Jambo la kushangaza ni kwamba Mustafa Kemal alirudi kutoka Dardanelles kuelekea Istanbul akiwa ameshinda dhidi ya Waingereza. Ushindi huo ulikuwa na athari katika ari ya majeshi ya Dola ya Ottoman na kwa Waislamu wote katika Dola ya Ottoman. Pia ulikuwa na athari kwa Washirika. Hata hivyo, Mustafa Kemal alirudi kutoka vita alivyoviongoza na ambavyo alitoka navyo na ushindi ili kuwatia shaka watu kuhusu uwezo wa Dola wa kupigana na Waingereza, na kuzua wazo la Dola kujiondoa vitani na kutia saini mkataba wa amani wa upande mmoja na Waingereza. Alirudi ili kuanzisha vita vya ndani dhidi ya Dola, ili iwaache Wajerumani na kuungana na Waingereza. Kama kabla ya vita alikuwa na maoni hayo hayo, aliyaweka kwake mwenyewe, lakini sasa alipokuwa amerudi kutoka vitani, alianza kueneza maoni haya miongoni mwa watu, hasa maafisa wa jeshi, na akajaribu kuwashawishi watu wenye vyeo vya juu na wenye nguvu. Alianza hata kukutana na mawaziri na kuzungumza nao waziwazi kuhusu maoni yake na kujaribu kuwashawishi.

What is striking is that Mustafa Kemal returned from the Dardanelles to Istanbul victorious over the British. The victory had its effects on the morale of the Ottoman armed forces and on Muslims all over the Ottoman State. It also had an effect on the Allies. Nevertheless, Mustafa Kemal returned from the battle that he had led and from which he had emerged victorious to arouse people’s doubts about the State’s ability to fight the British, and to generate the idea of the State withdrawing from the war and signing a unilateral peace treaty with the British. He returned to initiate a domestic battle with the State in order to make her forsake the Germans and side with the British. If before the battle he had held the same opinion, he kept it to himself, but now that he had returned from battle, he started spreading these opinions amongst people, especially the army officers, and attempted to influence the high ranking and powerful personalities. He even started to meet with ministers and talked to them openly of his opinions and attempted to influence them.

Mara moja alimtembelea waziri wa mambo ya nje katika ofisi yake. Waziri wa mambo ya nje wakati huo alikuwa Nasimi Beik, ambaye alikuwa miongoni mwa wale waliopendekeza Uturuki iingie vitani pamoja na Ujerumani. Nasimi Beik alimkaribisha Mustafa Kemal kwa uchangamfu kama shujaa wa Ana Forta, akazungumza naye kwa adabu. Maneno yake yalijaa matumaini ya kupendeza, hasa baada ya ushindi uliopatikana na Dola, na kushindwa na kurudishwa nyuma kwa majeshi ya Washirika huko Dardanelles. Waziri wa mambo ya nje alifurahishwa na ushindi huu na alifahamu athari ya kushindwa kwao kwa Washirika, kwa sababu ilimaanisha kwamba Urusi ilinyimwa vifaa vya vita ilivyovihitaji sana, na Ufaransa ikakabiliwa na mashambulizi ya kasi ya Kijerumani kutokana na Urusi kushindwa kupigana kwa kukosa vifaa, jambo lililomaanisha kwamba Wajerumani wangeshikilia mbele ya mashariki. Mizani ya nguvu ilikuwa imeelemea upande wa Wajerumani na Dola ya Kiothmani dhidi ya Washirika. Ndiyo sababu waziri wa mambo ya nje alikuwa na matumaini. Hata hivyo, Mustafa Kemal alijaribu kuleta kukata tamaa na kumshawishi waziri kuhusu mitazamo yake. Ilionekana kwamba alihisi nguvu za hoja za waziri, hivyo akatumia vitisho na kusema kwa waziri: Unapaswa kuzingatia ninachokaribia kukuambia! Ikiwa utaruhusu wanasiasa waendelee kukuathiri, utajikuta unakabiliwa na tatizo kubwa kuliko wewe mwenyewe na wanasiasa walivyowazia. Hapo waziri alisumbuka na kusema kwa kiburi: Sielewi unamaanisha nini. Mustafa Kemal akasema: Namaanisha kwamba nchi inaelekea kwenye maangamizi, nawe sasa unajifanya huoni inavyoelekea huko. Dhahiri unalazimika kusema hivi kwa sababu ya nafasi yako kama waziri; hata hivyo, imani yako binafsi lazima iwe tofauti kabisa na hili. Hakika hupuuzi hali halisi yote, na hakika unafahamu chanzo cha ugonjwa huu na mahali msiba ulipo. Waziri alibaki ameduwaa. Kisha akamgeukia Mustafa Kemal na kumwambia kwa sauti kali: Kanali! Ikiwa umekuja hapa kueleza mashaka yako kuhusu hali ya nchi, basi nakuambia kwamba huu si wakati wala mahali pa kutoa mashaka kama hayo. Umekosea kuja kwangu, kwa sababu mimi na wenzangu mawaziri tuna imani kamili kwa Kamanda Mkuu; kwa hiyo ninakushauri uende ukamwone ili aweze kuondoa hofu zako hizi na kuyamaliza mambo yanayokusumbua. Kisha akamtoa katika ofisi yake.

