Inaonekana kwamba Uingereza haikuitisha mkutano wa mwisho wa amani hadi pale ilipokuwa imemaliza mbinu zake zote na kufikia matokeo ambayo ilikuwa imeyataka. Kwa kupitia upya vitendo vyote vilivyofanywa nchini Uturuki pekee tangu kufanyika kwa Mapatano ya Mondros hadi mkutano wa kwanza wa Lausanne, inaonekana kwamba Waingereza walicheza kwa ujanja mkubwa kabisa nafasi chafu zaidi ili kuiangamiza Khilafah. Jenerali wa Uingereza Harrington alikuwa Kamanda Mkuu wa majeshi ya Washirika yaliyokalia ardhi ya Uturuki, na alikuwa na udhibiti kamili wa Istanbul na ardhi yote ya Kituruki.

It seems that Britain did not call for the final peace conference until she had finished all her manoeuvres and achieved the results that she had wanted. By reviewing all the actions undertaken in Turkey alone since the holding of the Mondros truce, up until the first conference of Lausanne, it appears that the British had played with utmost shrewdness the dirtiest of roles in order to destroy the Khilafah. The British General Harrington was the Commander in Chief of the Allied armies occupying the Turkish lands and he was in total control of Istanbul and all the Turkish lands.

Uturuki wakati huo ilikuwa tayari imekwisha kutengwa na nchi nyingine za Kiislamu. Kwa hiyo, nafasi ya kutekeleza yale waliyokuwa wakiyahifadhi moyoni ikawa imekuwa nzuri. Shughuli zao zilielekezwa katika kuiangamiza Khilafah na kuwatenganisha washirika - Ufaransa, Italia na Ugiriki - na Uturuki.

Turkey by then had already been severed from the rest of the Islamic lands. Hence, the prospect of undertaking what they had been harbouring had become favourable. Their activities were focused on destroying the Khilafah and alienating the allies - France, Italy and Greece, from Turkey.

Kwa hiyo wakaanza kutekeleza mipango yao huku wakitambua kwamba kazi hizi mbili, yaani kuiangamiza Khilafah na kuwatenganisha washirika, hazitakuwa rahisi.

So they proceeded to initiate their manoeuvres while realising that these two tasks, of destroying the Khilafah and alienating the allies was not going to be an easy ride.

Kwa hiyo, walitekeleza mpango wao kwa uovu na ujanja mkubwa kabisa. Mchakato wa kuwatenga washirika ulichukuliwa na serikali ya Uingereza kupitia mbinu mbalimbali za kisiasa na kidiplomasia, pamoja na ujanja wa kimataifa na wa kijeshi, na kwa kuchochea vita vya ndani, ambavyo pia ilivitumia kama mojawapo ya njia za kuiangamiza Khilafah. Kuhusu mchakato wa kuiangamiza Khilafah, hili lilitekelezwa na serikali ya Uingereza kupitia vitendo vya moja kwa moja ndani ya Uturuki yenyewe, huku majenerali wawili wa Uingereza, Harrington na Wilson, wakitumiwa kulitekeleza, mbali na mbinu hizi za kisiasa na ujanja wa kimataifa. Mustafa Kemal alikuwa mtu aliyesaidia katika nafasi hii ya kutisha, na lau si yeye, njama zao zingalikuwa zimeshindwa.

Therefore, they proceeded with the utmost malice and shrewdness. The process of secluding the allies was assumed by the British government through various political and diplomatic styles, international and military manoeuvring and through flaring up a domestic war, which she also used as one of the means to destroy the Khilafah. As for the process of destroying the Khilafah, this was carried out by the British government through direct actions inside Turkey itself , with the two British Generals, Harrington and Wilson being used to execute it, in addition to these political styles and international manoeuvres. Mustafa Kemal was the man who aided in this horrific role, and had it not been for him their conspiracies would have been doomed to failure.

