Hata hivyo, uasi uliendelea kwa kupanda na kushuka, na Waingereza walilazimika kumsaidia Mustafa Kemal kila alipokaribia kuanguka. Uasi huo ulifanikiwa mwanzoni, kwani maofisa vijana walijiunga na Mustafa Kemal na kutangaza utayari wao wa kumfuata. Baadhi ya maofisa wakuu nao walijiunga naye, lakini kwa sharti kwamba hatauharibu Khilafah. Mara maofisa walipojiunga, na hivyo kukusanya kikosi kikubwa, mara moja alitaka kuunda serikali. Kwa hiyo, alimwalika Rif'at Pasha kutoka Sivas. Rif'at Pasha alikuwa ameshawishiwa na mawazo ya Magharibi na alikuwa mpenda sana Wazungu. Mustafa Kemal pia alimwalika Ali Fuad, kamanda wa jeshi la mkoa wa Ankara, ambaye alikuwa mwanazuoni bora wa kijeshi na mmoja wa wanasiasa werevu zaidi.

Nevertheless, the rebellion continued with ebbs and flows, and the British were forced to come to Mustafa Kemal’s rescue whenever he was about to fall. The rebellion was at first successful, for the young officers joined Mustafa Kemal and declared their readiness to follow him. Some of the high ranking officers also joined him, but on condition that he would not undermine the Khilafah. Once the officers joined, thus gathering a considerable force, he immediately wanted to set up a government. Hence, he invited Rif ’at Pasha from Sivas. Rif ’at Pasha had been seduced by the Western thoughts and was a great admirer of the Europeans. Mustafa Kemal also invited Ali Fuad, the army commander of the Ankara region, who was a brilliant military academic and one of the shrewdest politicians.

Ali Fuad alikuwa pamoja na Rif'at Pasha, ambaye alikuwa amejiuzulu kutoka wizara ya majini.

Ali Fuad was also accompanied by Rif ’at Pasha who had resigned from the Naval ministry.

Mkutano kati ya maafisa ulifanyika, huku katibu akichukua jukumu la kuandika kumbukumbu za mkutano kwa ajili ya wajumbe. Mustafa Kemal alieleza mtazamo wake na kufafanua maoni yake. Kila mtu alikubaliana naye kwamba upinzani ulikuwa tumaini pekee. Kwa hiyo, walibuni mkakati wa kutekelezwa, ambao ulifupishwa kama kuongeza idadi na kupanga vikosi vya wanamgambo vinavyokabiliana na Izmir, ili kuzuia na kuvunja maendeleo ya vikosi vya Ugiriki. Kisha, wakijenga juu ya mapigano haya madogo, wangeunda upya jeshi la kawaida lenye nguvu na la umoja la taifa, juu ya magofu ya majeshi yaliyogawanyika.

A meeting between the officers was held with a secretary assuming the role of writing the minutes for the delegates. Mustafa Kemal expressed his viewpoint and explained his opinions. Everyone agreed with him that resistance was the only hope. Hence, they designed a strategy to be executed, which was summarised as multiplying and organising the militias facing Izmir, in order to hinder and thwart the advance of the Greek forces. Then building up from these skirmishes, they would restructure a strong and unified national regular army, on the ruins of the divided armies.

Ilikuwa pia ni lazima kubuni mkakati unaolenga kuongoza upinzani; hivyo wakakubaliana kwamba Fuad atachukua amri ya vikosi vya magharibi, Kathim Qura Bakir atachukua amri ya vikosi vya mashariki, na Mustafa Kemal ataamuru vikosi vya katikati.

It was also necessary to design a strategy aimed at leading the resistance; thus they agreed that Fuad would assume the command of the troops in the west, that Kathim Qura Bakir would assume the command of the troops in the east and Mustafa Kemal would command the troops in the centre.

Mustafa Kemal kisha akaendelea kusema: Serikali kuu na Sultani wako chini ya ushawishi wa maadui, kwa hiyo, tunapaswa kuanzisha hapa Anatolia serikali ya muda. Mara tu alipomaliza kusema hivi, kila mmoja alishtuka na kuonyesha hasira na chuki.