On one occasion he visited the foreign minister in his office. The foreign minister at the time was Nasimi Beik, who was from amongst those who suggested that Turkey should enter the war alongside Germany. Nasimi Beik greeted Mustafa Kemal warmly as the hero of Ana Forta and he talked to him in a courteous manner. His talk was full of graceful optimism, especially in the wake of the victory achieved by the State and her defeat and repulsion of the Allies’ armed forces in the Dardanelles. The foreign minister was appreciative of this victory and was aware of the defeat’s effect on the Allies, because it meant keeping Russia deprived of the supplies of the war ammunitions she desperately needed, and subjecting France to a German blitzkrieg due to Russia’s inability to fight through a lack of supplies, which meant that the Germans would secure the eastern front. The balance of power had tilted in favour of the Germans and the Ottoman State against the Allies. It was for this reason that the foreign minister was optimistic. However, Mustafa Kemal attempted to raise pessimism and to convince the minister of his views. It seemed that he sensed the strength of the minister’s arguments, thus he resorted to menace and said to the minister : “You ought to take note of what I am about to tell you! If you allow the politicians to continue affecting you, you will find yourself facing a problem bigger than you and the politicians will have imagined.” Upon this the minister was disquietened and said arrogantly : “I do not know what you mean.” Mustafa Kemal said : “I mean that the country is heading towards destruction, and now you pretend not to see it heading that way. Obviously you are compelled to say this because of your position as minister; however, your personal belief must be completely different to this. You undoubtedly do not ignore the whole reality, and you are undoubtedly aware of the source of the ailment and where the calamity lies.” The minister was stunned. He then turned to Mustafa Kemal and said to him in a sturdy tone : “Colonel! If you have come here to cast your doubts about the country’s situation, then let me tell you that this is neither the time nor the place to cast such doubts. You have made a mistake by coming to me, for my fellow ministers and I have total faith in the Commander in Chief; I therefore suggest that you go and see him so that he can dissipate these fears of yours and eradicate the things that are worrying you.” He then dismissed him from his office.

Asubuhi iliyofuata, waziri wa mambo ya nje alimpa taarifa Kamanda Mkuu kuhusu mazungumzo yaliyofanyika kati yake na Mustafa Kemal, na akamsihi amwadhibu ipasavyo. Kamanda Mkuu aliamua kumfukuza Mustafa Kemal hadi Caucasus.

The next morning, the foreign minister briefed the Commander in Chief about the conversation that had taken place between him and Mustafa Kemal and urged him to inflict on him the appropriate punishment. The Commander in Chief decided to banish Mustafa Kemal to the Caucasus.

Alifukuzwa mara moja na alibaki huko kwa zaidi ya mwaka mmoja bila kuweza kufanya shughuli yoyote ya maana.

He was instantly banished and remained there for over a year without being able to undertake any significant activity.

