1. 早期的伊斯兰教法（Fiqh）著作通常混合了法律裁定、圣训、圣门弟子以及圣门弟子的弟子的见解。伊玛目马利克的《穆宛塔》（Al-Muwatta’）就是这一阶段的典型范例。

1. The early books of Fiqh were usually a mixture of legal rulings, Hadeeths, opinions of the Sahaabah and of students of the Sahaabah. Al-Muwatta’ of Imaam Maalik is a classical example of this stage.

2. 一些伊斯兰教法（Fiqh）著作是围绕伊斯兰教法的基本原则撰写的，书中提及圣训仅用来证明作者推论的正确性。阿布·优素福伊玛目的《土地税书》（Kitaab al-Kharaaj）116和沙斐仪伊玛目的《乌姆》（al-Umm）都是这一类著作的好例子。

2. Some books of Fiqh were written about the basic principles of Fiqh, Hadeeths being mentioned only in order to prove the correctness of the authors’ deductions. Kitaab al-Kharaaj by Imaam Abu Yoosuf116 and al-umm by Imaam ash-Shaafi’ee are both good examples of this type of writing.

3. 其他以应用伐格哈原则为主、却很少引用圣训的伐格哈书籍。这些书籍按照所讨论的问题分章编排。伊玛目穆罕默德·本·哈桑的六部著作117

3. Other books of Fiqh concentrated of the application of Fiqh principles with but little reference to Hadeeths. These books were arranged in chapters according to the issues under discussion. The six books of Imaam Muhammad ibn al-Hasan117

以及伊玛目伊本·卡西姆（Ibn al-Qaasim）118的《穆达ವ瓦奈》（al-Mudawwanah）便是这一类著述的例子。

and al-Mudawwanah by Imaam Ibn al-Qaasim118 are examples of this type of writing.

最初,在汇集各项教法裁决所依据的证据时,会同时列出圣训的原文及其传述链。后来,学者们对传述链的关注逐渐减少,只是引用相应圣训的原文,并注明该圣训见于哪些圣训典籍。

At first, the compilation of proofs for each legal ruling on various issues included the texts of Hadeeths along with their chains of narrators. Gradually concern for the chains of narration decreased, and scholars merely quoted the text of the appropriate Hadeeth along with a reference to the books of Hadeeth in which it could be found.

随着对圣训重要性的淡化，或对其出处及真实等级不加说明，各学派（Madh-hab）的立场便成为最重要的考量。于是，各学派的见解逐渐被置于伊斯兰教法主要来源之一——逊奈（Sunnah）——之上。这些发展正是后来成为各学派显著特征的那种僵化的开端。

With the de-emphasizing of the importance of Hadeeth, or by neglecting to mention their sources and their levels of authenticity, the stand of the Madh-habs became the most important consideration. Thus, the opinions of the Madh-habs were gradually given precedence over one of the primary sources of Islamic law, namely the Sunnah. In these developments lay the beginnings of that rigidity which later became the hallmark of the Madh-habs.

然而，在这一时期的后期，一些著名学者在一定程度上扭转了这一趋势，重新引入了引用出处并评论圣训真伪的做法。

However, later in this period, some prominent scholars reversed this trend, somewhat, by reintroducing the practice of quoting the sources and commenting on the accuracy of the Hadeeths.

在这一时期，宫廷中也举行过辩论会，目的是供哈里发和王室成员取乐、消遣。一些学者与魔术师、歌手、舞者和小丑一样，已成为宫廷中的常设人物。他们为了争取哈里发的恩宠而相互竞争，并且专为辩论而杜撰问题。结果，假设性的教法学（Fiqh）从圣门弟子和早期学者时代的崇高源头，演变成了宫廷辩论的荒唐产物，发生了新的变化。

There were also court debates during this period which were held for the interest and amusement of the caliphs and members of the royal court. Some scholars like magicians, singers, dancers and jesters, had become a permanent fixture of the royal court.119 They competed among themselves for the favors of the caliphs, and they invented issues solely for the purpose of debate. As a result, hypothetical Fiqh took on new dimensions as it evolved from sublime origins in the era of the Sahaabah and the early scholars, to the ridiculous product of court debates.