Inaonekana pia kwamba kulikuwa na wanaume wengine wachache maarufu kutoka Uingereza waliofanya vitendo mbalimbali vya moja kwa moja ndani ya eneo lenyewe la Kituruki. Inaonekana kwamba Kapteni H.S. Armstrong, ingawa alikuwa afisa asiyejulikana na wa cheo cha chini, alikuwa bado akifanya vitendo fulani wakati huo. Muda mfupi kabla ya Vita vya Kwanza vya Dunia, alikuwa Mshauri wa Kijeshi wa Uingereza mjini Istanbul, na wakati wa vita, alichukuliwa mfungwa pamoja na kikosi kizima cha mgawanyiko wa sita wa jeshi. Wakati wa kifungo chake, aliomba kukutana na Anwar Pasha. Ombi lake lilikuwa la kushangaza, kwa kuwa Anwar Pasha wakati huo alikuwa Waziri wa Vita na nchi nzima ilikuwa chini ya udhibiti wake. Kwa mfungwa wa Kiingereza kuomba kukutana naye lilikuwa jambo la ajabu. Hata hivyo Anwar alikutana naye, na mazungumzo marefu yalifanyika kati yao, ambayo yalimalizika kwa Anwar kuamuru awekwe kifungoni peke yake kama adhabu.

It appears also that there were other little renowned men from among the British who performed a host of direct actions inside the Turkish territories themselves. It seems that Captain H.S. Armstrong, although he was an unknown and low ranking officer, was nevertheless undertaking certain actions at the time. Just before the First World War, he was the British Military Attaché in Istanbul, and during the war, he was taken prisoner along with the whole of the sixth army division. During his imprisonment, he requested a meeting with Anwar Pasha. His request was astonishing, for Anwar Pasha was at the time the War Minister and the whole country was under his control. For a British prisoner to request a meeting with him was extraordinary. Nonethless Anwar met him and a long conversation took place between them, which ended with Anwar ordering that he should be placed in solitary confinement as a punishment.

Haijulikani kamwe sababu iliyomfanya Anwar akasirike dhidi ya mfungwa huyu; hata hivyo, inasemekana kwamba alijaribu kuanzisha vita vya kisaikolojia dhidi ya Anwar na kwamba alimtukana yeye au dola, hivyo kupelekea kuadhibiwa kwake. Hata hivyo, inaonekana kwamba mfungwa huyu alikuwa kwa kweli na mawasiliano na baadhi ya maafisa wa jeshi, kwani kabla ya kumalizika kwa vita alitoroka gerezani na kurudi kwa majeshi ya Uingereza. Haikujulikana kamwe ni nani aliyemsaidia kutoroka. Vita vilipomalizika tu, serikali ya Uingereza ilimpeleka tena Istanbul, na mamlaka za Uingereza zilizokalia nchi zilimkabidhi majukumu mengi rasmi. Alikaa huko kwa miaka kadhaa, wakati ambao alikuwa katika mawasiliano ya moja kwa moja na Waturuki kwa ujumla na na Mustafa Kemal hasa, na alishuhudia hatua zote zilizochukuliwa ili kuondoa Ukhalifa. Kwa hiyo, kuna uwezekano mkubwa kwamba alikuwa miongoni mwa wale waliomshirikiana Mustafa Kemal katika jitihada zake za kuiangamiza Khilafah.

It never became known what caused Anwar to become angry with this prisoner; however, it is said that he attempted to initiate a war of nerves against Anwar and that he insulted him or the state, thus leading to his punishment. However, it seems that this prisoner was in fact in contact with some of the army officers, for before the end of the war he escaped from prison and returned to the British forces. It never became known who helped him escape. No sooner had the war ended than the British government dispatched him back to Istanbul and the British occupying authorities delegated to him a host of official duties. He remained there for several years, during which time he was in direct contact with the Turks in general and with Mustafa Kemal in particular, and he witnessed all the moves undertaken to remove the Khilafah. Hence, it is very likely that he was from among those who colluded with Mustafa Kemal in his endeavour to destroy the Khilafah.

Hata hivyo, jukumu kuu lilipewa Harrington, kwa kuwa yeye ndiye Kamanda Mkuu na alikuwa na udhibiti kamili wa mambo yote. Inaonekana kwamba Mustafa Kemal alipokuwa akitekeleza nafasi yake, mawasiliano yake makuu yalikuwa na Harrington. Waingereza walimchukulia Harrington kuwa mamlaka ya juu kabisa nchini Uturuki, na zipo kumbukumbu nyingi za kiserikali zinazoonyesha wazi nafasi yake nchini Uturuki.