Mustafa Kemal then went on to say : “The central government and the Sultan are under the influence of the enemies, hence, we ought to establish a temporal government here in Anatolia.” No sooner had he finished saying this than everyone flinched and expressed anger and resentment.

Rauf alionyesha upinzani wake dhidi ya kuchukua hatua yoyote ambayo inaweza kumkasirisha Khalifa au serikali yake kuu. Wengine wote pia walimpinga Mustafa Kemal na kumwambia kwamba, mradi tu anaitumikia nchi na kujitolea kwa ajili ya nchi, na ingawa wanamwamini, sharti lao pekee lilikuwa kwamba ajizuie kuchukua hatua yoyote ambayo ingedhoofisha haki za Sultani au kuumiza hisia zake. Pia walisisitiza kwake kwamba Ukhalifa unapaswa kuwa juu ya kila kitu kingine, na kwamba Usultani haupaswi kupatwa na madhara yoyote.

Ra’uf expressed his opposition to the undertaking of any measure that could upset the Khaleefah or his central government. All the others also opposed Mustafa Kemal and said to him as long as he was serving the country and sacrificing in the way of the country, and that although they had trust in him, their only condition was that he refrained from undertaking any action that would undermine the Sultan’s rights or impair his feelings. They also stressed to him that the Khilafah should be above everything else and that the Sultanate should not come to any harm.

Mbele ya makubaliano haya na msisitizo huu, Mustafa Kemal alilazimika kurudi nyuma na kukubali maoni ya watu. Kwa hiyo alitangaza kwamba Ukhalifa hautadhurika, na akawapa dhamana zote walizozitaka. Kisha harakati za uasi zikaanza.

In the face of this consensus and this persistence Mustafa Kemal was forced to back down and agree to the people’s opinion. Hence he declared that the Khilafah would not come to any harm and he gave them all the guarantees they wanted. Then the rebellious activity started.

Hata hivyo, kwa kuwa uasi huo kwa wengi waliojiunga na Mustafa Kemal ulikuwa uasi dhidi ya wavamizi wa Kiallied, na dhidi ya Sultani ulikuwa wa jina tu, na kwa kweli, kwa Mustafa Kemal na kundi dogo la wafuasi wake, ulikuwa uasi dhidi ya Sultani, Mustafa Kemal alilazimika kuficha nia zake na akatoa uhakikisho kwamba hatadhuru Khilafah. Kwa hiyo, mapigano na Waallied yalikuwa hayaepukiki.

However, since the rebellion was to the majority of those who joined Mustafa Kemal a rebellion against the allied occupiers, and only nominally against the Sultan, and since it was in reality for Mustafa Kemal and a fistful of his supporters a rebellion against the Sultan, Mustafa Kemal was forced to conceal his intentions and gave his assurances that he would not harm the Khilafah. Therefore, clashes with the allies were inevitable.

Katika hatua hii yalitokea matukio mawili ya ajabu:

At this juncture two strange incidents took place :

Waingereza walitangaza kwamba wameazimia kuimarisha Samsun kwa kikosi chenye nguvu zaidi ili kuwazuia waasi kuifikia kwa njia ya bahari na kuiteka Sivas. Mustafa Kemal alimwamuru Rif'at kuilinda Samsun kwa gharama yoyote. Alimwagiza asimame kidete dhidi ya Waingereza na kuwazuia wasishushe askari wao ufukoni. Kwa hiyo, Rif'at alitii na kuelekea bandari ya bahari akiambatana na wanaume mia moja Waislamu. Kanali mmoja wa Kiingereza alikuwa amefika bandarini akiwa na kikosi kidogo. Hata hivyo, Rif'at na askari wake waliingia mjini na kukutana na kikosi hicho, lakini hakuna mapigano yaliyotokea baina yao. Kisha kanali wa Kiingereza na waliokuwa naye walirudi kwenye meli ya Kiingereza iliyokuwa imetia nanga bandarini na kuondoka. Kisha ikatangazwa kwa kila mtu kwamba kikosi cha Waingereza kiliogopa, na kwamba kamanda wake alitambua kwamba kupinga hakuna matumaini, hivyo akarudi nyuma; basi wakatangaza kwamba Samsun iliokolewa kutoka kwenye ukaliaji wa Waingereza, na kwamba Sivas ilibaki mikononi mwa wenyeji.

