1- A cikin wannan littafi, mun sha yin magana akai-akai game da ra'ayin amfanin duniya, yayin da muke bayyana haɗarinsa ga ɗan Adam. Lalacewar da ke cikin wannan ra'ayi tana bayyana ne a cikin sakamakonsa, kamar mulkin mallaka na turawan yamma. Mulkin mallaka na turawan yamma aiki ne mai muni da kuma na dabbanci na cikakken mamaya da cin zarafin al'ummomi. Yana wulakanta mutane, yana maida su bayi ga wasu. Shekaru aru-aru na mulkin mallaka na yammacin duniya sun kawo wahalhalu marasa misaltuwa ga biliyoyin mutane. Ya mayar da wayewa mai girma a da zuwa jerin kasashe da suka lalace, waɗanda azzalumai suka mamaye. Mulkin mallaka ya shiga kowace nahiya, yana kawo yaƙe-yaƙe, talauci, cututtuka da yunwa. Saboda haka, mulkin mallakan yammacin duniya bala'i ne, la'ana da azaba ga dukan ɗan Adam. Shi ne kololuwar mugunta a cikin wayewar yammacin duniya, kuma wannan kaɗai ya isa ya bayyana lalacewarsa.

1- Within this book, we have referred repeatedly to the concept of material benefit, whilst clarifying its danger to humanity. The corruption within this concept is manifest in its consequences, such as colonialist imperialism. Colonialist imperialism is the horrendous and barbaric act of complete subjugation and exploitation of peoples. It dehumanizes people, enslaving them to others. Centuries of Western colonialist imperialism have brought unspeakable miseries to billions. It reduced previously great civilizations into contiguous swathes of failed states, gripped by tyrannical rule. Colonialist imperialism intruded upon every continent, bringing with it wars, poverty, diseases and hunger. Thus, Western imperialism is a scourge, curse and punishment for all of humankind. It is the pinnacle of evil in the Western civilization and this alone is enough to clarify its corruption.

2- Ra'in ƙasa (nation state) ra'ayi ne da ya lalace tun a tushensa. An gina shi ne bisa fahimta kuskure game da ma'anar al'umma. A gaskiya, al'umma tana aiki a matsayin al'umma a rayuwa ne kawai idan tana da akidu, imani da ma'auni guda ɗaya game da al'amuran rayuwa. Dangane da tarihi, ƙasa, launin fata da gadon harshe kuwa, waɗannan abubuwa suna taimakawa wajen samar da halaye ɗaya-ɗaya tsakanin mutane ne kawai. Amma ba za su iya haɗa mutane a kan ra'ayi guda ɗaya game da rayuwa ba. Don haka, hanya ɗaya tilo ta dace ta bayyana al'umma ita ce bisa akidar da suke da ita tare. Haka kuma, samuwar ƙasashen Turai kanta gabaɗaya ba ta gabata da abubuwa masu yawa da suka shafi al'umma ba. Saboda haka, tarihin abin da ake kira ƙasa-ƙasa a Turai an haɗa shi a hanzari, bisa rarrabuwar iko da ke wanzuwa a lokacin, yayin da ake yin yarjejeniyoyin Westphalia. Dangane da gyare-gyaren yankuna tun daga lokacin, sun faru ne saboda dalilai na amfani, ba don bukatar al'umma ba.

2- The concept of nation state is a corrupt concept in its fundamental foundation. It is built on the erroneous understanding of nationhood. In reality, a nation acts as a nation in life only when it has shared concepts, convictions and criteria towards life affairs. As for history, geography, race and linguistic heritage as factors, they only contribute to the formation of shared traits amongst people. However, they cannot unify the people upon a single viewpoint towards life. Thus, the only correct method to define the nation is based on its shared ideology. Moreover, the formation of the European nations themselves was generally preceded by little in the way of any of the factors related to nationhood. Accordingly, the history of the so-called nation state in Europe was hastily strung together, based on prevailing divisions of power, whilst the Westphalian treaties were being made. As for the regional amendments since then, they took place for pragmatic reasons, not because of the necessity of nationhood.

3- Daga cikin da'awoyin kuskure akwai da'awar cewa hana faɗaɗa yankuna shi ne hanyar kawo ƙarshen yaƙe-yaƙe. Ƙasashen Turai gabaɗaya ba su faɗaɗa ba tun yarjejeniyoyin da suka kafa Yarjejeniyar Westphalia. Amma tun daga lokacin, sun kan yi yaƙe-yaƙe mafi tsanani a tsakaninsu, da kuma da sauran duniya. Ƙasar Amurka ba ta faɗaɗa ba tun da ta zama jihohi hamsin. Duk da haka, ta sha shiga yaƙe-yaƙe a duniya. Hanya madaidaiciya ta ƙara ko rage ƙarfin ƙasa ita ce a ba da izinin sauya iyakokin yanki. Wannan domin ƙasa mai ƙarfi, wadda ke iya kula da harkokin jama'a, ta iya faɗaɗa ikonta ta haɗa da wasu yankuna. Ta haka ƙasa mai ƙarfi za ta riƙa kula da sababbin yankunan daidai da sauran yankunanta, tana kula da harkokinsu yadda ya kamata, sabanin ƙasa mai rauni wadda ba ta iya kula da harkokin jama'arta yadda ya kamata. Don haka hanya madaidaiciya ta faɗaɗawa ita ce a gayyaci sauran al'ummomi su shiga cikin ƙasar bisa daidaito. Irin wannan tsari zai fi tasiri fiye da jihohin Amurka hamsin na tarayya suna ƙulla makirci a kan ƙasashen Tsakiya da Kudancin Amurka, da tsare-tsaren mulkin mallaka, don ƙasƙantar da su da sarrafa su, kamar yadda ake gani a fili a yau. Hanya mafi tasiri ita ce a gayyaci wasu daga cikin waɗannan ƙasashe zuwa haɗin kai ɗaya, bisa daidaito da jihohin da ke cikin tarayyar tun da farko.