However, the principal role was assigned to Harrington, for he was the Commander in Chief and he was in total control of all affairs. It seems that when Mustafa Kemal was playing his role, his main contact was with Harrington. The British considered Harrington as the supreme authority in Turkey and there exists a host of official statements highlighting his role in Turkey.

Tarehe 25 Februari 1924, Luteni Kanali Dalemass alihutubia Baraza la Commons kwa kusema: Sifa ya Uingereza mashariki imechanganyikiwa. Kisha akaongeza: Uingereza isijiingilie katika suala la Waarmenia, na alitaja barua nyingi alizopokea kutoka kwa Waarmenia zikisema kwamba wanataka kuishi kwa amani pamoja na Waturuki.

On 25th February 1924, Lieutenant-Colonel Dalemass addressed the Commons by saying: “Britain’s reputation in the east is muddled.” He then added: “Britain should not interfere in the Armenian issue”, and referred to many letters reaching him from the Armenians stating that they wished to live with the Turks in peace.

Kwa jibu hilo, Charles Bate alisema: Hisia za Waturuki kwetu ni za urafiki sana, na shughuli zetu huko zinafanikiwa sana. Alikuwa akitegemea majibu yake juu ya taarifa zilizomfikia kutoka kwa Sir Charles Harrington, lakini hakufichua asili ya taarifa hizo. Tarehe 24 Machi 1940, siku mbili baada ya kifo cha Harrington, gazeti la Times liliandika makala ambamo lilitaja yafuatayo: Kufuatia kushindwa kwa Wagiriki na Waturuki mwaka 1921, Kamanda Mkuu wa vikosi vya washirika, Sir Harrington, alipewa mamlaka makubwa ya kushirikiana na Mustafa Kemal. Hata hivyo, asili ya ushirikiano huo haikutajwa. Gazeti hilo liliongeza: Mapenzi ya Harrington kwa siasa yalificha uthabiti wake na azma yake ya kutimiza malengo yake, na alistahili hilo. Kwa mamlaka hayo makubwa ya kushirikiana na Mustafa Kemal, hatua ya mwisho ya kumaliza suala hilo na kuzindua pigo la kufa kwa Khilafah ilikuwa imeanza. Baada ya kufanyika kwa mapatano ya kusitisha mapigano mwezi Julai 1922, kuondoka kwa Wagiriki, na baada ya kuondoka kwa Wafaransa na Waitaliano, nchi iliondokana na majeshi yote ya kigeni, isipokuwa jeshi la Uingereza. Kwa hiyo Harrington akawa mtendaji pekee, na nguvu ya Mustafa Kemal pamoja na ushawishi na umaarufu wake kote nchini ilifikia kilele. Wakati huo huo, serikali ya Istanbul ilikuwa serikali ya jina tu, isiyokuwa na sauti yoyote katika mambo yoyote, kwani mamlaka kamili yalikuwa mikononi mwa serikali ya Ankara, iwe ni mambo ya ndani kama vile utekelezaji wa sheria, kudhibiti vikosi vya jeshi na kusimamia mambo yote ya dola, au mambo ya nje kama vile mahusiano na nchi nyingine na utiaji saini wa mikataba.

Upon this Charles Bate replied: “The feeling of the Turks towards us is very friendly and our actions there are very successful.” He was basing his answers on the information that had reached him from Sir Charles Harrington, but he did not disclose the nature of this information. On 24th March 1940, two days after the death of Harrington, the Times newspaper wrote an article in which it mentioned the following: “In the wake of the Greeks’ defeat by the Turks in 1921, the allied forces Commander in Chief Sir Harrington was given wide powers to cooperate with Mustafa Kemal.” However, the nature of this cooperation was not mentioned. The paper added: “Harrington’s flirtation with politics concealed his resoluteness and determination to achieve his ambitions, and he was worthy of this.” With these wide powers to cooperate with Mustafa Kemal, the final phase to settle the issue and deal the Khilafah the fatal blow had started. After the holding of the truce in July 1922, the evacuation of the Greeks and after the evacuation of the French and the Italians, the country was rid of all the foreign garrisons, apart from the British garrison. Accordingly Harrington became the sole operator, and the force of Mustafa Kemal with his influence and popularity throughout the whole country had reached their peak. Meanwhile, the Istanbul government was a nominal government that had no say in matters whatsoever, for the full authority was in the hands of the Ankara government, whether pertaining domestic matters such as the execution of laws, controlling the armed forces and supervising all the state’s affairs, or pertaining foreign matters such as relations with other states and signing of treaties.