Mkutano na waziri wa mambo ya nje ulikuwa jaribio la kwanza rasmi la Mustafa Kemal la kuivuta Dola itoke vitani na kuwashawishi wanasiasa, mawaziri na maafisa wote kufanya hivyo. Wakati huo hakukuwa na dalili yoyote iliyoonyesha kuwa alifuatilia mpango kama huo kwa msingi wa mawasiliano maalum na Waingereza. Kwa hiyo, hatua yake ilichukuliwa kuwa maoni yake binafsi na juhudi zake pekee. Kwa kumfukuza, Dola iliondokana na wazo hilo. Hata hivyo, mfululizo wa matukio ulitokea baadaye, yakianzishwa na Mustafa Kemal ili kutekeleza mawazo yake kwa nguvu na kunyakua madaraka kwa nguvu, hivyo ukosefu wake wa uaminifu ukajulikana wazi.

The meeting with the foreign minister marked the first official endeavour by Mustafa Kemal to lure the State out of the war and to persuade the statesmen, ministers and officers alike, to do so. There was no indication at the time to suggest that he pursued such an initiative on the basis of specific contacts with the British. Thus his action was deemed to be a personal opinion and an exertion solely from his part. By banishing him, the State was rid of this idea. However, a series of events took place afterwards, these being initiated by Mustafa Kemal in order to implement his thoughts by force and to seize power by force, whereupon his treason became manifest.

Kuhusu tukio la kwanza, lilitokea alipokuwa katika eneo la Caucasus. Jaribio la mapinduzi lilipangwa, na ilidhaniwa kwamba yeye alihusika nalo.

As for the first event, this took place while he was in the Caucasus. An attempted coup was staged and it was thought that he was implicated.

Meja Yaqub Jamil Beik alipanga njama pamoja na marafiki zake ili kuiangusha serikali. Akinukuu alichosema kwa marafiki zake: "Wale wanaojiona kuwa wakubwa kwa kweli ni wadogo, na nchi inaita waondolewe kwenye nyadhifa zao, na wabadilishwe na watu wenye uzalendo zaidi na uaminifu zaidi." Marafiki zake wakamkatiza: "Kuwaondoa watu kama hao ni jambo jepesi, lakini je, unaweza kutuambia kuhusu mtu ambaye, kwa maoni yako, angeweza kurejesha utawala kwenye hali yake ya zamani?" Papo hapo Yaqub akajibu: "Mustafa Kemal." Baadaye njama hiyo iligunduliwa, na Yaqub pamoja na marafiki zake wakauawa. Mustafa Kemal alipopata habari hizi akiwa katika safari yake Caucasus, zilimshtua mno, kama radi. Habari hizo zilimfikia kupitia Daktari Hilmi Beik, aliyekuwa mshiriki wa njama hiyo, lakini alikuwa amefanikiwa kukimbia Istanbul na kwenda kwa Mustafa Kemal. Serikali ya Istanbul ilikuwa imemwamuru Mustafa Kemal amkamate Daktari Hilmi na kumrudisha mara moja, lakini Mustafa Kemal alituma telegramu kwa mamlaka husika akisema: "Daktari Hilmi yuko chini ya ulinzi wangu kuanzia sasa." Serikali haikuweza kufanya lolote zaidi ya kunyamaza, kwa kuwa kukabiliana na Mustafa Kemal kungeleta matokeo mabaya. Hivyo ikawa wazi kwa serikali na kwa watu wengi mashuhuri ndani ya Dola na jeshi kwamba Mustafa Kemal alikuwa anatamani kushika madaraka na kujiondoa vitani. Kwa hiyo Mustafa Kemal aliingia katika uwanja wa kisiasa si tu akiwa na mawazo aliyoyabeba, bali pia akiwa na mbinu ambayo kwayo alikusudia kuyatekeleza mawazo hayo. Kwa sababu hiyo, akawa kitu cha tahadhari na wasiwasi.

