Hivi ndivyo awamu ya pili ilivyomalizika kwa kuanzishwa kwa serikali ya pili ya nchi huko Ankara, ikawa ndiyo yenye usukani wa madaraka na mamlaka halisi. Wakati huo huo, serikali ya Istanbul iligeuka kuwa mamlaka isiyo na nguvu na yenye upungufu. Muda mfupi tu baada ya serikali hii ya pili kuimarika na kuchukua udhibiti wa nchi, Uingereza iliitisha, kufuatia matukio haya, mkutano wa London, ambao ungehudhuriwa na wajumbe wengi kutoka Ugiriki na Uturuki. Uingereza ilisema: Lengo la kuitisha mkutano huu ni kutafuta suluhisho la mgogoro wa Mashariki. Hili lingeweza kumaanisha tu kupitiwa upya kwa masharti ya amani ya Mkataba wa Sèvres uliotiwa saini mjini Paris, kwa sababu kuitisha mkutano wa kuchunguza Suala la Mashariki, ambalo lilikuwa limeshatatuliwa katika mkutano rasmi wa amani, kungeweza tu kumaanisha kwamba Mkataba wa Sèvres ulioidhinishwa mjini Paris ungerejea kuwa mada ya majadiliano na uchunguzi kabla haujaweza kuwa na athari yoyote, au kabla ya kutekelezwa kabisa. Kwa hakika, Mkataba huo haukuwa umetekelezwa, na hakuna kifungu hata kimoja chake kilichotekelezwa.

This is how the second phase ended with the settlement of the second government of the country in Ankara, making it the holder of the reins of power and the effective authority. Meanwhile, the Istanbul government turned into a powerless and deficient authority. No sooner than this second government had settled and took control of the country, Britain called in the wake of these events for the conference of London, to be attended by a host of deputies from Greece and Turkey. Britain said: “The purpose of holding this conference is to seek a solution for the Eastern crisis.” This could only mean a review of the peace terms of the Sèvres Treaty signed in Paris because the holding of a conference to look into the Eastern Issue, which had been settled at an official peace conference, could only mean that the Sèvres Treaty which had been ratified in Paris would again be the object of discussion and study before it could have any effect, or before it could be implemented altogether. Indeed the Treaty had not been applied and not one single article of it was implemented.

Hii inathibitisha kwamba Uingereza ilihitimisha Mkataba huo ili kuitisha Uturuki na kuutumia kama njia ya kutekeleza malengo yake, si ili kuutekeleza. Dalili ya hilo ni kwamba ulikuwa umehitimishwa kwa takriban mwaka mzima, wakati ambapo ulifichwa siri; ulitangazwa hadharani tu wakati Mustafa Kemal alipozingirwa na karibu kuangamizwa, na uasi wake karibu kukandamizwa.

This confirms that Britain concluded the Treaty in order to threaten Turkey and use it as a means to carry out her aims, not to implement it. The proof for this is that it had been concluded for about a year during which time it was kept secret; it was only broadcast when Mustafa Kemal was surrounded and was nearly destroyed and his rebellion almost crushed.

Ukweli tu kwamba Waingereza walitaka kufanyika kwa mkutano wa London kupitia upya Mkataba wa Sèvres ulionekana kuwa wa ajabu, kwa sababu Mkataba huo ulikuwa na faida kwa Waingereza. Ingawa Ufaransa haikuridhika hata kidogo na Mkataba wa Sèvres, na ilikuwa imelazimishwa kukubali Mkataba huo, iliona kwamba urithi wa Dola la Kiothmani ulikuwa umekuwa mali ya mshirika wake Uingereza, ambayo ndiyo iliyopata sehemu kubwa zaidi. Hivyo Ufaransa ililazimika kuridhika na Syria na Cilicia. Hata hivyo, kwa mtazamo wa Ufaransa, Syria na Cilicia zilikuwa zawadi iliyokuwa wazi kwa mjadala. Italia pia ilikasirishwa na Mkataba huo, kwa sababu haikupendezwa na utawala wa Ugiriki katika Bahari ya Mediterania, hasa kwa kuwa upanuzi wa Ugiriki katika Asia Ndogo ulikuwa, kwa kweli, kwa gharama ya maeneo ya ushawishi wa Italia yaliyokuwa yamepangwa kati ya washirika wakati wa vita. Kwa hiyo, ni kutokana na tamaa ya nchi hizi mbili, Ufaransa na Italia, ya kupata nyara zaidi ndipo zilitia saini Mkataba huo kwa kusita.