The British declared that they were determined to fortify Samsun with a stronger garrison to prevent the rebels from reaching it by sea and seizing Sevas. Mustafa Kemal ordered Rif ’at to defend Samsun at any cost. He ordered him to stand up to the British and prevent them from disembarking their troops. Hence, Rif ’at obeyed and headed towards the seaport accompanied by a hundred Muslim men. A British colonel had reached the seaport with a small force. However, Rif ’at and his troops entered the city and encountered this force but no fighting took place between them. Then the British colonel and those with him returned to the British ship that was anchored in the port and left. Then it was declared to everyone that the British force had become scared and that its commander realised that it was hopeless to resist so he retreated; thus they declared that Samsun was salvaged from the British occupation and that Sivas remained in the hands of the local people.

Tukio la pili lilitokea pamoja na Wagiriki. Waingereza walikuwa wakiwaandaa Wagiriki kushiriki katika mapambano mengi dhidi ya Waturuki, jambo ambalo lingeweza kuamsha ari ya wenyeji. Waingereza hawakutaka kuona damu ya Waingereza ikimwagika kwa madhumuni haya, kwa kuwa kulikuwepo damu nyingine ambayo ingeweza kumwagika ili kufikia malengo yao; hivyo Wagiriki walichaguliwa kuwa wa kubebeshwa lawama katika mapigano haya. Maelezo ya tukio hili yalikuwa kama ifuatavyo: Wagiriki hawakuwa tayari kubaki Izmir tu, na gavana wa Izmir alivunja maagizo aliyopewa ya kubaki Izmir; hivyo Wagiriki wakahamia kuteka maeneo ya jirani. Kamanda wa Kigiriki aliyeongoza jeshi lake alielekea wilaya ya Aideen, na jeshi lilipoanza kusonga, mvua ya risasi iliwanyeshea mara kwa mara.

The second incident occurred with the Greeks. The British were preparing the Greeks to engage the Turks in a host of skirmishes, which could evoke the fervour of the locals. The British were reluctant to allow British blood to be shed for this purpose since there was another blood that could be shed in order to achieve it’s aims; thus the Greeks were chosen as the scapegoats in these battles. The elaboration of this event was as follows : The Greeks would not settle for staying in Izmir and the governor of Izmir violated the instructions given to him to remain in Izmir; thus the Greeks moved to seize the neighbouring areas. The Greek commander heading his troops, marched towards the district of Aideen, and as soon as the army moved, a hail of bullets rained down on them repeatedly.

Kwa hiyo, wanajeshi wa Kigiriki walishtuka na kuogopa sana, wakapoteza utulivu wao. Walianza kuwafyatulia risasi raia, na Waturuki wakajibu kwa namna hiyo hiyo. Kutokana na mapigano haya ya kiholela, Wagiriki walishindwa, na Waturuki wakawalazimisha kuondoka na kuchoma moto wilaya ya Kigiriki. Jeshi la Kigiriki lilirudi mara tu idadi yao ilipoongezeka na maandalizi yao ya kijeshi yalipoongezeka, nao wakaukalia mji tena na kuchoma moto wilaya ya Kituruki. Kisha wakaanza kuwaua raia kikatili ili kupunguza idadi ya Waturuki na kuwa wengi katika Izmir. Matokeo yake, kila Mturuki aliyeweza kupigana alichukua silaha, akaelekea milimani na kuanza kupigana dhidi ya wavamizi.

Accordingly, the Greek troops were shocked and panic stricken, and they lost their composure. They opened fire on the civilians, and the Turks replied in kind. As a result of this random fighting, the Greeks were vanquished and the Turks forced them away and set fire to the Greek district. The Greek army came back once their numbers had risen and once their military preparations had increased, and they in turn occupied the city and set fire to the Turkish district. Then they started savagely killing the civilians in order to reduce the number of Turks in order to become the majority in Izmir. As a result, every Turk who was able to fight took up arms, headed for the hills and started fighting the invaders.

