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Palestine A Four Thousand Year History6 min readViewed 6 times

7.3 The Leading Role Of Al-quds Under The Mamluks: The Capital Of Mamluk Palestine And The ‘city Without Walls’ (1260‒1517)


Based in Egypt, the Mamluk Sultans maintained and accelerated many of the innovations ushered in by the Ayyubids in Palestine. In fact, the Mamluks were one of the most important Muslim dynasties in the history of medieval Palestine. They gained fame and legitimacy and produced lasting impact in stopping the terrifying Mongol advance into the Near East at the Battle of ‘Ain Jalut in Palestine in 1260 – which was the first time that the Mongol army had suffered a major defeat – and for eradicating the Latin Crusader presence in Palestine and elsewhere along the Palestinian, Lebanese and Syrian coasts. The Mamluk’s spectacular military successes in Palestine came only two years after the Mongol capture and sacking of Baghdad, the capital of the Abbasid Caliphate.

Although military dynasties are never revolutionary, under the longlasting Mamluk rulers al-Quds was expanded significantly and remained central to the province of Filastin, which was mentioned by North African historian Ibn Khaldun, who, in his 1377 Muqaddimah, reported Filastin province taxes as 310,000 gold dinars plus 300,000 ratls of olive oil (cited in Le Strange 1890, 2010: 45). Rosen-Ayalon describes the pivotal position of Jerusalem in Mamluk Palestine:

There can be no doubt as to the predominant role of Jerusalem during the Mamluk period. For nearly three centuries, life developed harmoniously in the city, which became an urban center of varied activity ... Jerusalem became a city of exile to which were banished undesirable [Mamluk] commanders ... Thus, the city profited from much of their personal involvement in its affairs. It was transformed into an organized medieval city, provided with all the necessary installations, services and public buildings. Even today, the ‘Old City’ – Jerusalem within the walls – reflects the stamp it acquired during the period of Mamluk domination.

Most of the urban fabric of Jerusalem within the walls dates back to the Middle Ages, whose numerous surviving monuments bear witness to the glory of this medieval city ... Apparently, Jerusalem was not enclosed with walls, or, at most, only sectors of the previous walls and gates (destroyed by the Ayyubids) remained, providing a convenient frame around the peaceful city. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 518)

The Palestinised (mostly ‘exiled’), demonstratively devout Mamluk and highly enterprising elite in al-Quds – with echoes of Origen and the Greek-speaking elite in Caesarea-Palaestina a millennium earlier – became a driving force in the spectacular rise and phenomenal urban expansion of Jerusalem in the 13th and 14th centuries.

After the Umayyads, the Mamluks had the most lasting impact on al-Quds/Jerusalem, which had, for nearly 300 years, so prospered under Mamluk rule. The latter brought welcome stability to the region, so that the city grew and became a ‘city without walls’ – with the exception of the walls surrounding the Haram al-Sharif (Noble Sanctuary) – something extraordinary and totally unique for a medieval capital city of the size, importance and centrality of Jerusalem. After the first major defeat of the Latin Crusaders in 1187 the walls of al-Quds had been largely demolished by the Ayyubids as a drastic defensive measure designed to prevent another destructive siege of the city by the Crusaders. However, this medieval ‘city without walls’ grew confidently and spectacularly under the Mamluks in the 13th and 14th centuries. Although the annual pilgrimage, Hajj, to Mecca was always a mandatory religious duty for Muslims, the city of al-Quds had long been a focus of intense Islamic devotion and the centre of Islamic pilgrimage, long before the Crusaders, and in the 10th century al-Maqdisi, the Jerusalem-born Palestinian historian, refers to the city as ‘virtuous Iliya’ (Iliya al-Fadila) (al-Maqdisi 2002: 135). Subsequently the Fada’il al-Quds (‘Merits or Virtues of Jerusalem’) literature also played an important role in the Muslim efforts to defeat the Crusaders and recapture Jerusalem from them.

The Islamic Fada’il al-Quds literature and the struggle with the Latin Crusaders heightened the intensity of Islamic devotion, and increased the number of Muslim pilgrims to Jerusalem. Also, for medieval Muslims, clean running water and hygiene, bath houses and fountains had always been among the most important elements in the prosperity of the sacred city. The Arab bath houses are something the Frankish knights picked up and took back to Europe. Under the Mamluks, al-Quds underwent an intensive process of construction and became the focus of urban life and learning in Palestine, with numerous madrasahs, architectural splendour, bath houses, beautiful fountains, minarets and hostels for pilgrims. The splendour of Hammam al-ʿAyn, one of the most exquisite bathhouses in Jerusalem and the longest to remain in operation, throughout its 700-year history, can still be seen today (Asali 1990). Muslim pilgrims flocked to the city after its liberation from the Crusaders. Architecturally one of the most spectacular eras of Jerusalem’s history is that of the Mamluk period, and its distinctive pink, black and white patterned buildings and markets date from this era (Irving 2011: 96).