Wakati huo Sultani alikuwa katika jumba lake la kifalme akipata huzuni kubwa, bila kumpata mtu wa kumsikiliza. Waingereza walikuwa wakimwonyesha huruma na kumhurumia. Kwa hakika, walikuwa wakimpa fedha mara kwa mara, baada ya hazina kuwa tupu na yeye kuishiwa na fedha. Hivyo alikuwa akipokea fedha kutoka kwao kama zawadi, yaani kama sadaka kutoka kwao. Ilikuwa katika hali hii ya mambo nchini Uturuki, ndipo mataifa washirika Uingereza, Ufaransa na Italia yalipotuma mwaliko kwa serikali ya Ankara na mwaliko mwingine kwa serikali ya Sultani mjini Istanbul, ili kuhudhuria mkutano wa Lausanne kwa lengo la kutia saini mkataba wa amani. Hii ilikuwa tarehe 17 Oktoba 1922. Mwaliko huu wa serikali mbili nchini ulikutana na hasira kutoka Bunge la Kitaifa, na hivyo jaribio la moja kwa moja la kukomesha Ukhalifa lilikuwa limeanza, na mapambano juu yake nayo yakaanza.

The Sultan meanwhile was in his palace experiencing a great deal of anguish, without finding anyone to listen to him. The British used to display sympathy towards him and pity him. Indeed, they used to give him money from time to time, after the treasury became empty and he had run out of funds. So he used to receive money from them as a gift, i.e. as a charity from them. It was amidst this status quo in Turkey, that the allied states Britain, France and Italy sent an invitation to the Ankara government and another invitation to the Sultan’s government in Istanbul to attend the Lausanne conference in order to sign the peace treaty. This was on 17th October 1922. This invitation of the two governments in the country was met with anger by the National Assembly, thus the direct attempt at abolishing the Khilafah had started and the struggle over it had also started.

Bunge la Kitaifa, yaani bunge la Mustafa Kemal, lilikuwa halifurahishwi na michezo hii, yaani mwaliko wa serikali mbili za Kituruki kuhudhuria mkutano wa amani; Bunge la Kitaifa lilitaka kumaliza hali hii na kuiondoa nchi kutoka katika utawala wake wa pande mbili. Bunge la Kitaifa lilitaka kusawazisha hesabu, na baadhi ya wabunge walipendekeza serikali ya Istanbul ijiuzulu na kuundwa kwa serikali mpya iliyoongozwa na Mustafa Kemal maisha yake yote.

The National Assembly, i.e. the assembly of Mustafa Kemal - was unhappy about these games, that is the invitation of two Turkish governments to attend the peace conference; the National Assembly wanted to put an end to this situation and rid the country from its dual rule. The National Assembly wanted to settle the score, and some of the deputies suggested the resignation of the Istanbul government and the establishment of a new government headed by Mustafa Kemal for life.

Wakati Bunge la Taifa likijadili suala hili, Mustafa Kemal alikuwa Izmir, lakini alikuwa akifuatilia kwa karibu habari za mijadala inayoendelea.

Whilst the National Assembly was debating this issue Mustafa Kemal was in Izmir, but he was closely following the news of the current debates.

Bunge lilimtumia mara mbili kujadili naye suala la mkutano ujao wa amani, lakini yeye alijibu kwa kuomba radhi kwamba hataweza kuhudhuria, akidai kwamba majukumu yake ya kijeshi yanamzuia huko Izmir. Kufuatia hilo, Rauf pamoja na wanasiasa wengi walijiunga naye huko Izmir ili kupata maoni yake juu ya serikali mpya ya Uturuki inapaswa kuwaje, kwa maana haikuwezekana kuwa na serikali mbili: moja ikiwa ni serikali ya mpito yenye mamlaka yenye kituo chake Ankara, na nyingine ikiwa ni serikali rasmi ya jina tu katika mji mkuu, inayoongozwa na Sultani na baraza lake la mawaziri. Walimpendekezea Mustafa Kemal kuunganisha serikali hizo mbili kuwa serikali moja, huku Khalifa akiwa Sultani wa kikatiba na Mustafa Kemal akiwa Waziri Mkuu.

