"Utambuzi wa tahadhari wa alama za Kiislamu ndio njia iliyothibitishwa ya wafalme na madikteta wa Kiislamu, na itakuwa ni ujinga kusema kwa uhakika kwamba hawataweza kuidumisha kwa muda mrefu." -- Noah Feldman Mijadala ya sasa kuhusu katiba ya Iraq imeibua tena hofu kuhusu nafasi ya Uislamu katika mustakabali wa nchi hiyo. Baadhi wanasema Uislamu unapaswa kufanywa chanzo kikuu cha sheria. Wengine, hasa Wakurdi, wanapendelea Uislamu upewe hadhi ya ibada na taratibu za kidini, na wanapinga nafasi ya Uislamu katika maisha ya umma.

“Cautious recognition of Islamic symbolism is the tried and true path of Muslim kings and dictators, and it would be naive to say definitely that they will not be able to sustain it over time.” -- Noah Feldman The current deliberations over the Iraqi constitution have once again raised the spectre of Islam in the country's future. Some argue that Islam should be made the primary source of legislation. Others most notably the Kurds prefer Islam to be given the status of rites and ritual and oppose Islam’ s role in public life.

Hapo awali, chini ya mamlaka ya Sheria ya Mpito ya Utawala (TAL), maelewano yalifikiwa kati ya pande mbili. Yanasema Uislamu ni dini rasmi na "chanzo cha sheria," lakini pia yanasema serikali haiwezi kutunga sheria inayopingana na "zile kanuni zisizobadilika za Uislamu ambazo ni somo la makubaliano." Pia kuna mivutano kuhusu jina la Iraq.

Previously, under the mandate of Transitional Administrative Law (TAL) a compromise between the two sides was reached. It states Islam is the official religion and "a source of legislation," but also says the government may not enact a law "that contradicts those fixed principles of Islam that are the subject of consensus." There are also disagreements over the naming of Iraq.

Baadhi ya viongozi wamependekeza kubadilisha jina rasmi la nchi kuwa "Jamhuri ya Kiislamu ya Iraq," hatua ambayo inapingwa na wanaharakati wa kidunia (secularists) wa Iraq. Iwe Uislamu utakuwa chanzo pekee cha sheria za Iraq au nchi itabadilishwa jina kuwa Jamhuri ya Kiislamu ya Iraq, swali la msingi bado linabaki: ni nini kinachofanya dola kuwa ya Kiislamu? Kuna mitazamo miwili mikuu inayotawala fikra za Waislamu na wasio Waislamu kuhusu suala hili.

Some leaders have proposed changing the country's official name to the "Islamic Republic of Iraq," a move opposed by Iraq's secularists. Whether Islam becomes the sole source of legislation for Iraq or the country is renamed Islamic Republic of Iraq the basic question still remains-what constitutes an Islamic state? Two dominant views pervade Muslim and non-Muslim thinking on the subject.

Mtazamo wa kwanza unakubali dhana kwamba ikiwa wengi wa wakazi wa nchi fulani ni Waislamu, basi nchi hiyo inaainishwa kuwa dola ya Kiislamu. Hii ni upotoshaji mkubwa wa uhalisia. Wamarekani wengi kwa wazi wanaamini Ukristo, lakini hakuna anayeshikilia msimamo kwamba Marekani inatawaliwa na Biblia na kwa hiyo ni dola ya Kikristo.

The first view endorses the perception that if the majority of the inhabitants of a particular country are Muslims than the country is classified as an Islamic state. This is a gross misrepresentation of reality. A clear majority in the US believes in Christianity but no one holds the view that America is governed by the bible and is therefore a Christian state.