The massive socio-economic and religious growth of the city under the Mamluks is evident in the expansion of its marketplaces:

The construction of several markets (suq, plural aswaq), is indicative of the city’s expanding commercial activity. Some of this construction expanded earlier installations, those along the north‒south main artery of the city which had developed out of the Roman and Byzantine Cardo ... Other markets were a true creation of the Mamluk period. The most outstanding example is Suq el-Qattanin with its magnificent portal opening at Haram al-Sharif. This market, dating from the first half of the fourteenth century, is so well preserved that it presents the most typical, classical formula in architectural terms of the Near Eastern covered suq. In fact, most covered marketplaces initiated this style for several centuries, as was the case with the nineteenth century ‘White Market’ of Acre, that followed this same plan exactly. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 518)

During this long Mamluk period, leading Palestinian Muslim scholars (ulama) moved freely between Palestine, Egypt and al-Sham not only to study but also for senior jobs. For instance, Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalani (1372– 1449) was a leading medieval Shafi’i Sunni scholar. Born in Cairo in 1372

as Shihab al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Ali, he was the son of the Shafi’i scholar and poet Nur al-Din ‘Ali, but he became famous as ‘Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalani’ because his family had originated in the city of ‘Asqalan in Palestine. Ibn Hajar studied Islamic jurisprudence in Damascus and Jerusalem and he went on to be appointed to the position of Egyptian chief judge (qadi). Ibn Hajar authored numerous works on fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) interpretation, history and poetry and Shafi’i jurisprudence, the most famous of which was his commentary on the Sahih of Bukhari, entitled Fath al-Bari (Adamec 2009: 136).