The Assembly contacted him twice to discuss with him the issue of the forthcoming peace conference, but he replied with apologies for not being able to attend claiming that his military duties are holding him in Izmir. Upon this Ra’uf and a host of politicians joined him in Izmir to seek his opinion on how the new government in Turkey should be, for it was inconceivable to have two governments, one being an interim government in authority with Ankara as its centre and the other an official nominal government in the capital, headed by the Sultan and his ministerial cabinet. They suggested to Mustafa Kemal the merger of the two governments into one single government, with the Khalifah becoming a constitutional Sultan and Mustafa Kemal becoming the Prime Minister.

Hata hivyo, yeye hakujibu pendekezo hili, nao wakaanza kushuku nia zake. Rauf aliendelea kumsukuma kwa mfululizo wa maswali, hatimaye Mustafa Kemal akaahidi kukutana naye huko Ankara.

He, however, did not reply to this proposal and they began to suspect his intentions. Ra’uf continued to press him with a series of questions and finally Mustafa Kemal promised to meet him in Ankara.

Kwa hiyo, Bunge la Kitaifa likakutana na wabunge wakajadili suala hilo. Wafuasi wa Mustafa Kemal walisema: Serikali ya mji mkuu ilifanya nini kuiokoa Uturuki? Uturuki ina serikali moja tu, nayo ni serikali ya Ankara, na wabunge wengi wanapendekeza serikali ya Istanbul ijiuzulu, Mustafa Kemal aunde serikali mpya, na Khalifa awe Sultani wa kikatiba. Katikati ya mjadala huo mkali na hali ya huzuni iliyolikumba Bunge, Mustafa Kemal alisimama kwenye jukwaa akaomba wabunge wamsikilize. Kisha alipendekeza kutenganishwa kwa Usultani na Ukhalifa, na hivyo kuufuta Usultani na kumwondoa Wahid-ud-Deen. Hapo hatari inayoukabili Ukhalifa ilidhihirika kwa kutisha, na kelele zikaongezeka kwa kasi. Hivyo, Mustafa Kemal, akisaidiwa na wafuasi wake wanane wa karibu, alidai kufanyika kura ya papo hapo; lakini Bunge likapeleka suala hilo kwenye kamati ya mambo ya nje ili lichunguzwe.

Consequently, the National Assembly convened and the deputies debated the issue. Mustafa Kemal’s supporters said: “What did the capital’s government do to salvage Turkey? Turkey has one single government, that is the government of Ankara, and the majority of the deputies suggest that the Istanbul government should resign and that Mustafa Kemal should form the new government, and that the Khaleefah should become a constitutional Sultan.” Amidst such heated debate and the gloomy atmosphere which engulfed the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal took to the podium and requested the deputies to pay attention to him. He then suggested the separation between the Sultanate and the Khilafah, thereby abolishing the Sultanate and removing Wahid-ud-Deen. At this point the danger facing the Khilafah became frightfully apparent and the uproar increased dramatically. Hence, Mustafa Kemal backed by eight of his personal followers demanded the holding of an immediate ballot; but the Assembly referred the matter to the foreign affairs committee in order to study it.

Siku iliyofuata, kamati ilikutana, ikiwa imeundwa na kundi la mawakili na maulamaa. Ilitumia saa nyingi ikichunguza suala la kutenganisha Usultani na Khilafah, na wajumbe wake walirejea kwenye matini kutoka Qur'ani na Sunnah ya Mtume ﷺ, pamoja na mamia ya mifano kutoka historia ya Makhalifa, katika Baghdad na Cairo. Matokeo yake, kamati kwa ujumla ilipinga pendekezo hilo, na ikalikataa kwa kauli moja.

On the following day, the committee gathered, being formed of a group of lawyers and scholars. It spent long hours studying the issue of separating the Sultanate from the Khilafah and its members referred to texts from the Qur’an and the Sunnah, in addition to hundreds of examples from the history of the Khulafa’, both in Baghdad and in Cairo. It followed that the committee as a whole was averse to the proposal and it unanimously rejected it.