Major Yaqub Jamil Beik conspired with his friends to topple the government. To quote from what he said to his friends : “Those men who think they are big are in fact small and the country calls for their removal from their posts to replace them with men who have more patriotism and more sincerity.” His friends interrupted : “The removal of such men is a simple matter, but could you tell us about the man who in your view could restore the regime to its old self?” Upon this Yaqub instantly replied : “Mustafa Kemal.” The conspiracy was later uncovered and Yaqub and his friends were executed. Mustafa Kemal heard of this news during his stay in the Caucasus. Its impact upon him was like a thunderbolt. The news reached him via Doctor Hilmi Beik, who was an accessory to the conspiracy, but he had managed to flee from Istanbul and go to Mustafa Kemal. The government in Istanbul had ordered Mustafa Kemal to arrest Doctor Hilmi and send him back at once, but Mustafa Kemal sent a telegram to the authorities in which he said : “Doctor Hilmi is as of now under my protection.” The government could do little but remain silent, for a confrontation with Mustafa Kemal would have led to adverse consequences. Hence, it became clear to the government and to many personalities within the State and the army that Mustafa Kemal was aspiring to seize power and to withdraw from the war. Thus Mustafa Kemal emerged on the political scene not only with the thoughts that he carried, but also with a method by which he aimed at executing those thoughts. Consequently, he became the object of caution and apprehension.

Kuhusu tukio la tatu, lilionyesha kwamba suala hilo halikuwa tena suala la kutoa maoni tu au uasi wa kawaida, kwa kuwa Mustafa Kemal alianza kuendelea kwa uthabiti katika harakati zake za kunyakua madaraka. Pia alifanya shughuli nyingi ambazo kutoka kwake mtu angeweza kuhitimisha kwamba alikuwa ameanzisha mawasiliano na Waingereza ili kutekeleza mawazo yake.

As for the third event, it reflected the fact that the issue was no longer a mere voicing of an opinion and a mere rebellion, for Mustafa Kemal started to persist in his quest to seize power. He also undertook a host of activities from which one could deduce that he had established contact with the British in order to implement his thoughts.

Tarehe 3 Julai 1918, Sultani Muhammad Rashad alifariki dunia, na kiti cha ufalme kikarithiwa na Muhammad Wahid-ud-Deen, almaarufu Muhammad wa Tano. Mustafa Kemal aliamua kuwa wakati umefika kwa yeye kuchukua madaraka, kwa kuwa alikuwa ametoka tu kusindikiza Wahid-ud-Deen hadi Ujerumani, ambako walikutana na Hindenburg. Anwar alikuwa amemtuma Mustafa Kemal Ujerumani pamoja na Wahid-ud-Deen, ambaye wakati huo alikuwa mrithi wa kiti cha ufalme, ili aweze kuona kwa macho yake mwenyewe nguvu ya Ujerumani, kwa matumaini kwamba angebadilisha mtazamo wake.

On 3rd July 1918, Sultan Muhammad Rashad died and he was succeeded to the throne by Muhammad Wahid-ud-Deen, otherwise known as Muhammad 5th. Mustafa Kemal decided that the opportunity had come for him to seize power, for he had just accompanied Wahid-ud-Deen to Germany where they met with Hindenburg. Anwar had sent Mustafa Kemal to Germany with Wahid-ud-Deen, who at the time was heir apparent, so that he could see for himself the might of Germany in the hope that he would change his views.

Mara tu baada ya kurudi kutoka safari yao, kifo cha Muhammad Rashad kilitokea na Wahid-ud-Deen akapanda kiti cha ufalme. Mustafa Kemal alilichukulia hilo kama fursa, kwa kuwa alikuwa ametoka tu kuandamana na Wahidud-Deen, akajaribu kumshawishi juu ya mawazo yake ili aweze kumteua kuwa kiongozi wa serikali. Alimtembelea Sultani mpya kwa urafiki, na Wahid-ud-Deen alimpokea kwa uchangamfu na adabu.

No sooner had they returned from their trip than the death of Muhammad Rashad occurred and Wahid-ud-Deen acceded to the throne. Mustafa Kemal jumped at the opportunity of having just accompanied Wahidud- Deen and attempted to convince him of his views so that he could appoint him the head of the government. He visited the new Sultan on a friendly basis and Wahid-ud-Deen greeted him warmly and courteously.