3- Amongst the erroneous claims is the claim of preventing regional expansion to put an end to wars. European nations did not generally expand, since the treaties constituting the Peace of Westphalia. However, since then, they routinely fought the fiercest of wars against each other, as well as against the rest of the world. The United States did not expand since it became fifty states. However, it has repeatedly indulged in wars around the world. The correct solution to increase or decrease the strength of the nation, is to allow the modification of regional borders. This is so that the strong nation, which is capable of taking care of the affairs of people, can expand its domain to include other regions. Thus, the strong nation would treat those new regions equally with respect to all its other regions, taking care of their affairs competently, unlike the weak state that is incapable of effectively looking after the affairs of its people. Thus the correct solution to expansion is to invite other peoples to join the state on the basis of equality. Such an approach would be more effective, than the fifty state federation of the US conspiring against the nations of Central and South America, with colonialist imperial plans, in order to subjugate them and control them, as is evidently the case today. The most effective way is to invite some of those nations into a common unification, on the basis of equality with the pre-existing states of the federation.

4- Ra'ayin Dokar Ƙasa da Ƙasa ra'ayi ne na kuskure, domin dokoki umarni ne na wajibi da wata hukuma ta tsakiya ke fitarwa, wadda ke iya aiwatar da su a cikin ikonta. Lallai, babu wata hukuma mafi girma da ke iya aiwatar da umarnin ƙasa da ƙasa. Saboda haka, ra'ayin Dokar Ƙasa da Ƙasa ba shi da ma'ana. Yammacin Duniya ne ya kawo wannan kalma kawai don ɓoye ayyukanta na laifi da mulkin mallaka, a ƙarƙashin labulen hujjoji na riya ta shari'a. Gaskiyar magana ita ce, ƙasashe, tun zamanin da, suna ɗaure da dangantakarsu da suka amince da juna a kanta, ba da wata Dokar Ƙasa da Ƙasa mai rinjaye ba. Akwai kawai al'adu da al'adun gargajiya na ƙasa da ƙasa, waɗanda sau da yawa ba zai yiwu ga kowace ƙasa ta musamman ta yi wasa da su ba. Duk ƙasar da ta keta waɗannan al'adu da al'adun gargajiya za ta fuskanci keɓewa, la'antarwa, takunkumi da ƙauracewa daga dukkan al'ummar duniya. Waɗannan al'adu da al'adun gargajiya na ƙasa da ƙasa su ne ke zama abin hana kowace ƙasa, ciki har da ƙasashe masu ƙarfi na duniya.

4- The idea of International Law is an erroneous idea, as laws are mandatory decrees issued by a central authority that is able to implement within its authority. Certainly, there is no higher authority capable of implementing international decrees. Accordingly, the idea of International Law has no meaning. The West brought about this term only to disguise its criminal and colonialist acts, under the veil of justifications of legal pretense. The fact is that nations, since ancient times, were bound by their mutually agreed relationships and not by any over­ riding international law. There were only common international customs and traditions, which were often impossible for any particular nation to manipulate. Any nation that violated these customs and traditions would be subject to isolation, condemnation, sanction and boycott by the entire international community. These international customs and traditions are what constitute a deterrent for any nation, including the powerful nations of the world.

5- Cibiyoyin duniya irin su Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, Asusun Ba da Lamuni na Duniya (IMF) da Bankin Duniya, da sauran su, kayan aiki ne kawai na mulkin mallaka da girman kai na Yammacin Turai, waɗanda ke tabbatar da mamayar ƙasashe masu ƙarfi da iko a kan sauran. Idan za a kafa ƙungiyoyin ƙasa da ƙasa, dole ne su kasance a buɗe gaske ga dukkan ƙasashe. Kada a takaita su ga wata akida ko ra'ayi game da rayuwa. Manufar waɗannan ƙungiyoyi ita ce su zama dandali da wuraren tattaunawa da ke sauƙaƙa sadarwa ta gaskiya da ikhlasi, domin a sami tattaunawa da shawarwari tsakanin ƙasashe daban-daban, ba tare da tilastawa ko ƙarfin iko ba. Ta haka ne kawai za a iya mayar da zaman lafiya da kwanciyar hankali a harkokin duniya.

5- Global institutions such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, amongst others, are only tools of Western colonialist imperialism, ensuring hegemony and dominance by the major powers. If international organizations are to be formed, they must be truly open to all states. They must not be restricted to any ideology or viewpoint about life. The aim of these organizations must be to become forums and platforms to facilitate honest and sincere communication. This is so that there will be dialogue and negotiation between various states, within which there will be no coercion or enforcement. It is through this alone that peace and stability in world affairs can be restored.