"Magharibi walishinda ulimwengu si kwa ubora wa mawazo yao, maadili yao au dini yao, bali kwa ubora wao katika kutumia nguvu zilizopangwa za kikatili. Magharibi mara nyingi husahau ukweli huu, lakini wasio Magharibi hawausahau kamwe." -- Samuel P. Huntington Wakati wa ziara yake barani Ulaya, George Bush alisisitiza kwa wenyeji wake wa Ulaya kwamba kueneza uhuru na demokrasia ndiyo njia pekee ya kushinda ugaidi katika Mashariki ya Kati na ulimwengu mpana wa Kiislamu. Kauli zake zinafanana na msimamo unaojulikana wa urais wake, yaani uhuru kushinda ugaidi.

“The West won the world not by the superiority of its ideas or values or religion but rather by its superiority in applying organized violence. Westerners often forget this fact, non-Westerners never do.” -- Samuel P. Huntington During his visit to Europe, George Bush emphasised to his European hosts that spreading freedom and democracy was the only way of defeating terrorism in the Middle East and the wider Muslim world. His remarks echo a familiar tenet of his presidency - freedom triumphing over terrorism.

Lakini, kwa kuuita mapambano haya "uhuru dhidi ya ugaidi," utawala wa Bush umeepuka kujibu maswali muhimu kama vile - Ugaidi ni nini? Magaidi ni akina nani?

But, by coining the struggle as freedom versus terrorism, the Bush administration has avoided answering some pertinent questions like - What is terrorism? Who are the terrorists?

Adui machoni pa Bush na wafuasi wake, wanaoitwa neo-conservatives, ni nani?

Who is the enemy in the eyes of Bush and his acolytes the neo-conservatives?

Tume ya 9/11 (si ya kwanza kabisa) ilisisitiza kwamba neno "vita dhidi ya ugaidi" lilikuwa likipotosha, na ikapendekeza libadilishwe ili kuweka msisitizo mkubwa zaidi wa kiitikadi dhidi ya Uislamu. Mnamo Oktoba 2001, Jenerali wa Marekani Wesley Clark alisema kwamba vita vya Marekani dhidi ya ugaidi "vilikuwa vita juu ya Uislamu" ambavyo vingeufafanua Uislamu kuwa nguvu "ya amani au ya kimapambano" katika jamii (xxvii). Hata hivyo, wengine wamebishana kwamba inapaswa kuitwa kwa usahihi vita dhidi ya Uislamu wa kisiasa.

The 9/11 Commission (by no means the first) stressed that the term war on terrorism was misleading and recommended that it should be renamed to place greater ideological emphasis against Islam. In October 2001 US General Wesley Clark, said that the US war against terrorism "was a war over Islam" that would define Islam "as either a peaceful or militant" force in societyxxvii. Yet others have argued that it should be appropriately labelled war against political Islam.

Licha ya tofauti zozote zilizopo miongoni mwa wasomi wa kisiasa wa Marekani kuhusu jinsi vita hivyo vinavyopaswa kuitwa, ni chache sana zinazopatikana miongoni mwa Wamarekani wa kawaida. Kutokana na vyombo vya habari vya kibiashara vinavyoeneza chuki dhidi ya Uislamu, Wamarekani wengi, bila kujali mwelekeo wao wa kisiasa, wanaiona vita dhidi ya ugaidi kama vita dhidi ya Uislamu.

Whatever differences exist amongst America’ s political elite over the naming of the war there are few to be found amongst ordinary Americans. Thanks to the Islamophobic corporate media, most Americans irrespective of their political orientation view the war on terror as a fight against Islam.

Mazingira hayo hayo yapo pia barani Ulaya. Ukosefu wa ujasiri kwa upande wa wanasiasa wa Ulaya wa kumkabili Bush katika masuala haya, pamoja na vyombo vya habari vyenye chuki dhidi ya Uislamu, vimewashawishi Wazungu wa kawaida kwamba adui yao mpya ni Uislamu na Waislamu wanaoishi miongoni mwao.

The same milieu exits in Europe. The lack of boldness on part of Europe’ s political class to confront Bush on these questions together with the Islamophobic media has convinced ordinary Europeans that their new enemy is Islam and Muslims who live in their midst.