The mere fact that the British called for the London conference to review the Sèvres Treaty was seen as bizarre because the Treaty was in favour of the British. Even though France was not satisfied with the Sèvres Treaty in the slightest and she had been coerced into agreeing to that Treaty; she deemed that the Ottoman legacy had become the property of her ally Britain, who had gained from it the lion’s share. Thus France had to be content with Syria and Cilicia. Still, Syria and Cilicia were, as far as France was concerned, a gift that was open to debate. Italy was also angry about the Treaty, for she was averse to the Greek sovereignty in the Mediterranean, especially because the Greek expansion in Asia Minor was in fact at the expense of the Italian areas of influence which had been drawn up between the allies during the war. Therefore, it was due to the greed of these two states, France and Italy, in gaining more spoils that they had signed the Treaty reluctantly.

Kwa hiyo, Uingereza ilipochagua kutotekeleza chochote katika Mkataba huo, licha ya ukweli kwamba ungeipatia nyara kubwa zaidi kuliko washirika wake wote, jambo hilo lilivuta hisia na likaonekana kuwa si la kawaida. Baadaye ilipodai kupitiwa upya kwa Mkataba huu, jambo hilo lilishangaza na likaonekana kuwa la ajabu zaidi. Lililoshangaza zaidi kuliko haya ni kwamba ujumbe unaowakilisha serikali mpya ya Ankara ulihudhuria mkutano pamoja na ujumbe uliokuja kuwakilisha serikali ya Dola ya Ottoman. Wazi kabisa, hakuna taasisi nyingine, iwe ya Kituruki au ya Ottoman, iliyokuwa na haki ya kushiriki isipokuwa yenyewe, kwa sababu serikali ya Ottoman ndiyo serikali halali iliyoingia vitani na kushindwa. Baada ya yote, ilikuwa serikali hiyo iliyotia saini Mkataba wa Sèvres ambao mkutano huu ulifanyika ili kuupitia upya. Kwa hiyo, ni swali linalostahili kuulizwa: nafasi ya serikali mpya ya Ankara, ambayo hakuna aliyekuwa ameitambua bado, ilikuwa ipi, na kwa nini ilikuwa inahudhuria mkutano huu wa kimataifa uliofanyika kupitia masharti ya amani? Je, hili peke yake halikuwa ushahidi tosha kwamba kuanzishwa kwa serikali hii mjini Ankara kulipangwa na Waingereza ili kuifanya kwanza ishiriki katika mazungumzo ya amani, kisha iruhusiwe kuwa mjadiliano pekee kuhusu masharti ya mwisho ya amani?

Accordingly, when Britain chose not to implement anything from the Treaty, despite that fact the it would have yielded for her the largest spoils in comparison with her allies, this attracted attention and was deemed unnatural. When she afterwards demanded a review of this Treaty, it came as a surprise and was deemed most odd. What was more surprising than this was for a delegation representing the new Ankara government to attend the conference alongside the delegation which came to represent the Ottoman government, which clearly no other institution whether Turkish or Ottoman alike had the right to take part in apart from it, because the Ottoman government was the legitimate government that had entered the war and had been defeated. After all, it was that government that had signed the Treaty of Sèvres which this conference was held in order to review. Hence, it is to be asked what was the position of the new Ankara government which no one had yet recognised, and why was it attending this international conference held to review the terms of peace? Was this alone not ample proof that the establishment of this government in Ankara was staged by the British in order to make it first take part in the peace negotiations and then allow it to become the sole negotiator over the final terms of peace?