Alimkaribisha na hata akamwashia sigara. Hili lilimtia moyo Mustafa Kemal azungumze naye waziwazi kuhusu mawazo yake. Kwa hiyo, alianza kueleza mkakati wake na kusisitiza kwake kwamba maangamizi yanayotishia nchi yalikuwa karibu kutokea. Pia alisema kwamba Sultani mwenyewe anapaswa kuchukua udhibiti kamili wa majeshi ya kijeshi na kuwanyang'anya Anwar na makamanda wa Kijerumani mamlaka yao yote, ili awe mtu halisi mwenye madaraka na si Sultani wa jina tu. Pia alithibitisha utayari wake wa kubeba jukumu la Amri Kuu, na hivyo kuiokoa Dola ya Kiothmani kutoka ukingoni mwa shimo ambalo ilikuwa ikiyumbayumba juu yake.

Jambo la nne lilionekana katika ukweli kwamba Mustafa Kemal alipoenda mbele ya Syria kupigana na Waingereza, badala yake alisalimisha nchi kwao na kurudi Anatolia. Baada ya kupewa amri zake, alisafiri hadi makao yake makuu mbele ya Syria, akafika huko mwishoni mwa Agosti 1918, akaripoti kwa Kamanda Mkuu wa Kijerumani Liman von Sanders, kwa kuwa Falkenhayn alikuwa tayari amerudi Ujerumani katika majira ya kuchipua. von Sanders alimpokea kwa uchangamfu, kwa kuwa alimjua tangu siku za Ana Forta, akamkabidhi amri ya jeshi la saba lililotawala sehemu ya kati ya safu ya ulinzi. Baada ya kuchukua amri ya jeshi mbele, alilalamika kuwa na matatizo ya figo, na akabaki kitandani katika kituo cha amri huko Nablus kuanzia tarehe 1 Septemba 1918. Tarehe 19 Septemba shambulio la Waingereza mbele lilianza, hivyo Mustafa Kemal akarudi pamoja na wanajeshi wake hadi Mto Yordani. Kisha akauvuka mto, akawakusanya wanajeshi wake na kuelekea jangwani, akiondoka nao kwa haraka kando ya reli, bila kusimama hadi walipofika Damascus.

As for the fourth event, this was reflected in the fact that when Mustafa Kemal travelled to the Syrian front to fight the British, he instead surrendered the country to them and withdrew to Anatolia. After having been given his orders, he travelled to his headquarters in the Syrian front and arrived there at the end of August in 1918 and he reported to the German High Commander Liman von Sanders, for Falkenhayn had already returned to Germany in the spring. von Sanders greeted him warmly, for he knew him since the days of Ana Forta, and he handed him the command of the seventh army which dominated the middle part of the line of defence. After assuming the command of the army at the front, he complained of kidney troubles, and he remained bed ridden at the command’s centre in Nablus from 1st September 1918. On 19th September the British attack on the front started, so Mustafa Kemal withdrew with his troops back to the River Jordan. He then crossed the river and gathered his troops and headed towards the desert, hastily withdrawing with them alongside the railway line, without pause until they reached Damascus.

Huko Damascus, Kamanda Mkuu von Sanders alimwagiza tarehe 27 Septemba kuanzisha mstari mpya wa ulinzi huko Riaq, hivyo akaenda kutekeleza kazi hiyo. Kisha alirudi kwa Liman von Sanders na kumjulisha kwamba kuandaa mstari wa ulinzi huko Riaq kungekuwa bure, na kwamba kupanga wanajeshi kungehitaji muda wa kutosha. Pia alipendekeza jeshi lirudi nyuma zaidi kwa maili 100 kuelekea Aleppo na kuacha Syria yote, ili waweze kuzuia njia ya kuelekea Uturuki yenyewe mbele ya maadui wanaosonga mbele.

In Damascus, the High Commander von Sanders ordered him on 27th September to establish a new defence line in Riaq, so he went to accomplish that task. He then went back to Liman von Sanders and informed him that it would be useless to organise a line of defence in Riaq and that the organising of troops would require ample time. He also suggested that the army should withdraw a further 100 miles towards Aleppo and abandon the whole of Syria, so that they could block the way to Turkey itself in the face of the advancing enemies.