Kabla ya tarehe 11 Septemba, Waislamu kwa muda mrefu walishikilia maoni kwamba uingiliaji wa Marekani katika nchi zao ni sehemu ya mapambano yanayoendelea kati ya Uislamu na Magharibi. Matukio yaliyofuata tarehe 11 Septemba yalitumika tu kuimarisha maoni haya. Leo, sehemu kubwa mno ya Waislamu wanaamini bila shaka yoyote kwamba vita dhidi ya ugaidi ni vita dhidi ya Uislamu na Waislamu.

Before 9/11 Muslims long held the view that American intervention in their lands is part of the ongoing struggle between Islam and the West. The aftermath of 9/11 only served to reinforce this view. Today an overwhelming majority of Muslims believe unequivocally that the war on terrorism is a war against Islam and Muslims.

Kwa hiyo, nyuma ya kujifanya kwa Bush kupigana na ugaidi, mapambano kati ya Uislamu na Magharibi yameshaanza kwa kweli. Mapambano haya yanafanyika katika ngazi kadhaa. Muhimu zaidi kati ya zote ni mapambano ya kiitikadi. Atakayeshinda vita hii ndiye atakayeamua kama mustakabali ni wa Uislamu au wa uliberali wa kisekula wa Magharibi.

Hence, behind Bush’ s charade of fighting terrorism the clash between Islam and the West is well and truly under way. This struggle is being fought at several levels. The most important of all is the ideological struggle. The winner of this battle will decide whether the future belongs to Islam or Western secular liberalism.

Swali linalofuata ni nani anayeshinda vita vya mawazo? Jibu ni kwamba Magharibi ilipoteza vita vya kiitikadi dhidi ya Uislamu zamani sana. Hii ni kutokana na sababu zifuatazo:

So the question that now arises is who is winning the battle of ideas? The answer is that the West lost the ideological war against Islam long ago. This is due to the following reasons:

1. Magharibi imetumia miaka mia mbili iliyopita kupambana na mawazo ya Kiislamu, kwa matumaini ya kuwakatisha tamaa Waislamu kuendelea na Uislamu. Kampeni hii ilianza kwa wanaoitwa wanamashariki (orientalists), ambao walisoma Uislamu na kushambulia imani zake na hukumu zake.

1. The West has spent the last two hundred years combating Islamic thoughts in the hope of dissuading Muslims from Islam. This campaign began with the orientalists who studied Islam and attacked its beliefs and rules.

Kwa mfano, walishambulia uungu wa Qur'ani, jihadi, ndoa ya wake wengi, mfumo wa adhabu wa Kiislamu, na Ukhalifa. Lakini licha ya juhudi hizi zilizopangwa za kuwatenganisha Waislamu na Uislamu, Magharibi inakabiliwa na Uislamu unaoibuka upya, ndani ya nchi zao na nje yake. Magharibi, Uislamu ndiyo dini inayokua kwa kasi zaidi, miongoni mwa wahamiaji na miongoni mwa wenyeji wa asili.

For instance they attacked the divinity of the Quran, jihad, polygamy, the Islamic punishment system and the Caliphate. But despite this organised effort to alienate Muslims from Islam, the West is facing a resurgent Islam both at home and abroad. In the West, Islam is the fastest growing religion both amongst immigrants and the indigenous community.

Kati ya mwaka 1989 na 1998, idadi ya Waislamu barani Ulaya iliongezeka kwa zaidi ya asilimia 100, hadi kufikia milioni 14 (takriban 2

Between 1989 and 1998 the Islamic population in Europe grew by over 100 percent, to 14 million (approximately 2

percent of the population), kulingana na takwimu za Umoja wa Mataifa.xxviii "Ndani ya miaka 20 ijayo idadi ya Waingereza wanaosilimu itakuwa sawa au kuzidi jumuiya ya Waislamu wahamiaji walioleta dini hii hapa", anasema Rose Kendrick, mwandishi wa kitabu cha mwongozo wa Qur'ani.xxix Marekani haiko salama na jambo hili. Mtaalamu mmoja anakadiria kwamba watu 25,000 kwa mwaka wanakuwa Waislamu nchini Marekani; baadhi ya viongozi wa dini wanasema wameona viwango vya kusilimu vikiongezeka mara nne tangu tarehe 11 Septemba.xxx

percent of the population), according to United Nations statistics.xxviii "Within the next 20 years the number of British converts will equal or overtake the immigrant Muslim community that brought the faith here", says Rose Kendrick the author of a textbook guide to the Koranxxix. America is not immune from this phenomenon. One expert estimates that 25,000 people a year become Muslims in the US; some clerics say they have seen conversion rates quadruple since Sept. 11xxx.