Maoni ya pili, ingawa ni ya kawaida zaidi, pia ni potofu kwa usawa. Maoni haya yanadai kwamba ikiwa katiba inataja Uislamu kwa namna fulani, basi nchi hiyo inaweza kuitwa dola ya Kiislamu. Wanaounga mkono mtazamo huu mara nyingi hutoa mifano kutoka katiba za nchi za Kiislamu ili kuimarisha hoja zao. Kwa mfano, Ibara ya II ya katiba ya Misri ya mwaka 1980 inasema kwamba Uislamu ni dini ya dola, na kwamba "sheria za Kiislamu ndizo chanzo kikuu cha sheria." Sheria ya Msingi ya Saudi Arabia ya mwaka 1992 inasema kwamba katiba ya taifa inajumuisha Qur'ani na Sunnah (matendo na kauli za Mtume Muhammad ﷺ).

More common but equally perverse is the second view. This view asserts that if some references are made to Islam in the constitution then the country can be called an Islamic state. Proponents of this opinion often cite examples from the constitutions of Muslim countries to lend credence to their arguments. For instance, Article II of the 1980 Egyptian constitution states that Islam is the religion of the state and "Islamic jurisprudence is the principal source of legislation." The 1992 Basic Law of Saudi Arabia states that the nation's constitution consists of the Quran and the Sunnah (the actions and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW)).

Kifungu cha IV cha katiba ya Iran kinasema kwamba "sheria zote za kiraia, za kijinai, za kifedha, za kiuchumi, za kiutawala, za kiutamaduni, za kijeshi, za kisiasa na nyinginezo, lazima ziwe zimejengwa juu ya vigezo vya Kiislamu." Nacho Kifungu cha 227(1) cha katiba ya Pakistan kinasomeka hivi: "Sheria zote zilizopo zitalazimika kupatana na amri za Uislamu kama zilivyowekwa katika Qur'ani Tukufu na Sunnah ... na hakuna sheria itakayotungwa ambayo inapingana na amri hizo." Mtu yeyote wa kawaida anayeichunguza sheria ya msingi ya nchi hizi, bila kujali mwelekeo wake wa kidini, ataona haraka kwamba Uislamu hauna uhusiano wowote na katiba hizo. Kwa mfano, ili mtu awe kiongozi wa Saudi Arabia, Iran au Pakistan, ni lazima awe Msaudi, Mwiran au Mpakistani. Hili linapingana na mafundisho ya Kiislamu, kwani Uislamu unachukia utaifa na unasisitiza kwamba wale wanaogombea uongozi lazima kwanza wawe Waislamu ndipo wanaweza kuchukuliwa kuwa wanafaa.

Article IV of the Iranian constitution states that "all civil, penal, financial, economic, administrative, cultural, military, political, and other laws and regulations must be based on Islamic criteria." And Article 227(1) of the Pakistani constitution reads, "All existing laws shall be brought in conformity with the injunctions of Islam as laid down in the Holy Quran and Sunnah ... and no law shall be enacted which is repugnant to such injunctions." If any casual observer, irrespective of their religious orientation was to scrutinise the basic law of these countries they would very quickly realise that Islam has no relationship whatsoever with such constitutions. For instance to become a leader of Saudi Arabia, Iran or Pakistan one has to be a Saudi, Iranian or Pakistani. This contravenes Islamic teaching, as Islam abhors nationalism and insists that those contesting for leadership have to be Muslim before they can be considered suitable.

Katika Uislamu, kuna kanuni mbili za msingi zinazoufafanua Dola ya Kiislamu kuliko kitu kingine chochote: mamlaka kuu ni ya Mwenyezi Mungu, na mamlaka ya utekelezaji ni ya watu. Mamlaka kuu kwa Mwenyezi Mungu maana yake ni kwamba Mwenyezi Mungu ndiye Mtoa Sheria pekee, na Uislamu lazima utawale maisha ya kidunia ya Waislamu na wasio Waislamu wanaoishi katika Dola ya Kiislamu. Kwa upande wa Waislamu, maisha yao binafsi yanapaswa kutawaliwa na Uislamu, na dola haina mamlaka juu ya mambo ya faragha ya raia wake. Kuna vyanzo vinne vikuu vya Sheria ya Kiislamu: Qur'an, Sunnah, Ijma' ya Masahaba (Makubaliano ya Masahaba wa Nabii ﷺ) na Qiyas (Kulinganisha kwa msingi wa sababu za kimungu). Sheria ya msingi ya dola inatokana na vyanzo hivi pekee. Chanzo kingine chochote, iwe ni desturi, mila, mazingira, historia au mwanadamu mwenyewe, kinachukuliwa kuwa batili. Sheria zote zinazohusu mambo ya kiuchumi, mahusiano ya kijamii, mambo ya elimu, sera ya nje na mengineyo zinatokana na vyanzo vilivyotajwa hapo juu.