Tarehe 23 Julai 1919, watu kadhaa walikusanyika katika jengo dogo linalofanana na shule ya kijijini, katika wilaya ya mbali ya Mesopotamia. Wajumbe hao walikuwa manaibu wa majimbo ya mashariki. Walikuwa wa mchanganyiko wa ajabu.

On 23rd July 1919, several men gathered in a tiny building similar to a village school, in a remote district of Mesapotamia. Those delegates were the deputies of the eastern provinces. They were of a strange mixture.

Miongoni mwao walikuwepo manaibu wa zamani, Masheikh, maafisa waandamizi wa serikali, viongozi wa makabila ya Kikurdi na maafisa wa kijeshi. Mkutano ulifunguliwa kwa jina la Ummah, na ajenda yake ya kwanza ilikuwa suala la kumchagua mwenyekiti wa mkutano. Mjumbe mmoja alisimama na kusema: Je, wajumbe wenye heshima wanaweza kutoa maoni yao kuhusu kama Mustafa Kemal anafaa kuwa mwenyekiti wa mkutano huu, ilhali anajua kwamba katika maisha yake hajawahi kuwa mbunge wa mkoa wowote wa mashariki? Mjumbe huyo alikatizwa ghafla, na Mustafa Kemal akachaguliwa kwa kura nyingi sana kuwa mwenyekiti wa mkutano. Mkutano ulidumu siku kumi na nne, na majadiliano yaliendeshwa kwa namna isiyo na mpangilio na yenye hasira. Maazimio mengi yalipitishwa, kisha mkutano ukafungwa.

Among them were former deputies, Sheikhs, senior civil servants, Kurdish tribal leaders and officers. The conference opened in the name of the Ummah, and the first item in the agenda was the issue of chairing the conference. One of the delegates stood up and said : “Could the honourable delegates give their opinion on whether Mustafa Kemal would be suitable to chair this meeting?” knowing that he had never in his life been a deputy over any of the eastern provinces. The deputy was abruptly interrupted and Mustafa Kemal was voted with an overwhelming majority as chairman of the conference. The conference lasted fourteen days and the discussions were conducted in a disorderly and agitated manner. A host of resolutions were adopted then the conference was wound up.

Baadhi ya maazimio yalikuwa kama ifuatavyo:

Some of the resolutions were as follows :

Ummah ni umoja usioweza kugawanywa wala kuvunjwa, na mikoa yote ya mashariki imeazimia kupinga aina yoyote ya uvamizi na kusimama kidete dhidi ya uingiliaji wa kigeni. Ikiwa serikali ya Istanbul ilikataa kuungana na wananchi na kuwalinda dhidi ya uvamizi wa kigeni, hakutakuwa na njia nyingine isipokuwa kuitisha serikali nyingine ya mpito itakayobeba jukumu la kuendesha mambo ya nchi, kwa kuwa hali imefikia hatua hii ya hatari. Wajumbe pia walitangaza bila shaka yoyote kwamba bado wana uaminifu kwa Khalifah Wahid-ud-Deen, na kwamba kiapo chake (Bayaa) bado kiko shingoni mwao. Pia iliamuliwa kuanzishwa kwa chombo kilichoitwa Kamati Tendaji ya Bunge, ambacho kazi yake ilikuwa kutekeleza maazimio yaliyopitishwa na mkutano huo. Mustafa Kemal alichaguliwa kuwa Mwenyekiti wa kamati hii, na maazimio yalitangazwa mara moja kwa Ummah, na nakala zake zikatumwa katika nchi za Ulaya. Kisha iliamuliwa kufanyika kwa mkutano wa Sivas.