Serikali ya Ottoman, serikali ya Khilafah, ilipaswa kukataa ushiriki wa serikali ya Ankara pamoja nayo katika mazungumzo, kwa sababu kuikubali kungemaanisha kuitambua rasmi mbele ya nchi nyingine, na kwa sababu uwepo wa serikali mbili katika nchi moja, zinazokabiliana na adui na kujadiliana kuhusu masharti ya amani, unaonyesha udhaifu uliokithiri na maangamizi. Kwa hiyo, ingekuwa jambo la kawaida kwa serikali ya Khilafah kukataa kuhudhuria kwa wawakilishi wa serikali ya Ankara, lakini kwa kweli iliikubali. Udhaifu wake ulifikia hata kiwango cha kutumia mwaliko wa Mustafa Kemal wa kuhudhuria mkutano kama njia ya kujaribu kumshawishi na kumpatanisha. Kuhusiana na hili, Tawfiq Pasha alimwendea Mustafa Kemal na mwaliko wa nchi za Ulaya wa kuhudhuria mkutano wa London, akasema: Kwa jina la serikali ya Kituruki na kwa ajili ya Dola ya Ottoman, ujumbe wa Kituruki unaohudhuria mkutano unapaswa kuwasilisha msimamo imara wa umoja, na ajenda ambayo Waturuki wanaipendekeza nayo inapaswa kuwa moja, ikionyesha ushirikiano na umoja wa Ummah kwa ujumla, badala ya mgogoro wake na mgawanyiko wake. Hata hivyo, Mustafa Kemal alikataa hili na akasema: Ni Bunge la Kitaifa lililoko Ankara pekee ndilo linalofurahia mamlaka ya kikatiba, na ndilo linalofurahia madaraka na utawala wa kipekee nchini. Nchi za Ulaya zingepaswa kutuma mwaliko kupitia Bunge hili. Wakati huo, Bunge la Kitaifa lilijigeuza kuwa bunge la kudumu. Pia liliandaa katiba mpya ambayo uandaaji wake ulidumu miezi tisa kamili. Kikwazo kikuu kilichokabili uandaaji wa katiba hiyo na ambacho kilizua mjadala mkubwa na majadiliano ni suala la Usultani na Khilafah. Mustafa Kemal alilazimika, chini ya shinikizo la makubaliano makubwa na mwelekeo mpana katika Bunge la Kitaifa - ambalo lilichukuliwa kuwa Bunge la Ataturk, kwa kuwa wajumbe wake wote walitoka miongoni mwa wafuasi wake - kutamka waziwazi katika katiba kwamba Usultani na Ukhalifa vitadumishwa. Kwa hiyo, Mustafa Kemal alijibu Waziri Mkuu Tawfiq Pasha alipomwalika na kumsihi aruhusu ujumbe wa Kituruki uonyeshe umoja na maelewano, akisema: Bunge la Kitaifa limeweka katika kifungu cha kwanza cha katiba yake kwamba hakutakuwa na madhara kwa Usultani wala kupunguza heshima ya Ukhalifa; Sultani anapaswa kulitambua Bunge la Kitaifa ili serikali ya Ankara iweze kushiriki kwa ujumbe wake pamoja na ujumbe wa serikali ya Sultani. Hata hivyo, Sultani alikataa kulitambua Bunge la Kitaifa na katiba lililoiandaa, kwa sababu kulitambua kungemaanisha kuondolewa kwa Ukhalifa hata kama katiba ilitaja ulinzi wa kawaida wa Ukhalifa. Zaidi ya hayo, katiba ilieleza kwamba mamlaka yote, bila masharti yoyote, yalikuwa yamehamia kwa taifa zima, na kwamba taifa limekuwa chanzo cha sheria; pia kwamba Bunge la Kitaifa limepata haki ya pekee na kamili ya kuwakilisha egemeo la wananchi, na ni Bunge hilo linaloamua suala la vita na amani. Ni wazi kwamba haikuwezekana kwa Sultani kulikubali hili. Hivyo, mazungumzo kati ya serikali ya Khalifa na serikali ya Ankara kuhusu kuundwa kwa ujumbe yalikatishwa.