Mbali na takwimu za waongofu, mtazamo wa Waislamu wanaoishi Magharibi kuhusu uliberali wa kidunia nao ni wa kuumiza vile vile. Utafiti wa hivi karibuni wa ICM, uliowachunguza Waislamu nchini Uingereza kuhusu mitazamo yao, ulitoa matokeo yafuatayo: 81% wanaona uhuru wa kujieleza kuwa njia ya kudhalilisha Uislamu, 61% wanaunga mkono Sharia, 88% wanataka Uislamu ufundishwe mashuleni, na 60% hawaoni kwamba wanahitaji kujumuika.

Conversion figures aside, the attitudes of Muslims living in the West towards secular liberalism is equally damning. A recent ICM poll surveying Muslim attitudes in Britain published the following results: 81% view freedom of speech as a means of insulting Islam, 61% support the Sharia, 88% want Islam in schools, and 60% do not think they need to integrate.

Ikiwa huu ndio mtazamo wa Waislamu katika mojawapo ya ngome kuu za mwangaza, basi mtu anaweza tu kukisia msimamo wa ulimwengu wa Kiislamu kuhusu maadili ya kilimwengu na huria. Inatosha kusema kwamba Magharibi imeshindwa kuwashawishi umma wa Kiislamu kwamba utamaduni wa Magharibi ni bora kuliko Uislamu.

If this is the outlook of Muslims in one of the main citadels of enlightenment then one can only guess the stance of Muslim world towards secular liberal values. Suffice to say that the West has failed to convince the Muslim masses that Western culture is better than Islam.

2. Zamani za nyuma Magharibi iliajiri huduma za wanamageuzi wa kisasa kama Rifa'a At-Tahtawi (1801-1873), Jamal Ad-Din Al-Afghani (1838-1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), Taha Hussein (1889-1973), Rashid Rida (1865-1935) na Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) ili waongoze kampeni yao ya kuingiza utamaduni wa Kimagharibi chini ya kisingizio cha Uislamu. Athari za wanamageuzi hawa si tu kwamba zimebatilishwa, bali pia zimegeuzwa kinyume chake.

2. In the past the West employed the services of modernists such as Rifa’a At-Tahtawi (1801-1873), Jamal Ad-Din Al- Afghani (1838-1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), Taha Hussein (1889,1973), Rashid Rida (1865-1935) and Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) to spear head their campaign of introducing Western culture under the guise of Islam. The impact of these reformists has not only been nullified but also reversed.

Wanamageuzi wa leo wanajikuta katika hali ngumu na tete.

Today’ s modernists find themselves in a precarious situation.

Wanachukiwa na Waislamu na wanaonekana kama vyombo vya ubeberu wa kitamaduni unaotekeleza matakwa ya Magharibi ya kuichafua Uislamu.

They are despised by Muslims and are seen as instruments of the cultural imperialism undertaking the West’ s bidding to defame Islam.

Katika macho ya Magharibi, wao wanaonekana kuwa Waislamu mno na hawapewi tena jukumu la kuwazuia Waislamu wasiiache Uislamu. Uamuzi wa Amerika wa kubatilisha viza ya Tariq Ramadan na ghadhabu ya vyombo vya habari kuhusu ziara ya Al-Qardawi nchini Uingereza vinadhihirisha kutoaminiwa kwa Magharibi kwa wanamodernisti. Kwa ujumla wamepoteza sifa na wamekuwa hawana umuhimu katika vita vya mawazo kati ya Magharibi na Uislamu.

In Western eyes they are viewed as being too Islamic and are no longer entrusted with the responsibility of turning Muslims away from Islam. America’ s decision to revoke Tariq Ramadan’ s visa and the media outrage at Al- Qardawi’ s visit to the UK epitomises the West’ s mistrust of modernists. On the whole they are discredited and have become irrelevant in the battle of ideas between the West and Islam.