Walipojua kuhusu jeshi hili, Waingereza walimzuia Sultani, kwa niaba ya washirika, kuliunda jeshi hilo, wakisema kwamba mojawapo ya vifungu katika masharti ya kusitisha mapigano lilitaka kuvunjwa kwa vikosi hivyo, na kutokuundwa upya kwake. Sultani alijaribu kujipa uhuru wa kuponda uasi huo, lakini washirika walimzuia kabisa kufanya hivyo. Wakisemwa washirika, katika muktadha huu inamaanisha Waingereza, kwani ndio waliotawala nchi, na ni Kamishna Mkuu wa Uingereza pamoja na ofisi yake, pamoja na Harrington, Kamanda Mkuu wa vikosi vya washirika, ndio waliokuwa wakitenda kwa niaba ya washirika.

When the British learnt of this army, they prevented the Sultan, on behalf of the allies, from forming the army, arguing that one of the clauses in the terms of the truce stipulated the disbandment of the troops, and their non-reformation. The Sultan attempted to give himself a free hand in crushing the rebellion but the allies categorically prevented him from doing so. When it is said the allies, it is meant in this context the British, for they dominated the country and it was the British High Commissioner and his office, together with Harrington, the Commander in Chief of the allied forces, who used to act on behalf of the allies.

Sultani alipogundua kwamba washirika walikuwa wamekataa kabisa kumruhusu kutuma kikosi cha kazi kuzima ghasia hizo, aliwauliza maoni yao kuhusu nani angeweza kumaliza ghasia hizo. Alisisitiza sana ombi lake, hadi walipomjibu kwa kusema kwamba wanachukua msimamo wa kutoegemea upande wowote na kwamba haikuwa ndani ya uwezo wao kuingilia mambo ya ndani ya Uturuki. Walimwambia kwamba yeye peke yake ndiye mwenye jukumu la kudumisha sheria na utulivu ikiwa alitaka kutawala nchi hiyo.

When the Sultan realised that the allies were adamant in their refusal to allow him to send a task force to quell the disturbances, he requested their opinion as to who would be able to put an end to the disturbances. He strongly persisted in his request, until they answered him by saying that they were taking a neutral stand and that it was beyond their competence to interfere in Turkey’s domestic affairs. They told him that he alone was responsible for maintaining law and order if he wanted to rule over the country.

Damad Farid Pasha alihisi kuwa Waingereza walimwangusha, na Sultani akalazimika kutumia njia zake mwenyewe. Kwa hiyo alipanga njama ya kumkamata Mustafa Kemal alipokuwa njiani kwenda Sivas kutoka Ardh-Rum. Hata hivyo, njama hiyo ilishindwa kwa sababu Mustafa Kemal alipata taarifa za njama hiyo, akachukua tahadhari na kubadilisha muda wa safari yake. Askari walikusanyika ili wamkamate, lakini hawakumpata mahali walipopangiwa, kwani alikuwa tayari amefika Sivas kabla ya wakati huo.

Damad Farid Pasha felt let down by the British and the Sultan resorted to using his own means, so he plotted to have Mustafa Kemal arrested while on his way to Sivas from “Ardh-Rum”, but the plot failed because Mustafa Kemal was informed of the plot and managed to take precautions and change the time of his journey. The soldiers gathered to arrest him but failed to find him in the place designated to them, for he had reached Sivas before then.

Baadaye Sultani alimwomba Ghalib Beik, mmoja wa wafuasi wakuu wa Sultani, aongoze baadhi ya makabila ya Kikurdi na kuivamia mji wa Sivas, na kuwakamata wajumbe wote wa mkutano. Hata hivyo, alishindwa. Wajumbe wa mkutano walikuwa wamefika Sivas kutoka kila sehemu ya Anatolia, na mkutano ulifanyika tarehe 4 Agosti 1919, ukiongozwa na Mustafa Kemal. Hata hivyo, uenyekiti wake ulipingwa. Muda mfupi kabla ya mkutano kuanza, Rauf Beik, mmoja wa marafiki wa karibu wa Mustafa Kemal, alimwendea na kusema: "Tumeupitia uenyekiti wa mkutano na tumekubaliana kwamba usiukubali kwa vyovyote vile." Mkutano ulipoitishwa chini ya uenyekiti wa Mustafa Kemal, baadhi ya wajumbe walisimama na kupinga vitendo vyake vya kimabavu, kwani alijiteua mwenyewe kuwa mwenyekiti wa mkutano bila kura. Kufuatia hilo, Mustafa Kemal alisimama kujitetea. Kwa kunukuu alichosema: "Leo hatupo katika mikutano inayotuwezesha kupigana na kubishana wenyewe kwa wenyewe, vinginevyo nyota ya Dola itafifia na ushawishi wake utafutika bila shaka." Hotuba hii ya kihisia ilileta athari, na wafuasi wake wakasimama kumpigia makofi na kumshangilia; kisha kila mtu akanyamaza kuhusu uenyekiti wake. Kura ilipopigwa, ilitangazwa kwamba Mustafa Kemal alikuwa amepata wingi wa kura.