Mustafa Kemal alikuwepo wakati huo; hivyo, aliposikia msimamo wao wa pamoja na kutambua kwamba uamuzi wa kamati ulikuwa ni kukataa kwa kauli moja pendekezo hilo, alisimama kwa hasira juu ya kiti, akiingilia mjadala wa wahudhuriaji, akapaza sauti: Enyi Waungwana! Sultani wa Dola ya Uthmaniyya ameichukua mamlaka kutoka kwa watu kwa nguvu, na ni kwa nguvu ndipo watu wamedhamiria kuyarejesha kutoka kwake. Usultani lazima utenganishwe na Ukhalifa na kufutwa. Hili litatokea iwe mtakubali au hamtakubali. Kilichobaki ni kwamba baadhi ya vichwa vyenu vitakatwa katika mchakato huo. Walipousikia haya, wajumbe wa kamati waliingiwa na hofu kuu na magoti yao yakatetemeka. Walichoweza kufanya ni kupeleka pendekezo hilo kwa Bunge la Taifa.

Mustafa Kemal was present at the time; so when heard of their general consensus and realised that the committee’s decision was a unanimous rejection of the proposal, he angrily leapt up onto a chair, interrupting the debate of the attendees and shouted: “Sirs! The Ottoman Sultan has usurped the authority from the people by force, and it is by force that the people are determined to regain it from him. The Sultanate must be separated from the Khilafah and abolished. This will happen whether you agree to it or not. All there is to it is that some of your heads will roll in the process.” Upon hearing this the committee members became panic stricken and their knees trembled. All they could do was to refer the proposal to the National Assembly.

Bunge la Taifa kisha likakutana ili kujadili pendekezo hilo. Wabunge wengi sana walitangaza kukataa kwao pendekezo hilo na kuonyesha chuki yao dhidi yake, hata dhidi ya Mustafa Kemal mwenyewe. Mustafa Kemal alihisi hali hiyo, na upigaji kura wa wazi kuhusu pendekezo hilo ulipokaribia kuanza, alitambua kwamba lingekataliwa bila shaka na kwamba wengi mno walilipinga. Hivyo alikusanya wafuasi wake binafsi kumzunguka ili kumlinda, akadai kwamba kura kuhusu pendekezo hilo ipigwe mara moja tu. Baadhi ya wabunge walikataa na kupendekeza kura ipigwe kwa kuwaita wabunge mmoja mmoja kwa majina. Lakini Mustafa Kemal alikataa hilo. Wafuasi wake walikuwa wamejihami waziwazi, na yeye alipiga kelele za vitisho huku wakiweka mikono yao juu ya bastola zao: "Nina hakika kwamba Bunge litaukubali pendekezo hili kwa makubaliano ya jumla, na itatosha kupiga kura kwa kuinua mikono tu." Kisha pendekezo likawasilishwa kupigiwa kura, na mikono michache tu ikainuliwa. Hata hivyo, spika alitangaza matokeo ya kura kama ifuatavyo: "Bunge limeidhinisha pendekezo hili kwa makubaliano ya jumla." Mara hiyo wabunge kadhaa waliruka juu ya viti vyao wakipinga na kupiga kelele: "Hii si kweli, hatukukubaliana na hili." Ndipo wafuasi wa Mustafa Kemal wakawajibu kwa kelele: "Keti chini! Nyamaza." Kisha vurugu zikazuka, kelele zikaongezeka, na kikao kikamalizika kwa fujo.

The National Assembly then convened to debate the proposal. The overwhelming majority declared their rejection of the proposal and expressed their resentment towards it and even towards Mustafa Kemal himself. Mustafa Kemal sensed this and when the procedures to organise an open ballot on the proposal were about to start, he realised that it was inevitably going to be rejected and that the overwhelming majority was against it. Hence, he gathered his private supporters around him to protect him and demanded that a vote on the proposal should be taken only once, but some deputies refused and suggested taking the vote by calling each one by name. However, Mustafa Kemal refused this. His supporters were clearly armed and he shouted threats while they rested their hands on their pistols: “I am sure that the Assembly would accept the proposal with a general consensus and it will be sufficient to take a vote just by raising hands. Upon this the proposal was put forward to be voted on and few hands were raised; however, the speaker announced the result of the ballot as follows: “The Assembly has endorsed the proposal by a general consensus.” Upon this a number of deputies jumped on to their seats protesting and shouting: “This is not true, we did not agree to this.” So the supporters of Mustafa Kemal shouted back: “Sit down! Shut up.” Then chaos broke out and the uproar intensified, and the session was noisily wound up.