3. Pigo kubwa zaidi lililotolewa na Magharibi dhidi ya ulimwengu wa Kiislamu lilitokea tarehe 3 Machi, 1924, pale Uingereza kupitia kibaraka wake Mustafa Kamal ilipoiangamiza Khilafa. Lord Curzon, akizungumza katika Baraza la Wakilishi la Uingereza (House of Commons), alisema: "Jambo lililo hapa ni kwamba Uturuki imeangamizwa na haitainuka tena, kwa sababu tumeiharibu nguvu yake ya kiroho:

3. The biggest blow dealt by the West against the Islamic world came on March 3rd, 1924, when Britain through her stooge Mustafa Kamal destroyed the Caliphate. Lord Curzon speaking in the House of Commons said, "The point at issue is that Turkey has been destroyed and shall never rise again, because we have destroyed her spiritual power:

Ukhalifa na Uislamu. "Baadaye, mataifa ya Ulaya yaligawana kati yao ardhi za Kiislamu, na kuanzisha utawala wa moja kwa moja wa kikoloni juu ya watu wa Kiislamu."

the Caliphate and Islam.“ Subsequently, the European powers carved up the Islamic lands between them, establishing direct colonial rule over the Muslim people.

Kwa mara ya kwanza, umma wa Kiislamu uliwekwa wazi kwa suluhisho za Magharibi, kuanzia suluhisho za kiuchumi zilizoporomosha utajiri wao hadi mtaala wa elimu uliowatenganisha na historia yao, ukapunguza Uislamu kuwa seti tu ya ibada, na ukawafundisha jinsi ya kufikiri kama Wamagharibi.

The Muslim masses for the first time were exposed to Western solutions ranging from economic solutions which plundered their wealth to an educational syllabus which disconnected them from their history, reduced Islam to a mere set of rituals and taught them how to think like Westerners.

Zaidi ya hayo, Uislamu uliondolewa katika maisha ya kidunia na badala yake ukatawaliwa na utawala wa kisekula. Baadaye Magharibi ilizipa nchi za Kiislamu ilizozibuni uhuru wa kujidai, na ikawateua watumishi waaminifu kulinda maslahi ya Magharibi na kutawala watu wa Kiislamu kwa niaba yake.

Moreover, Islam was effaced from temporal life only to be replaced by a secular rule. Later the West granted pseudo independence to the Muslim countries they had invented and appointed loyal servants to safeguard Western interests and to rule over Muslim people on their behalf.

Ikiwa Magharibi ilidhani kwamba miaka minane ya kukandamizwa chini ya usekula ingetosha kuwazuia wingi wa Waislamu dhidi ya Uislamu wa kisiasa, basi walikuwa wamekosea sana. Ukali na mwelekeo wa mwamko wa Kiislamu wa leo umevutia umakini wa viongozi wa Magharibi. Vladimir Putin, Tony Blair na Donald Rumsfeld wamejiunga na kwaya ndefu ya viongozi wa Magharibi mwaka 2004 wakionya juu ya hatari za Ukhalifa unaoibuka upya. Hili lilifupishwa vyema na Kissinger aliposema, "…kile tunachokiita ugaidi nchini Marekani, lakini ambacho kwa kweli ni uasi wa Uislamu wenye msimamo mkali dhidi ya ulimwengu wa kisekula, na dhidi ya ulimwengu wa kidemokrasia, kwa lengo la kurejesha aina fulani ya Ukhalifa xxxi".

If the West had thought that eight years of subjugation to secularism would have been enough to deter the Muslim masses from political Islam then they were gravely mistaken. The ferocity and direction of today’ s Islamic revival has seized the attention of Western leaders. Vladimir Putin, Tony Blair and Donald Rumsfeld have joined a long chorus of Western leaders in 2004 warning about the dangers of a resurgent Caliphate. This was aptly summed up by Kissinger who said,”…what we call terrorism in the United States, but which is really the uprising of radical Islam against the secular world, and against the democratic world, on behalf of re-establishing a sort of Caliphate xxxi”.

4. Kuna dosari ya asili katika itikadi ya usekula, ambayo imesababisha kukataliwa kwake kunakotabirika na ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Hii ni kwa sababu usekula unasisitiza kuweka nafasi ya Uislamu katika jamii kwenye ibada ya kibinafsi tu. Maamuzi ya kisiasa kuhusu kuendesha jamii yanaachwa kwa binadamu. Hili linapingana moja kwa moja na msingi wa mafundisho ya Waislamu, ambao unaiona siasa kuwa sehemu isiyotenganishwa ya Uislamu, yaani, kwa Waislamu Uislamu ni siasa. Bernard Lewis alitoa tathmini sawa na akasema, “Kutokuwepo kwa usekula wa asili katika Uislamu, pamoja na kukataliwa kwa wingi kwa usekula ulioingizwa kutoka nje, uliochochewa na mfano wa Kikristo, kunaweza kuhusishwa na tofauti kubwa za imani na uzoefu katika tamaduni hizi mbili za kidini xxxii”.