Thereupon the Sultan asked Ghalib Beik, who was one of the Sultan’s greatest supporters, to head some of the Kurdish tribes and invade the city of Sivas, and arrest all the members of the conference. However he failed. The members of the conference had arrived to Sivas from all over Anatolia and the conference was held on 4th August 1919 and was chaired by Mustafa Kemal. However, his chairmanship was subject to objection. Shortly before the conference began, Ra’uf Beik, who was one of Mustafa Kemal’s closest friends, came to him and said : “We have looked into the chairmanship of the conference and consented that you should not accept it no matter what.” When the conference was convened under Mustafa Kemal’s chairmanship, some stood up and objected to his autocratic actions, for he had appointed himself chairman of the conference without a ballot. Upon this Mustafa Kemal stood up to defend himself. To quote from what he said : “We are not today in conferences which allow us to fight and dispute with each other, otherwise the star of the Empire would eclipse and her influence would be inevitably obliterated.” This emotional talk had its effect and his supporters stood to applaud and cheer him; then everyone kept quiet over his chairmanship. When the vote was taken, it was announced that Mustafa Kemal had gained a majority.

Mara tu Mustafa Kemal alipochaguliwa kuwa mwenyekiti, alisimama mara moja kutoa hotuba. Alianza kwa kueleza waziwazi uaminifu wake kwa Sultani. Kisha vikao vya mkutano vilianza na kuendelea kwa siku kadhaa katika mazingira ya kelele, mijadala mikali na minong'ono mingi. Baadaye pingamizi kadhaa ziliibuka, na mmoja wa wajumbe alisimama kusema: Kamati Tendaji ya mkutano haikuwa na haki ya kudai kwamba ndiyo serikali; na je, wangefanya nini kama Wazungu wangeingilia mambo ya Anatolia na kuikalia yote? Wangepata wapi fedha za kulipa gharama za majeshi na mishahara ya wafanyakazi? Mjumbe mwingine alisimama na kusema: Marekani haina tamaa za kikoloni, ndiyo dola pekee inayoweza kuiokoa Uturuki kutoka katika mkwamo mbaya uliouangukia. Njia pekee ambayo Uturuki ingeweza kufuata, ikiwa ina nia ya dhati ya kuepuka kuporomoka na kutoweka, ni kujitupa katika kukumbatiwa na Amerika. Kisha Rauf Beik, Bakr Sami Beik, Kathim Qura Bakir, Rif'at, Ali Fuad na Pasha watatu walisimama na kuonyesha kuunga mkono maoni hayo, wakiyatetea kwa moyo wote. Mjumbe mwingine alisimama na kusema: Mamlaka ya Marekani (mandate) haiui uhuru. Kwa kupitia hilo tunaweza kujiondoa kutoka katika ulinzi wa Kiingereza; ulinzi huu wa Kiingereza utaigeuza Uturuki kuwa koloni la kudhalilishwa na kuishusha hadhi yake hadi kiwango cha utumwa. Mkutano uliendelea katika mwelekeo huo, ukiharibu juhudi zote za Mustafa Kemal. Baada ya mijadala yote hii, mkutano ulipitisha maazimio mengi ambayo hayakutofautiana na yale yaliyopitishwa huko Ardh-Rum. Hata hivyo, mkutano ulimalizika huku wajumbe wakiwa wamekasirishwa na Mustafa Kemal. Kathim Qura Bakir Pasha, ambaye alikuwa kamanda pekee wa jeshi aliyebaki na hadhi yake na ambaye hakukabidhi vifaa vyake kwa washirika wala kujisalimisha kwao, alimwendea Mustafa Kemal na kumwambia: Jukumu la kuwasiliana kwa niaba yako limezua ukosoaji, Pasha wangu. Waweza kufikiria, Mheshimiwa, matokeo ya kitendo kama hicho na ya kukanyaga njia ngumu kama hii. Kwa hiyo, tafadhali, Kamati na isemee yenyewe kuanzia sasa. Kwa sababu hiyo, Mustafa Kemal alikasirika sana alipotoka kwenye mkutano.