The Ottoman government, the Khilafah government, should have rejected the participation of the Ankara government alongside it in the negotiations, for its acceptance would have meant recognising it officially before other states, and because the presence of two governments in one country, facing the enemy and negotiating over peace terms demonstrates extreme weakness and devastation. Hence, it would have been natural for the Khilafah government to reject the attendance of the representatives of the Ankara government, but in fact it accepted it. Its weakness even led it to use Mustafa Kemal’s invitation to attend the conference as a means to try and win him over and reconcile him. In this regard, Tawfiq Pasha approached Mustafa Kemal with the European states invitation to attend the London conference and said: “In the name of the Turkish state and for the sake of the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish delegation attending the conference should present a strong united front, and the agenda which the Turks are proposing should also be one, indicating the co-operation and the unity of the Ummah as a whole, rather than her conflict and division.” However, Mustafa Kemal refused this and said: “It is only the National Assembly in Ankara that enjoys the constitutional sovereignty, and which enjoys the exclusive power and rule in the country. The European countries should have sent the invitation through this Assembly.” During that time, the National Assembly turned itself into a permanent assembly. It also drafted a new constitution whose drafting lasted nine whole months. The main obstacle that faced the drafting of the constitution and which generated a great deal of debate and deliberation was the issue of the “Sultanate and the Khilafah”. Mustafa Kemal was forced under the pressure of the overwhelming consensus and the sweeping trend in the National Assembly - which was considered to be the Assembly of Ata Turk, for its members were all from among his supporters, was forced to state explicitly in the constitution that the Sultanate and the Khilafah would be maintained. Hence, Mustafa Kemal said in reply to the Prime Minister Tawfiq Pasha when he invited him and urged him to let the Turkish delegation show unity and harmony, “The National Assembly has in the first article of its constitution stipulated that there would be no prejudice to the Sultanate and no detriment to the sanctity of the Khilafah; the Sultan should recognise the National Assembly so that the Ankara government could participate with its delegation with the delegation of the Sultan’s government.” However, the Sultan refused to recognise the National Assembly and the constitution that it drafted, because recognising it would imply the removal of the Khilafah even if the constitution mentioned the nominal safeguard of the Khilafah. Additionally, the constitution stipulated that the authority as a whole, without any preconditions, had gone down to the nation as a whole and that the nation had become the source of legislation; also that the National Assembly had acquired the exclusive and absolute right to represent the sovereignty of the people, and it is the Assembly that decides on the issue of war and peace. Clearly, it was impossible for the Sultan to accept this. Thus negotiations between the Khaleefah’s government and the Ankara government about the forming of the delegation were cut off.

Lakini nchi za Ulaya zilipogundua kwamba Mustafa Kemal alikataa mwaliko huo kwa sababu ulikuwa umemfikia kupitia serikali ya Sultani, Uingereza ilimtumia mwaliko wa moja kwa moja kwenda Ankara kwa niaba ya nchi washirika. Mwaliko huu ulichukuliwa kuwa ni kutambuliwa waziwazi kwa serikali ya Ankara kutoka kwake. Hivyo, ujumbe hizo mbili zilisafiri kando kando. Tawfiq Pasha alikuwa kiongozi wa ujumbe wa Khalifa, huku Bakir Sami Beik akiwa kiongozi wa ujumbe wa Ankara. Mkutano wa London ulifanyika mwezi Februari 1921.

However when the European countries realised that Mustafa Kemal had refused the invitation because it had reached him through the Sultan’s government, Britain sent him a direct invitation to Ankara on behalf of the allied states. This invitation was regarded as a clear recognition from her of the Ankara government. Hence, the two delegations travelled separately. Tawfiq Pasha was the head of the Khaleefah’s delegation, while Bakir Sami Beik was the head of the Ankara delegation. The London conference was held in February 1921.

Mkuu wa ujumbe wa Masultani anamkabidhi mkuu wa ujumbe wa Ankara haki ya kuzungumza kwa niaba ya ujumbe wote wawili Ujumbe wote wawili walipoketi mezani pa mazungumzo, Waziri Mkuu Tawfiq Pasha alisimama na kusema kwamba, kwa nafasi yake kama mkuu wa ujumbe wa Istanbul, anamwachia Bakir Sami Beik haki yake ya kuzungumza, ambaye atazungumza kwa niaba ya ujumbe wote wawili na atatetea matarajio ya kitaifa ya Waturuki. Baada ya hapo, Istanbul ilinyamaza, na sauti ya Ankara peke yake ndiyo iliyosikika.