4. There is an inherent flaw in the ideology of secularism, which has led to its predictable rejection by the Muslim world. This is because secularism insists on restricting the role of Islam in society to personal worship only. Political decisions about running the society are left to human beings. This directly contradicts the doctrine of Muslims, which considers politics an indivisible part of Islam i.e. to Muslims Islam is politics. Bernard Lewis gave a similar assessment and said, “The absence of native secularism in Islam and the wide spread rejection of an imported secularism inspired by Christian example, may be attributed to certain profound differences of belief and experience in the two religious cultures xxxii”.

Zaidi ya hayo, usekula daima huacha ombwe la kiroho, hasa wanadamu wanapokabiliwa na matatizo ambayo hawawezi kuyatatua. Kumtenganisha Mungu na mambo ya kidunia kunaongeza tu hisia hii. Ni udhaifu huu wa kifikra ambao umechangia kuongezeka kwa kasi kwa Uislamu wa kisiasa chini ya utawala wa kidikteta wa kisekula, ambao umeenea katika sehemu kubwa ya ulimwengu wa Kiislamu.

Furthermore, secularism always leaves a spiritual void, especially when human beings are confronted by problems, which they are unable to solve. Separating God from temporal matters only accentuates this feeling. It is this intellectual weakness that has contributed to the dramatic rise of political Islam under the secular autocratic rule, which pervades much of the Muslim world.

Magharibi inapaswa kuchukua funzo kutokana na kushindwa kwa ukomunisti kuwashawishi Waislamu waache Uislamu. Ukomunisti, ambao ni itikadi yenye kina zaidi kuliko usekula, pia ulishindwa kuwashawishi wingi wa Waislamu kuukubali ujamaa wa kimada na sheria zilizotungwa na binadamu.

The West should take heed from the inability of communism to dissuade Muslims from Islam. Communism a far deeper ideology than secularism also failed to convince the Muslim masses of materialism and man-made laws.

5. Unafiki wa Magharibi katika kukuza maadili ya Kimagharibi kote duniani ya Kiislamu umeharibu sana uaminifu wake. Hasa baada ya tarehe 11 Septemba, wakati viwango viwili vya Magharibi vilifikia kiwango kipya. Ni tukio la Abu Ghraib lililofichua kiwango halisi cha unafiki wa Magharibi na chuki yake dhidi ya Waislamu.

5. The duplicity of the West in promoting Western values across the Muslim world has greatly undermined its credibility. Especially, after September 11, when Western doubles standards reached new heights. It was the episode of Abu Ghraib that revealed the true extent of the Western hypocrisy and hatred towards Muslims.

Mawazo ya Magharibi kama uhuru, demokrasia na haki za binadamu hayakupigwa pigo kubwa na Waislamu, bali na Marekani, inayojiita mlinzi wa uhuru. Hata watawala vibaraka katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu waliachwa wakihema, wasiweze kuikinga Marekani dhidi ya uhalifu mbaya aliokuwa ameufanya.

Western ideas such as freedom, democracy, human rights were given a devastating blow not by Muslims, but by America the so-called defender of liberty. Even the agent rulers in the Muslim world were left gasping and could not shield America from the evil crimes she had committed.

Kwa pigo moja, Amerika kwa kazi zake yenyewe iliharibu kwa kudumu hadhi yake katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, na ikadhoofisha kwa kiasi kikubwa mawazo yale ambayo ndiyo msingi wa ustaarabu wa Magharibi. Kiasi kwamba watu wengi wasio Waislamu wanahoji uhalali wa mawazo haya na nafasi ya udanganyifu inayochezwa na serikali zao nje ya nchi.

In one swoop, America by its own handiwork had permanently damaged its standing in the Muslim world and had gravely weakened the very ideas that represent the cornerstone of Western civilisation. So much so, that many non-Muslims are questioning the validity of these ideas and the deceitful role played by their governments abroad.

Kwa hiyo, kwa mara ya kwanza, serikali za Magharibi zinakabiliwa na changamoto ya kuwashawishi raia wao wenyewe kwa nini maadili haya yanapaswa kudhibitiwa nyumbani, wakati yanalazimishwa kwa nguvu kwa ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Labda Wamagharibi wanapaswa kutafuta faraja katika maneno ya Oscar Wilde aliyesema, "Demokrasia maana yake ni tu kupigwa kwa watu na watu kwa ajili ya watu." Hizi ni baadhi ya sababu zilizochangia ulimwengu wa Kiislamu kukataa utamaduni wa Magharibi na falsafa yake ya kiliberali isiyo ya kidini.