Kwa upande mmoja huu ulikuwa hivyo; kwa upande mwingine, habari za mkutano wa Sivas zilifika Istanbul katika mwanga tofauti, kana kwamba ulikuwa ushindi kwa Mustafa Kemal. Hili liliungwa mkono naususiaji wa mkutano huo na serikali ya Istanbul. Ingawaususiaji huu ulisababishwa na yale ambayo Waziri Mkuu alikuwa ameyafanya, alipozuia mawasiliano ya moja kwa moja kati ya mkutano na ikulu, na pia wakati Ghalib Beik alipoongoza makabila ya Kikurdi kuwakamata wajumbe,ususiaji huo wenyewe pamoja na mafanikio ya kufanyika kwa mkutano vilionyesha matukio katika mwanga tofauti.

This was on the one hand; on the other hand, news of the Sivas conference reached Istanbul in a different light, as if it were a victory to Mustafa Kemal. This was backed by the conference’s boycott of the Istanbul government. Although this boycott was triggered by what the Prime Minister had perpetrated, when he prevented direct contact between the conference and the palace, and also when Ghalib Beik headed the Kurdish tribes to arrest the delegates, this boycott in itself and the success in holding the conference had portrayed events in a different light.

Zaidi ya hayo, washirika, yaani Waingereza, walipendekeza kwa maafisa wa Istanbul kufikia makubaliano na Mustafa Kemal. Katika mazingira haya, mmoja wa marafiki wa karibu wa Mustafa Kemal, tangu siku zake za Salonika, ambaye jina lake lilikuwa Abdul-Karim, alijitokeza na kumpendekezea Khalifa kuwa msuluhishi kati yake na Mustafa Kemal. Alimwambia kwamba Mustafa Kemal daima alikuwa mwaminifu kwa Khilafah na kwa Khalifa, na kwake yeye binafsi. Pia alimwambia kwamba yuko tayari kumshawishi aafikiane. Katika hali hii ya kutafakari, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen alikubali Mustafa Kemal awasilishe madai yake ili kumaliza uasi kabisa. Baada ya hapo, Abdul-Karim alipiga simu Sivas na kuzungumza na Mustafa Kemal, ambaye alikubali kumaliza uasi na kudai kufukuzwa kwa serikali ya Damad Farid Pasha na kuundwa kwa bunge jipya la kuchukua nafasi ya bunge ambalo Sultan alikuwa amelivunja. Kwa hiyo, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen alikubali hilo.

Furthermore, the allies, namely the British recommended to the officials in Istanbul to come to terms with Mustafa Kemal, and amidst this atmosphere, one of Mustafa Kemal’s closest friends, from the days of Salonika, and whose name was Abdul-Karim, came forward and proposed to the Khaleefah to act as a mediator between him and Mustafa Kemal. He told him that Mustafa Kemal had always been loyal to the Khilafah and to the Khaleefah, and to him personally. He also told him that he was ready to persuade him to come to terms. In the light of this reflective mood, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed with Mustafa Kemal propounding his demands to end the rebellion for good. Upon this Abdul-Karim telephoned Sivas and spoke to Mustafa Kemal, who agreed to end the rebellion and demanded the dismissal of Damad Farid Pasha’s government and the forming of a new parliament to replace the parliament that the Sultan had dissolved. Accordingly, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed to this.

