestine Place Names By European Zionist Settlers
  85. 8510.6 The Pure Zionist Settler Colony And A Monolingual Mindset: From Palestinian Arab Masha And Sajara To Israeli Kfar Tavor And Ilaniya
  86. 8610.7 Judaisation, Hebraicisation And Biblicisation Strategies
  87. 8710.8 Zionist Toponymic Methods And Strategies In The Post-nakba Period: Key Features Of The Israeli Place Names Projects
  88. 8810.9 The Israeli Army’s Hebrew Names Committee Of 1949: Indigenising The European Settlers And Self-renaming
  89. 8910.10 Hybridity, Hebraicising And The Myth Of Restoration: Eliezer Ben-yehuda, The Committee Of The Hebrew Language And Founding Myths Of Modern Hebrew
  90. 9010.11 Hybridisation And Patterns Of Early Zionist Borrowing From, And Modelling On, Arabic And Aramaic
  91. 9110.12 Self-invention, Self-indigenisation And Self-antiquation: Personal Name Changing By Members Of The Predatory Zionist Ashkenazi Elite Of Israel
  92. 9210.13 Toponyms ‘from Above’ And State-supervised Projects: The Israeli Governmental Names Committee
  93. 9310.14 The Legendary Toponymy Of Zionist Settlers And The Latin Medieval Crusaders
  94. 9410.15 The Creation Of A Usable Past: The Power/ Knowledge Nexus
  95. 9510.16 Israeli Biblical Archaeology As A Secular Religion: Judaisation Strategies And The Assertion Of Ownership: The Superimposition Of Biblical, Talmudic And Mishnaic Names
  96. 9610.17 From Palestinian Majdal-ʿasqalan To Biblical Ashkelon
  97. 9710.17 The New Israeli Place Names And Landscape: Fashioning A European Landscape As A Site Of Amnesia And Erasure
  98. 9810.18 From Yerushalayim To Orshalim: The Transliteration Of New Hebrew Toponyms And Road Signs Into English And Arabic
  99. 9910.19 Epilogue: The Palestinian Multi-layered Identity, Toponymic Memory And The Diverse Heritage Of The Land
  100. 100Bibliography
  101. 101Notes