Hence for the very first time, Western governments are faced with the challenge of convincing their own citizens why these values have to be curbed at home, while they are forcibly thrust upon the Muslim world. Perhaps Westerners should seek solace in the words of Oscar Wilde who said, “Democracy means simply the bludgeoning of the people by the people for the people.” These are some of the reasons, which have contributed to the Muslim world’ s rejection of Western culture and its secular liberal philosophy.

Hali halisi inayokabili serikali za Magharibi leo ni kwamba Ummah wa Kiislamu umeshinda vita vya mawazo. Sura ya mapambano ya kiitikadi kati ya Ummah wa Kiislamu na Magharibi karibu imefungwa. Lakini sura ya mapambano ya kisiasa kati ya Ummah na Magharibi bado iko wazi, ingawa kwa muda mfupi tu. Hii ni kwa sababu Magharibi na vibaraka wao hawana tena uhalali wa kisiasa katika ulimwengu wa Kiislamu. Vibaraka hawa wanaendelea kuishi kwa sababu tu ya msaada mkubwa kutoka kwa mataifa ya Magharibi.

The stark reality facing Western governments today is that the Muslim Ummah has won the battle of ideas. The chapter of ideological struggle between the Muslim Ummah and the West is more or less closed. But the chapter of political struggle between the Ummah and the West is still open- albeit for limited period. This is because the West and their surrogates have no political legitimacy left in the Muslim world. These surrogates only survive because of dogged support from Western powers.

Kwa hiyo, Magharibi na vibaraka wao wanasimama peke yao katika kuilazimisha Ummah kukubali maadili ya Kimagharibi. Wakati huo huo, Ummah unasimama imara ukikataa utamaduni wa Kimagharibi na kutaka kurejeshwa kwa dola ya Kiislamu ya kimataifa. Misimamo hii miwili haiwezi kupatanishwa, na mgawanyiko wa mitazamo kati ya tawala na watu wake hauwezi kuendelea milele.

Therefore the West and their puppets stand alone in coercing the Ummah to accept Western values. While the Ummah stands firm rejecting Western culture and calling for the return of a global Islamic state. The two positions are irreconcilable and polarisation in viewpoints between the regimes and its people cannot continue indefinitely.

Ni suala la muda tu kabla Waislamu hawajaupindua mfumo wa kisekula, ambao umewekwa juu yao kwa dhuluma.

It is only a matter of time before Muslims overthrow the secular order, which has been unjustly imposed upon them.

Baada ya kuhisi kushindwa kwa vibaraka wake kuzuia Uislamu wa kisiasa, Magharibi, kwa kisingizio cha kupambana na ugaidi, imetafuta kuikalia tena ardhi za Waislamu kwa hamu ya kukata tamaa ya kuimarisha maadili yake na kulinda maslahi yake ya kimali.

Sensing the failure of its surrogates to contain political Islam, the West under the pretext of fighting terrorism has sought to re-occupy the Muslim lands in a desperate bid to reinforce its values and to safeguard its material interests.

Tabia ya Magharibi kuelekea ulimwengu wa Kiislamu inaweza kufananishwa na ile ya mwalimu aliyeshindwa darasani. Mwalimu aliyeshindwa ni mtu anayeendelea kuwapiga wanafunzi wake kwa matumaini ya bure ya kuwapandikiza maadili ya shule. Badala yake, mwalimu huyo hapotezi tu udhibiti wa darasa, bali pia huiangusha taasisi hiyo hiyo anayojaribu kuilinda.

West’ s behaviour towards the Muslim world can be likened to that of a failed schoolteacher. A failed schoolteacher is a person who continues to beat his pupils in the vain hope of imbuing them with the values of the school. Instead, the teacher not only loses control of the class but also brings down the very establishment he is trying to protect.

Hakika Wamagharibi wana hofu ndogo zaidi kutoka kwa Waislamu wenye msimamo mkali, na hofu kubwa zaidi kutoka kwa serikali zao wenyewe ambazo, kwa jina la uhuru na demokrasia, zinaondoa polepole lakini kwa hakika misingi ya ustaarabu wao.

Indeed Westerners have got far less to fear from the Islamists and more to fear from their own governments who in the name of freedom and democracy are slowly but surely ebbing away at the very foundations of their civilisation.

Machi 1, 2005

March 1, 2005