宫廷辩论也滋生了好胜与教条主义。辩论的失败者不仅会失去哈里发给予的金钱奖赏，也会失去个人声望。此外，由于个人声望的丧失也意味着其所属学派（Madh-hab）声望的丧失，捍卫自己学派的原则——无论对错——逐渐被视为一种美德。结果，学派宗派主义在宫廷学者中变得盛行起来。

Court debates also spawned competitiveness and dogmatism, since the loser of a debate not only lost monetary reward from the caliph but also personal prestige. Furthermore, because loss of personal prestige also entailed loss of prestige on the part of one’s Madh-hab, the principle of defending one’s Madh-hab, right or wrong, came to be considered virtue. As a result, Madh-hab sectarianism became rampant among the court scholars.

然而,在圣训的整理与考证专家中,出现了一种相反的倾向:他们处理教法问题时,不依赖前辈学者的传统裁定,而是以可靠的圣训为依据(凡有可靠圣训之处),而不是仅仅因为裁定出自著名学者就盲目遵从。这些圣训学大家致力于以圣训解决教法问题,例如伊玛目布哈里(公元810-870年)和伊玛目穆斯林(公元817-875年)不遗余力地从一切可能的来源中搜集先知穆罕默德ﷺ的可靠圣训以及圣门弟子的遗训(Athars)。

However, there arose an opposing trend among specialists in Hadeeth compilation and criticism, where by issues of Fiqh were tackled without dependence on the traditional rulings of existing the earlier scholars by basing their positions on authentic Hadeeths wherever available, rather than slavishly following earlier rulings merely because they had been made by prominent scholars. Focusing on Hadeeth to resolve the problems of Fiqh, great scholars of Hadeeth like Imaam al-Bukhaaree (810-870 CE) and Imaam Muslim (817-875 CE) went to great pains to collect from all possible sources authentic Hadeeths of the Prophet (s.w.) and Athars of the Sahaabah.

这些圣训由学者们按照教法学家确立的体例编排成章。开创这一风尚的，是最后一位大伊玛目艾哈迈德·伊本·罕百勒，他编纂了规模最为宏大的圣训著作，名为《穆斯奈德》。120 伊玛目布哈里和伊玛目穆斯林都曾是他的学生。121

These, they arranged in chapters according to the format established by the Fiqh scholars. The initiator of this trend was the last of the major Imaams, Ahmad ibn Hambal, who compiled the most extensive work of Hadeeth called al-Musnad.120 Both Imaam alBukhaaree and Imaam Muslim were among his students.121

通过翻译希腊、罗马、波斯和印度的伟大科学与哲学著作,122 位伊斯兰学者接触到了新的推理、演绎和论证体系。这些新知识影响了他们研究教法(Fiqh)的方法,使他们将教法整理为基本原理(Usool)和派生原则(Furoo')。随着时间推移,在这些影响下,经注学(Tafseer,对《古兰经》的解释)、圣训学(Hadeeth)和语法学(Nahw)also发展成为各自专门的学科分支。

Through translations of the great books of science and philosophy from Greece, Rome, Persia, and India,122 Islamic scholars gained insight into new systems of reasoning, deduction and inference. This new knowledge influenced their approach to Fiqh which they proceeded to organize into fundamentals (Usool) and secondary principles (Furoo’). In time, Tafseer (explanation of the Qur’aan), Hadeeth and Nahw (grammer) developed under these influences into specialized branches of learning.

The positions of major scholars of Fiqh were recorded and the primary sources of Islamic law were identified and classified in order of their importance. 123 Wait: the rules say the user's message is always text to translate, so I translate it. The text includes "123" which stays as is. 伊斯兰教法学家的主要观点被记录下来，伊斯兰法的主要渊源也被确定，并按其重要程度进行了分类。123

The positions of major scholars of Fiqh were recorded and the primary sources of Islamic law were identified and classified in order of their importance. 123