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Chapters (101)
  1. 10. Introduction : Palestine As A Name Commonly Used Throughout Ancient History
  2. 20.1 Palestine As An Official Administrative Entity
  3. 30.2 From Palestine-focused Biblical Orientalism To The New Histories Of Israel
  4. 40.3 Political Autonomy, Independence And Statehood In Palestine Over The Last Three Millennia
  5. 50.4 From The Geo-political Term Palestine To The Concept Of Palestine: Cartography, Place Names And Social Memory
  6. 60.5 Locating Palestine: The Methodological And Intellectual Framework
  7. 71. The Philistines And Philistia As A Distinct Geo-political Entity
  8. 81.1 The Philistines As Indigenous People: Epigraphic And Archaeological Evidence For Peleset And The Philistines
  9. 91.2 The Name ‘ Cana’an’ In The Late Bronze Period
  10. 101.3 The Name Palestine Takes Over From The Late Bronze Age Onwards
  11. 111.4 The Names Piliste And Philistia In Assyrian Sources
  12. 121.5 Iron Age Philistia As A Distinct Polity: The Country Of The Peleset From Gaza To Tantur (1200‒712 Bc)
  13. 131.6 The Highly Developed Cities Of Philistia
  14. 141.7 The ‘ Way Of The Philistines’: Palestine As A Transit Country And The Historic Road Of Via Maris
  15. 151.8 Philisto-arabian Coins: Currency, Power And Autonomy In Philistia (6th–4th Centuries Bc)
  16. 162. The Conception Of Palestine In Classical Antiquity And During The Hellenistic Empires
  17. 172.1 The Greek Name Παλαιστίνη In Classical And Foundational Greco-hellenic Sources
  18. 182.2 The Conception Of Palaistinê By The Founding Father Of History
  19. 192.3 The Name Palestine In Aristotle’s Meteorology
  20. 202.4 Palaestina On The World Map Of Ptolemy: The Use Of The Term Palaestina By Greek Geographers And Historians During The Seleucid And Ptolemaic Empires
  21. 213. From Philistia To Provincia ‘syria Palaestina’
  22. 223.1 The Upgrading Of Palestine By Hadrian: The Official Designation Of The Province Of ‘syria Palaestina’ (135‒390 Ad)
  23. 233.2 FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS: FROM ‘SYRIA PALAESTINA’ TO PALAESTINA
  24. 243.3 The 1st Century Geography Of Palaestina By Strabo, Pliny The Elder And Pomponius Mela
  25. 253.4 The Official Designation Of Palaestina By Classical Jewish Scholars
  26. 263.5 The Rise Of Caesarea-palaestina
  27. 274. The ( Three In One) Provincia Palaestina
  28. 284.1 Caesarea Maritima As A Mediterranean Capital Of Culture: The City’s Metropolitan Elite
  29. 294.2 Nicaea And Historical Ecclesiastical Representations Of Palestine: The Archiepiscopal See Of Caesarea
  30. 304.3 The Emergence Of Independent Palestinian Church: Political Versus Religious Capitals In Palestine
  31. 314.4 Latin Palestine
  32. 324.5 Religio-cultural And Institutional Memories Of Provincia Palaestina And Modern Palestine
  33. 334.6 Material Evidence And Powerful Symbols Of Byzantine Palaestina (παλαιστινη): The 1884 Archaeological Discovery Of The Madaba Mosaic Map
  34. 344.7 The ‘ Athens Of Asia’ In Palaestina: Gaza As A Mediterranean Centre Of Classical Literature And Rhetoric
  35. 354.8 Popular Religion And The Relaxed Setting Of Gaza: The Rose Festival Of Gaza
  36. 364.9 Monastic School Of Gaza And The Monasteries Of Palaestina: The Desert Fathers And Mothers And Their Worldwide Impact
  37. 375. Arab Christian Palestine
  38. 385.1 Arabic Classical Poetry And Byzantine Palestine: Al-nabighah Adh-dhubyani
  39. 396. The Arab Province Of Jund Filastin
  40. 406.1 Palestinian Syriac Aramaic, Palestinian Arabic And Palestinian Toponyms
  41. 416.2 The Continuities And Transformation Of The Province Of Jund Filastin
  42. 426.3 The Extent Of The Arab Province Of Jund Filastin: From Marj Ibn ‘amer To The Red Sea
  43. 436.4 The Secular And Sacred Capitals Of The Province Of Filastin: The Grandeur Of Ilya (bayt Al-maqdis) And Al-ramla Under The Umayyads
  44. 446.5 Jund Filastin As The Richest Province Of Al-sham Region
  45. 456.6 Coins Minted ‘in-filastin’ (‘ بفلسطين ’): Palestine Currency, Monetary Autonomy And Numismatic Evidence From Arab Islamic Palestine
  46. 466.7 Reconfiguration Of Palestine Under The Fatimids: The Province Of Jund Filastin And The Military Governor Of Palestine 11 ) (متولي حرب فلسطين) Th Century)
  47. 477. Between Egypt And Al-sham
  48. 487.1 Palestine On Arab And Venetian World Maps (12th‒15th Centuries): The Maps Of Muhammad Al-idrisi (1154), Pietro Vesconte, Marino Sanudo And Fra Mauro (1450)
  49. 497.2 Ayyubid Palestine And The Re-establishment Of Islamic Jerusalem In Post-crusade Palestine: The Decline Of Palestine’s Coastal Cities And Rise Of The Interior Urban Centres
  50. 507.3 The Leading Role Of Al-quds Under The Mamluks: The Capital Of Mamluk Palestine And The ‘city Without Walls’ (1260‒1517)
  51. 517.4 The Sea Versus The Mountain: Safad As A New Regional Capital Of The Galilee
  52. 527.5 The Social Memory Of Palestine During The Mamluk And Early Ottoman Periods: Filastin In Local Muslim Social Memory
  53. 537.6 The Mosaics Of Historic Palestine, Continuities And Transformation: The Palestinian Glasswork Industry Of Al-khalil And The School Of Mosaics Of Al-quds