The head of the Sultan’s delegation abdicates to the head of the Ankara delegation the right to speak on behalf of the two delegations When the two delegations sat at the negotiating table, Premier Tawfiq Pasha stood up and said that in his capacity as head of the Istanbul delegation, he was abdicating his right to speak to Bakir Sami Beik, who would speak on behalf of the two delegations and would defend the national aspirations of the Turks. Upon this Istanbul remained silent and only the voice of Ankara was raised.

Kisha Lloyd George wa Uingereza, Briand wa Ufaransa na Hesabu Sforza wa Italia wakaanza kueleza madhumuni ya mkutano, wakisema kwamba lilikusudia tu kuoanisha mahusiano kati ya mataifa yaliyogongana vitani, na kwamba washirika walikuwa tayari kufanya marekebisho fulani katika masharti ya amani, hasa yale yanayohusu haki zilizotolewa kwa Ugiriki. Wakaamua kuunda kamati maalum na kuipa kazi ya kupitia hali ya wakazi wa eneo la Izmir, wakisema kwamba maamuzi yatakayofikiwa na kamati hii yatakuwa ya lazima kwa pande mbili. Mkuu wa ujumbe, Bakir Sami, alikubaliana na wazo la kutuma kamati hiyo, lakini Wagiriki walilikataa kabisa. Kufuatia hilo, mwakilishi wa Ankara na mkuu wa ujumbe, wakizungumza kwa niaba ya ujumbe wote mbili, walipendekeza wakati wa mkutano kwamba Izmir igeuzwe kuwa Wilaya inayojitegemea kwa ndani chini ya mtawala Mkristo. Hata hivyo, Waingereza walikataa pendekezo hili, kama walivyofanya Wagiriki, Wafaransa na Waitalia. Ujumbe wa Ufaransa ulikubali kuondoka Cilicia na kuirudisha kwa Waturuki, ukitoa uhakika wa kuheshimu ahadi hii. Kwa upande wake, Bakir Sami alikubali kuipa Ufaransa upendeleo wa kibiashara utakaoipa kipaumbele juu ya nchi nyingine ambazo Uturuki ilifanya biashara nazo, na kwa sababu hiyo Uturuki na Ufaransa zikahitimisha mkataba.

Then Lloyd George of Britain, Brian of France and Count Sforza of Italy set about explaining the purpose of the conference, stating that it merely aimed at harmonising relations between the nations which had clashed in the war, and that the allies were prepared to introduce certain modifications to the terms of peace, especially those pertaining the privileges offered to Greece. They decided to establish a special committee and assign to it the task of reviewing the situation of the local residents in the region of Izmir, stating that the decisions reached by this committee would be binding upon the two parties. The head of the delegation Bakir Sami agreed to the idea of the sending of the committee but the Greeks categorically rejected it. Upon this the Ankara representative and the head of the delegation, speaking on behalf of the two delegations, suggested during the conference that Izmir could be turned into a domestically independent Wilaya under a Christian ruler. However, the British rejected this proposal and so did the Greeks, the French and the Italians. The French delegation agreed to evacuate Cilicia and hand it back to the Turks, giving their assurances to honour this promise. Bakir Sami for his part agreed to grant France a commercial privilege which would give her preference over the other states which Turkey traded with, to which effect Turkey and France concluded a treaty.

Hata hivyo, mkutano wa London ulishindwa na ukafungwa bila kufikia lolote isipokuwa yale ambayo wajumbe wa Ufaransa na Uturuki walikuwa wameyakubaliana. Mara tu wajumbe hao wawili walipokuwa wamerejea, Mustafa Kemal alikataa mkataba ambao Bakir Sami alikuwa ametia saini na Ufaransa. Bakir Sami alilazimishwa kisha kujiuzulu wadhifa wake wa waziri wa mambo ya nje, na mara moja akajiunga na wale waliompinga Mustafa Kemal.

However, the London conference failed and was wound up without achieving anything apart from what the French and the Turkish delegations had agreed upon. No sooner had the two delegations returned, than Mustafa Kemal rejected the treaty which Bakir Sami had signed with France. Bakir Sami was then forced to resign his post as foreign minister and he immediately joined those who opposed Mustafa Kemal.