Mwanzoni mwa Novemba 1922, Mustafa Kemal aliondoka kwenye jengo la Bunge la Kitaifa akiwa amezungukwa na wafuasi wake. Hii ilikuwa siku 14 baada ya mwaliko wa kuhudhuria mkutano wa Lausanne kuwasili.

In the beginning of November 1922, Mustafa Kemal left the building of the National Assembly surrounded by his supporters. This was 14 days after the invitation to attend the Lausanne conference had arrived.

Siku tano baada ya kufanya uamuzi huo, Rif'at Pasha alianzisha mapinduzi ya ghafla ya kijeshi mjini Istanbul, ambayo kwayo alichukua madaraka ya mji mkuu kwa msaada wa jeshi na nguvu za kijeshi. Hili lilitokea mbele kabisa ya Jenerali Harrington. Hivyo, alivunja serikali ya Sultani kwa nguvu. Sultani alijifanya hajui chochote kuhusu hali hii kwa siku kadhaa; kisha akamtumia Harrington ujumbe kupitia mkuu wa bendi ya muziki katika Ikulu ya Sultani. Ujumbe huo ulikuwa wa mdomo, na mtu mmoja alimfikishia Harrington kwa kusema: Sultani anatafuta ulinzi wa Kamanda wa Uingereza na serikali ya Uingereza, kwa kuwa Mfalme wake ana hakika kwamba maisha yake yapo hatarini. Siku mbili baadaye, tarehe 17 Novemba 1922, gari la wagonjwa la Uingereza lilifika kwenye Ikulu ya Sultani, na Wahid-ud-Deen akapanda ndani yake akifuatwa na mwanawe, towashi aliyebeba sanduku dogo, na mbeba mizigo aliyebeba mizigo yake.

Five days after taking this decision, Rif ’at Pasha staged a sudden military coup in Istanbul through which he seized the reins of power in the capital with the help of the army and the military power. This occurred right under the nose of General Harrington. Hence, he abolished the government of the Sultan by force. The Sultan pretended to know nothing about this situation for a few days; then he sent to Harrington a message with the maestro of the musical band at the Sultanic Palace. The message was verbal and a man conveyed it to Harrington by saying: “The Sultan is seeking the protection of the British Commander and the British government, for his majesty is certain that his life is in danger.” Two days later on 17th November 1922, a British ambulance came to the Sultan’s palace and Wahid-ud-Deen climbed on board followed by his son, a eunuch carrying a small suitcase and a porter carrying his baggage.

Gari lilimpeleka mahali alipopanda boti ya mvuke, ambayo nayo ilimpeleka kwenye meli ya kivita ya Uingereza iliyokuwa ikimsubiri bandarini. Meli hiyo ya kivita ilimpeleka hadi Malta.

The car took him to where he boarded a steam boat, which in turn took him to a British warship that was waiting in the port. The warship took him to Malta.

Baada ya kuondoka kwa Waḥīd-ud-Dīn, binamu yake Amīr Abdul-Majīd ibn Abdul-Azīz alichaguliwa kuwa Khalīfah wa Waislamu baada ya kuomba ridhaa ya Bunge Kuu la Taifa juu ya jambo hili. Kwa hiyo, watu wengi miongoni mwa wafuasi wa Khilāfah walimkimbilia kumwapia kumuunga mkono. Pia alitembelewa na Rauf Beik na Daktari Adnan Beik, pamoja na Ali Fuad na Kathim Qara Bakir, nao wakatangaza hadharani utii wao kwake ili kuifahamisha dunia kwamba bado walikuwa waaminifu kwa Khalīfah na kwamba Khilāfah bado ipo. Mustafa Kemal aliridhika kwa kutenganishwa kwa Usultani na Khilāfah, akashika hatamu za madaraka, na Khalīfah akabaki amevuliwa mamlaka yote. Kisha akaanza kujiandaa kwa mkutano wa amani.