In Islam, there are two basic tenets, which defines the Islamic state above all else namely sovereignty belongs to God and authority is with the people. Sovereignty to God means that God is the sole lawgiver and Islam must govern the temporal lives of Muslims and non-Muslims residing in the Islamic State. In the case of Muslims, their personal lives are to be governed by Islam and the state has no jurisdiction over the private affairs of its citizens. There are four main sources of Islamic law. Quran, Sunnah, Ijma Sahaba (Consensus of the Prophet's companions) and Qiyas (Analogy based on divine reasons). The basic law of the state is derived from these sources only. Any other source be it customs, traditions, environment, history or man himself is considered invalid. All laws related to economic matters, social relationships, educational affairs, foreign policy and the like are derived from the aforementioned sources.

Vivyo hivyo, mamlaka katika Uislamu yako mikononi mwa raia wa dola ya Kiislamu. Uislamu umeweka wazi kwamba watu wana haki ya pekee ya kumchagua, kumhoji na kumwondoa mtawala endapo atatekeleza waziwazi sheria zisizo za Kiislamu. Haki hizi zinakabidhiwa kwa mtawala kupitia bay'ah (ahadi ya utii anayopewa Khalifa), ambayo kimsingi ni mkataba wa lazima baina ya mtawala na raia wake.

Likewise authority in Islam lies with the citizens of the Islamic state. Islam has clearly mandated that the people have the exclusive right to elect, account and dismiss the ruler if he openly implements non-Islamic laws. These rights are delegated to the ruler via the bayah (pledge of allegiance given to the Caliph), which, in essence is a binding contract between the ruler and his subjects.

Kunyakua mamlaka kwa nguvu na mtawala, au kukataa kutoa haki hizi, kunachukuliwa kuwa ukiukaji wa wazi wa Uislamu. Huko nyuma kumekuwepo baadhi ya matukio ambapo mtawala alichukua bay'ah kwa nguvu, na Ummah ukabaki kimya. Matumizi mabaya ya bay'ah hayakugeuza dola ya Kiislamu kuwa udikteta wala utawala wa kidini kama inavyopendekezwa na baadhi ya wanahistoria. Hili linafanana na upotoshaji wa kura katika uchaguzi wa urais wa Marekani wa mwaka 2000.

The usurping of authority by the ruler or his refusal to grant these rights is considered a flagrant violation of Islam. In the past there have been some occasions where the ruler has assumed the bayah by force and the Ummah has remained silent. The misuse of the bayah did not transform the Islamic state into a dictatorship or a theocracy as suggested by some historians. This is similar to misappropriation of votes in the 2000 US presidential race.

Ukweli kwamba watu hawakupinga matokeo ulimaanisha kwamba mfumo wa utawala nchini Marekani unaendelea kuwa wa kidemokrasia. Kwa hiyo, dola ya Kiislamu ni dola ya kipekee, tofauti na dola nyingine yoyote duniani leo.

The fact that the people did not challenge the outcome meant that the system of ruling in America continues to be democratic. Therefore the Islamic state is a unique state, unlike any other state in the world today.