Mustafa Kemal kisha akaandikia serikali ya Ufaransa akieleza kuwa ujumbe aliouteua kwenda kwenye mkutano ulikuwa umetenda kwa namna iliyovuka mamlaka aliyopewa, hivyo maazimio yote uliyoyapitisha ni batili, na nchi haitayakubali wala haitawajibika kuyaheshimu.

Mustafa Kemal then wrote to the French government stating that the delegation he had dispatched to the conference had acted in a manner which exceeded the powers with which it was delegated, thus all the resolutions it had adopted were null and void and the country would not accept them nor would she be liable to honour them.

Kisha mazungumzo yalifanyika baina ya serikali ya Ankara na Ufaransa, ambayo mwisho wake serikali ya Ankara ilitia saini makubaliano na Ufaransa tarehe 20 Oktoba 1921, ambapo Uturuki ilijitwika jukumu la kuikabidhi Syria kwa Ufaransa. Pia walikubaliana kubainisha mipaka kati ya Uturuki na Syria. Kwa mujibu wa makubaliano haya, Ufaransa pia iliondoa majeshi yake kutoka Cilicia. Kwa hiyo, Mustafa Kemal alianzisha mawasiliano na nchi nyingine, na nchi hizo nazo zikawasiliana naye na kushughulika naye, zikitia saini mikataba naye licha ya kuwepo kwa serikali ya Khilafah.

Negotiations then took place between the Ankara government and France at the end of which the Ankara government signed an agreement on 20th October 1921 with France, under which Turkey undertook to surrender Syria to France. They also agreed to determine the borders between Turkey and Syria. Pursuant to this agreement, France also evacuated her troops from Cilicia. Hence, Mustafa Kemal assumed contacts with other states and other states in turn contacted him and dealt with him, signing treaties with him despite the presence of the Khilafah government.

Baada ya hapo, mataifa ya Ulaya yalianza kuonyesha mwelekeo wao kuelekea kwake. Ufaransa na Italia zilianza kujaribu kumvuta upande wao na kujikaribisha kwake, wakati Uingereza ilianza kumuunga mkono waziwazi katika masuala ya kimataifa, na inaonekana ilimpuuza Ugiriki na kuanza kuonyesha chuki dhidi yake.

The European states thereafter started to display their inclination towards him. France and Italy started attempting to win him over and get closer to him, while Britain started to openly support him in international issues and seemed to have snubbed Greece and started to show resentment towards her.

Mustafa Kemal pia alijaribu kuwasiliana na Urusi, ambayo ilikuwa imejiondoa vitani na ambako serikali ya kikomunisti ilikuwa imeanzishwa, na akatafuta msaada wake. Alimkabidhi Batum na akajitahidi kumfanya asaini mkataba wa urafiki naye kwa niaba ya Uturuki, ili kuuchukulia kama utambuzi rasmi wa serikali yake. Urusi ilikubali jambo hili, kwa kuwa haikupoteza chochote kwa kulifanya, na pia kwa sababu ilipinga Uislamu na kuwepo kwa Khilafah ya Kiislamu. Hivyo, iliunga mkono Mustafa Kemal dhidi ya Waingereza na dhidi ya Khilafah, kisha ikaichukua Batum bila kupoteza chochote, na hili lilikuwa tarehe 16 Machi 1921. Kabla ya hapo, Italia ilikuwa imeiachia Altalia kwa hiari yake yenyewe na kuiondoa mnamo Januari 1921. Hivyo, Ufaransa, Italia na Urusi ziliegemea upande wa serikali ya Ankara, na hili liliimarisha nguvu ya Mustafa Kemal.

Mustafa Kemal also contacted Russia, which had withdrawn from the war and where the communist government had been established, and sought her help. He surrendered Batum to her and endeavoured to make her sign a treaty of friendship with him on behalf of Turkey, so as to consider it as an official recognition of his government. Russia agreed to this, as she did not loose anything by it and because she was against Islam and against the existence of an Islamic Khilafah. Hence, she supported Mustafa Kemal against the British and against the Khilafah, then she took Batum without loosing anything, and this was on 16th March 1921. Prior to this, Italy had relinquished Altalia out of her own free will and evacuated it in January 1921. Hence, France, Italy and Russia sided with the Ankara government and this strengthened the hand of Mustafa Kemal.