In the wake of Wahid-ud-Deen’s departure, his cousin the Amir Abdul- Majid ibn Abdul-Aziz was appointed as Khaleefah of the Muslims after the consent of the Greater National Assembly on this matter had been sought. Hence, many men from among the supporters of the Khilafah rushed to him to pledge their support for him. He was also visited by Rauf Beik and Doctor Adnan Beik, as well as Ali Fuad and Kathim Qara Bakir and they openly declared their allegiance to him in order to let the world know that they were still loyal to the Khaleefah and that the Khilafah still existed. Mustafa Kemal was contented with the separation of the Sultanate from the Khilafah and he took over the reins of power, leaving the Khaleefah stripped of all authority. He then started to prepare for the peace conference.

Tarehe 20 Novemba 1922, mkutano wa Lausanne ulifunguliwa. Kwa niaba ya Dola ya Ottoman ulihudhuriwa na ujumbe wa serikali ya Ankara peke yake, ambao ulitenda kama mwakilishi wa Dola ya Ottoman iliyoshindwa katika Vita vya Dunia. Pia ulihudhuriwa na Curzon, Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje wa Uingereza, kama kiongozi wa ujumbe wa Uingereza, kwa kuwa serikali ya Lloyd George ilikuwa imejiuzulu tarehe 19 Oktoba 1922. Mkutano ulianza vikao vyake, na wakati wa mkutano huo, kiongozi wa ujumbe wa Uingereza Curzon, aliweka masharti manne kabla ya kutambua uhuru wa Uturuki. Masharti hayo yalikuwa: kukomeshwa kabisa kwa Khilafah, kumfukuza Khalifah nje ya mipaka, kuchukua mali zake, na kutangaza kwa nchi kuwa ni ya kidunia. Mafanikio ya mkutano yalitegemea kutekelezwa kwa masharti haya manne.

On 20th November 1922, the Lausanne conference was inaugurated. It was attended on behalf of the Ottoman State by a delegation of the Ankara government only, who acted as the representative of the Ottoman State that was defeated in the World War. It was also attended by Curzon the British Foreign Secretary, as head of the British delegation, for the government of Lloyd George had resigned on 19th October 1922. The conference started its sessions and during it, the head of the British delegation Curzon, stipulated four conditions prior to recognising the independence of Turkey. These conditions were: the total abolishment of the Khilafah, the expulsion of the Khalifah beyond the borders, the confiscation of his assets and declaration of the state’s secularisation. The success of the conference rested on the fulfilment of these four conditions.

Hata hivyo, ilifungwa tarehe 4 Februari 1923 bila kuzaa matokeo yoyote, na ikatangazwa kuwa imeshindwa.

However, it was wound up on 4th February 1923 without yielding any result and it was declared a failure.

Ismat alirudi Uturuki, na Mustafa Kemal alikimbilia kumlaki huko Eskisehir ambako alijifunza kutoka kwake mambo yote yaliyojadiliwa katika mkutano huo; kisha akarudi naye hadi Ankara.

Ismat returned to Turkey and Mustafa Kemal rushed to meet him in Eskisehir where he learnt from him all the matters which had been raised at the conference; then he returned with him to Ankara.

Walipofika kituo cha treni cha Ankara, wawili hao walishangazwa na kutokuwepo kwa Rauf, Waziri Mkuu, pamoja na manaibu wa jiji hilo, ambao hawakuja kuwapokea. Mustafa Kemal alikasirishwa na jambo hili, akamwita Rauf na kumtaka aeleze tabia yake. Rauf alijibu kwa kueleza pingamizi lake dhidi ya kutumwa kwa Ismet kwenda kwenye mkutano bila kushauriana na serikali, na dhidi ya Mustafa Kemal kukimbilia kukutana na Ismet huko Eskisehir pia bila kushauriana na serikali, akisisitiza kwamba hili lilikuwa kitendo kinyume cha katiba. Kisha aliufuatisha pingamizi lake kwa kuwasilisha barua ya kujiuzulu wadhifa wa Uwaziri Mkuu.