Dola hii inajulikana miongoni mwa Waislamu kama Khilafah, na mara nyingi wasio Waislamu huiita Caliphate. Khilafah si utawala wa kidini (theocracy) ambapo mwakilishi aliyechaguliwa na Mungu hutekeleza sheria ya Mungu juu ya raia wake. Wala si udikteta au ufalme ambapo mamlaka na utungaji wa sheria vinakaa peke yake kwa dikteta au mfalme. Inafanana kwa kiasi fulani na demokrasia, kwa kuwa mamlaka hutumiwa na watu kumchagua kiongozi na kumwajibisha. Lakini inatofautiana sana na dola ya kidemokrasia, ambayo huipa bunge au congress mamlaka ya kutunga sheria badala ya Mungu. Licha ya tofauti hizi dhahiri, Magharibi bado inaendelea kuieleza Khilafah kama udikteta, utawala wa kidini na ufalme.

This state is commonly known amongst the Muslims as the Khilafah and is often referred by non-Muslims as the Caliphate. The Caliphate is not a theocracy where God's chosen representative implements God's law upon the subjects. Nor is it a dictatorship or a monarchy where authority and law-making reside exclusively with the dictator or monarch. It shares some resemblance with democracy in that authority is exercised by the people to elect and account the ruler. But differs greatly from the democratic state, which bestows the power of law-making to parliament or congress as opposed to God. Despite these glaring differences, the West still continues to describe the Caliphate as a dictatorship, theocracy and a monarchy.

Baadhi ya viongozi wa Magharibi wamefikia hata kujitahidi sana kuonyesha Khilafah kama dola ya kimabavu inayotawala kila kitu. Dai hili linakaribia unafiki, kwa kusema kidogo tu. Kwa kweli, lebo ya utawala wa kiimla inafaa zaidi kwa dola za Magharibi.

Some Western leaders have even gone at great lengths to portray the Caliphate as a totalitarian state. This claim borders on insincerity to say the least. In actual fact the label of totalitarianism is more applicable to Western states.

Ikiwa kupitishwa kwa PATRIOT ACT nchini Marekani na kuidhinishwa kwa sheria za kupambana na ugaidi nchini Uingereza si alama ya dola za kiimla, basi ni nini kinachoweza kuwa alama hiyo?

If the passing of the PATRIOT ACT in the US and the endorsement of anti-terrorism legislation in Britain is not a hallmark of totalitarian states then what is?

Kinyume chake, Uislamu unakataza kuwapeleleza raia wake, na mtu yeyote anayepatikana na hatia ya kosa lolote lazima ahukumiwe mahakamani kabla ya kuadhibiwa. Mradi Magharibi inaendelea kujiweka katikati ya ujenzi wa mataifa kama ilivyofanya nchini Afghanistan na Iraq, mataifa ya Kiislamu bandia yataendelea kuzaliwa na kujiunga na orodha ndefu ya mataifa ya Kiislamu ya kuigiza. Mataifa kama hayo hayafanyi lolote la maana kutuliza hisia za Kiislamu za Ummah. Badala yake, yanaongeza mateso ya Ummah na kuufanya uwe chini ya kampeni zisizokoma za kuingiliwa na mataifa ya nje na unyonyaji.

In contrast, Islam forbids spying on its citizens and all those found guilty of a crime have to be tried before a court of law before they can be punished. As long as the West continues to place itself at the centre of nation building like in Afghanistan and Iraq, fake Islamic states will be born to join a long list of pseudo Islamic states. Such states do little to mollify the Islamic sentiments of the Ummah. Instead they prolong the misery of the Ummah and subject her to endless campaigns of foreign interference and exploitation.

Ili kuepuka maumivu na mateso kama haya, Ummah lazima ikusanye rasilimali zake zote na kufanya kazi kuelekea mradi mmoja, ambao ni kurejeshwa kwa Ukhalifa. Je, Ukhalifa haukumaliza mateso ya Wairaqi wakati Baghdad ilipovamiwa na kuharibiwa na Wamongolia mwaka 1258?

To avoid such pain and suffering the Ummah must pull all of her resources together and work towards a single project, which is the re-establishment of the Caliphate. Did not the Caliphate end the suffering of the Iraqis when Baghdad was ransacked by the Mongols in 1258?

Agosti 20, 2005

August 20, 2005