Kwa hiyo, Mustafa Kemal alijitokeza kuwa mshindi, kwa sababu alifanikiwa kuwakusanya watu karibu naye kwa msingi wa wazo ambalo kila mmoja aliliamini, nalo ni kuwafukuza Washirika kutoka nchini na kuikomboa kutoka katika ndoto mbaya ya kukaliwa kwao. Alifanikiwa kuamsha ndani yao uwezekano wa kupigana na ukaliaji kwa mabavu na kuchukua hatua dhidi yake. Hivyo, akawa kitovu cha matumaini ya umma na pia cha kupendwa na maafisa wa jeshi, ingawa wote walikuwa na shaka kuhusu nia zake kwa Khalifa, na waliziona nia hizo kuwa kinyume na heshima yao takatifu, kwa sababu cheo cha Khalifa kwao kilikuwa kitu kitakatifu.

Therefore, Mustafa Kemal emerged as the winner, because he succeeded in gathering people around him on the basis of an idea that everyone was convinced of, that is the expulsion of the Allies from the country and her liberation from the nightmare of their occupation. He managed to evoke in them the possibility of fighting occupation and of undertaking actions against it. Hence, he became the object of the masses’ hope and the army officers’ admiration, although they all harboured doubt about his intentions towards the Khaleefah, and they considered these intentions to be against their sanctification, because the post of the Khaleefah was to them a sanctity.

Kwa hiyo, matumaini ya watu yalikuwa ni Mustafa Kemal kufikia makubaliano na Khalifa, ili cheo kitakatifu cha Khalifa kibaki salama na ili waweze kufanikisha kuwafukuza maadui waliovamia. Hili lilikuwa hasa baada ya kuhisi, kupitia kuzuiwa kwa Waingereza wasiikalie Samsun na kupigana kwa Wagiriki, kwamba kuna uwezekano wa kupinga wavamizi. Hivyo walishikamana na matumaini hayo ambayo waliamini Mustafa Kemal ndiye shujaa wake, nao hawakuweza kuona katika Khalifa uwezekano huo.

Hence, people’s hope was for Mustafa Kemal to come to terms with the Khaleefah, so that the sanctified post of the Khaleefah remained intact and so that they could achieve the expulsion of the occupying enemies. This was especially so after sensing through the preventing of the British from occupying Samsun and the fighting of the Greeks, the possibility of resisting the occupiers. Thus they clung to that hope for which they deemed Mustafa Kemal to be its hero, and they could not see in the Khaleefah this possibility.

Kwa hiyo, macho yote yalielekezwa kwa Mustafa Kemal. Watu wengi hawakuweza kutambua utata wa shughuli za kisiasa na upeo wake, na ilikuwa vigumu kwa mtu wa kawaida kuzielewa, na pia ilikuwa vigumu kwa maafisa wa jeshi ikiwa hawakushiriki katika shughuli za kisiasa. Kwa sababu hiyo, walishindwa kuona michezo hii ya Waingereza. Pia hawakuwa wanafahamu mahusiano ya kimataifa, kwa hiyo hawakuweza kutambua jinsi Waingereza walivyong'ang'ania kuwanyima washirika wao nyara, hata kama hilo lingemaanisha kuwapa au kuziacha mikononi mwa taifa lililoshindwa, ili mizani ya nguvu za kimataifa ibaki kwa manufaa ya Uingereza na ili waendelee kuwa mamlaka kuu. Hawakujua pia kwamba kukaliwa kwa sehemu yoyote ya pwani ya Uturuki na Italia au Ufaransa kungedhoofisha ushawishi wa Uingereza mashariki na majeshi yake katika Bahari ya Mediterania. Hivyo, hawakuwaruhusu kuchukua chochote. Watu pia hawakuweza kutambua kwamba Uingereza haikuwaondoa Waitalia na Wafaransa kwa nguvu zake yenyewe, wala kwa vitendo vya wazi, bali kwa kuwachochea wengine na kupitia hila na udanganyifu.