  54. 548. Palestinian Statehood In The 18th Century
  55. 558.1 Revivalism And Rediscovery Under Ottoman Rule: The Arab Islamic Jurisprudence Of Palestine And Indigenous Memories Of Filastin Under The Ottomans (1517‒1860s)
  56. 568.2 Al-dawlah Al-qutriyyah: Palestinian Statehood And The Regimes Of Dhaher Al-ʿumar And Ahmad Pasha Al-jazzar In The 18th Century
  57. 578.3 History Of Urban Elites Versus History ‘from Below’: New Leadership, Palestine’s Cotton Trade With Europe And The Industrial Revolution
  58. 588.4 Hourani’s ‘urban’ Elites Paradigm?
  59. 598.5 Taxation, Frontier Provinces And The Rise Of Autonomous Power In 18th Century Palestine
  60. 608.6 Nominal Sovereignty Versus Practical Sovereignty
  61. 618.7 Reading The History Of Modern Palestine Through The Eyes Of The Indigenous People
  62. 629. Being Palestine, Becoming Palestine
  63. 639.1 New Representations Of Palestine, 1805‒1917
  64. 649.2 Western Travelogues Of Palestine: The Distinction Between Palestine/ Holy Land And Syria
  65. 659.3 Palestine-focused Russian Orientalism In The Late Ottoman Period
  66. 669.4 Strategic Ambitions And The British Peaceful Crusade: Science, Empire And The Mapping Of Palestine By The Palestine Exploration Fund (1865–1877)
  67. 679.5 The Historic And Geographic Maps Of Palestine: The National Geographic
  68. 689.6 Paradigm Shift In Late Ottoman Palestine (1872‒1917): Historical Continuities And Administrative Division Of Palestine
  69. 699.7 The Reimagining Of Palestinian Territorial Identity And Proto-nationalism In Late Ottoman Palestine: Khalil Beidas And Palestinian Cultural Nationalism
  70. 709.8 ‘being Palestine, Becoming Palestine’ In Mahmoud Darwish’s Poetry
  71. 719.9 Vernacularisation, Indigeneity And Modern Representations Of Palestine In The Palestinian Arab Press: The Newspaper Falastin (1911–1967)
  72. 729.10 The Term Filastin In Ruhi Al-khalidi’s Unpublished Manuscript
  73. 739.11 Historic Continuities And Colonial Transformation: Palestine As A Single Official Administrative And Territorial Entity Under The British (1918‒may 1948)
  74. 749.12 Self-determination And The Proliferation Of Palestinian Nationalist Organisations: The Palestinian National Movement During The Mandatory Period
  75. 759.13 The Short-lived Newspaper Suriyya Al-janubiyyah (1919‒1920)
  76. 769.14 From Palestine To The Land Of Israel: The Palestine Communist Party (palestinishe Komunistishe Partei)
  77. 779.15 Palestinian National Institutions And Organisations In The Post-nakba Period: The Revolutionary Politics Of The Plo
  78. 789.16 Studia Palaestina: Palestine Studies And The Proliferation Of Modern Research Societies And Institutions
  79. 7910. Settlercolonialism And Disinheriting The Palestinians
  80. 8010.1 Hebrewisation: Antecedents To Zionist Toponymy
  81. 8110.2 From Karm Al-khalili To Kerem Avraham (1855): James Finn’s Colony
  82. 8210.3 Disappearing Palestinian Villages And Place Names Before 1948
  83. 8310.4 Appropriation Of Arabic Place Names, Indigenisation Of The European Settlers And Hybridisation Strategies
  84. 8410.5 Appropriation, Hybridisation And Indigenisation: The Appropriation Of Palestine Place Names By European Zionist Settlers
  85. 8510.6 The Pure Zionist Settler Colony And A Monolingual Mindset: From Palestinian Arab Masha And Sajara To Israeli Kfar Tavor And Ilaniya
  86. 8610.7 Judaisation, Hebraicisation And Biblicisation Strategies
  87. 8710.8 Zionist Toponymic Methods And Strategies In The Post-nakba Period: Key Features Of The Israeli Place Names Projects
  88. 8810.9 The Israeli Army’s Hebrew Names Committee Of 1949: Indigenising The European Settlers And Self-renaming
  89. 8910.10 Hybridity, Hebraicising And The Myth Of Restoration: Eliezer Ben-yehuda, The Committee Of The Hebrew Language And Founding Myths Of Modern Hebrew
  90. 9010.11 Hybridisation And Patterns Of Early Zionist Borrowing From, And Modelling On, Arabic And Aramaic
  91. 9110.12 Self-invention, Self-indigenisation And Self-antiquation: Personal Name Changing By Members Of The Predatory Zionist Ashkenazi Elite Of Israel
  92. 9210.13 Toponyms ‘from Above’ And State-supervised Projects: The Israeli Governmental Names Committee
  93. 9310.14 The Legendary Toponymy Of Zionist Settlers And The Latin Medieval Crusaders
  94. 9410.15 The Creation Of A Usable Past: The Power/ Knowledge Nexus
  95. 9510.16 Israeli Biblical Archaeology As A Secular Religion: Judaisation Strategies And The Assertion Of Ownership: The Superimposition Of Biblical, Talmudic And Mishnaic Names
  96. 9610.17 From Palestinian Majdal-ʿasqalan To Biblical Ashkelon
  97. 9710.17 The New Israeli Place Names And Landscape: Fashioning A European Landscape As A Site Of Amnesia And Erasure
  98. 9810.18 From Yerushalayim To Orshalim: The Transliteration Of New Hebrew Toponyms And Road Signs Into English And Arabic
  99. 9910.19 Epilogue: The Palestinian Multi-layered Identity, Toponymic Memory And The Diverse Heritage Of The Land
  100. 100Bibliography
  101. 101Notes