6.1.2 'Yancin Mallaka (Mallakar Mutum)
6.1.2 Freedom of Ownership (Private Property)
Babban tushe na musamman na jari-hujja shi ne karɓar ra'ayin 'yancin mallakar dukiya ta sirri. Wannan karɓa kanta sakamakon karɓar ra'ayin 'yancin mutum ne. Tun da akidar jari-hujja tana kan ra'ayin 'yanci, tare da son kai na mutum, mafi muhimmancin al'amari na 'yancin mutum shi ne 'yancin mallakar duk abin da yake so, ta yadda yake so. 'Yancin mallaka yana cikin abubuwan da jari-hujja take ɗaukar tsarkakakku. Bisa ga ra'ayinsu, saboda haka wajibi ne a buɗe kofofin mallakar dukiya da bunƙasa ta ga daidaikun mutane, ta hanyar takaita shiga tsakanin gwamnati, da tsara dokokin da suke wajibi wajen kare 'yanci. Doka ta yammacin duniya a asalinta an shirya ta ne don amincewa da mallakar mutum ɗaya na dukkan hanyoyin samar da kayayyaki, tare da sanya gwamnati alhakin kare wannan 'yanci. Gwamnati ba za ta yi dokokin da za su soke wannan 'yanci ba, sai dai ta takaita 'yanci kawai har zuwa abin da ya zama dole don kare 'yancin wasu.
The distinct foundational basis of capitalism is the adoption of the idea of freedom of private ownership. That adoption is itself the result of the adoption of the idea of individual freedom. Since the capitalist ideology is based on the idea of freedom, with its individualism, the most important aspect of freedom of the individual is the freedom to possess whatever he wants, however he desires. Freedom of ownership is amongst the sanctities of Capitalism. According to their view, it is therefore mandatory to open the doors to possessing and developing wealth for individuals, by limiting state intervention, formulating laws that are mandatory in the protection of freedom. The legislation of Western laws is in origin to recognize individual private ownership of all the means of production, making the state responsible for protecting that freedom. The state is not to legislate any laws that would nullify that freedom, whilst restricting freedom only to the extent necessary to protect the freedom of others.
Wannan ita ce falsafar jari-hujja ta babban jari-hujja game da mallakar dukiya. Amma gaskiyar magana ita ce mallakar dukiya ta sauya a hankali daga mallakar mutum ɗaya kawai, zuwa mallakar mutane da ƙungiyoyi, wato mallakar da aka iyakance, kamar yadda suke kiranta. Wannan sauyi ya faru ne sakamakon yadda masu jari-hujja ke tsere wa juna don neman riba, da samar da kuma bunƙasa dukiyar jari. Jari-hujja ba ta ƙara bayyana 'yancin daidaikun mutane ta fuskar mallaka kawai ba. A yanzu jari-hujja tana tabbatar da 'yancin mutum da na ƙungiya ko gamayya wajen mallaka. Wannan ya faru ne saboda ci gaban masana'antu da fasaha ya ɗora sabon tsarin tattalin arziki mai gasa. Hakan ya haifar da ƙaruwar yawan dukiyar jari da zuba jari. Wannan kuma ya sa ya zama dole a mallaki manyan ayyuka, waɗanda ke buƙatar zuba jari mai yawa daga ƙungiyoyi, kamar kamfanonin hannayen jari, maimakon mutum ɗaya. Haka kuma jari-hujja ta sa gwamnati ta shiga tsakani, inda ta faɗaɗa rawar da take takawa wajen ba da kuɗi da zuba jari a ƙasashe masu jari-hujja da dama, domin cimma manufofin abin da ake kira ƙasar walwala. Wannan ci gaba yana nuna cewa tattalin arzikin jari-hujja hangen nesa ne na ƙirƙira kuma ba shi da inganci. Dalili kuwa shi ne ya saɓa wa asalin da aka gina shi a kai, wanda shi ne ainihin halayen jari-hujja.
This is the original capitalist philosophy towards private property. However, the reality is that private property has developed over time from individual property alone, to the property of both individuals and groups, as limited property, in their words. This transformation occurred as a result of capitalists scrambling for profit, production and development of capital wealth. Capitalism is no longer defining the freedom of individuals in ownership alone. Instead, Capitalism now ensures freedom of both the individual and a group or collective to possess. This is because industrial and technological developments imposed a new model of competitive economy. It led to multiplication in the volume of capital wealth and investment. This in turn imposed the necessity of owning the megaprojects, of huge capital investment by groups, as companies, such as joint stock companies, rather than a single individual. Capitalism also imposed state intervention, extending its role to fund and invest in many capitalist nations, to serve the goals of the so-called welfare state. This development indicates the fictional vision and invalidity of the capitalist economy. This is due to its contradiction to the origins upon which it was built, whose characteristic was the distinct characteristic of capitalism.
Ra'ayin 'yancin mallakar kowane abu na kashin kansa, a kanta, ba shi da inganci saboda dalilai biyu:
The idea of freedom of private ownership of all things is invalid in itself for two reasons:
Na farko, 'yancin mallakar dukiya ta kashin kai zai kai ga tarin hanyoyin samar da kayayyaki a hannun wasu 'yan kadan daidaikun mutane da kungiyoyi. 'Yancin mallakar dukiya ta kashin kai yana tabbatar da tarin dukiya a hannun wani karamin ajin 'yan jari-hujja. Shi ne wannan ajin 'yan jari-hujja da ke mamaye tattalin arzikin kasa, ta hanyar zama hukuma mai aiki wajen mika hukumar siyasa ga nufinsa, wanda hakan ke mayar da gwamnati kayan aiki kawai da ke hidimar muradunsa.
Firstly, freedom of private ownership will inevitably lead to the concentration of the means of production, in the hands of a few individuals and groups. Freedom of private ownership ensures the concentration of wealth in the hands of a small capitalist class. It is this capitalist class which dominates the nation’s economy, by becoming the authority working to subjugate the political authority to its will, making the state a mere tool to serve its interests.
Wannan shi ne gaskiyar abin da ake gani a zahiri a ƙasashen masu jari-hujja.
This is the reality of what is actually witnessed in capitalist nations.
Na biyu, tantance irin mallakar ya danganta ne da albarkatun tattalin arziki kansu da kuma ra'ayin tsarin tattalin arziki game da rarraba dukiya. Wannan saboda dukiya ta hada da abin da za a mallake shi da kansa, da abin da ba za a mallake shi ba. Tun da jari-hujja a asali yana nufin karuwa da bunkasar dukiya, ba yana nufin rarraba dukiya ba. Jari-hujja tana ikirarin cewa dukkan albarkatun tattalin arziki a mallaki su ta kansu. Wannan kuskure ne, domin adalci na tattalin arziki a kowace al'umma yana bukatar bambance-bambance a irin mallaka, ta yadda za a rarraba dukiya da hana tara dukiya a hannun wasu kungiyoyi. Haka kuma, kula da hakkokin kungiyoyi na bukatar wani irin mallaka na abubuwan amfani na jama'a, kamar ma'adanai da makamashi. Saboda haka, gaskiyar al'amari ita ce, dukiya ba za a takaita ta ga mallakar mutum kadai ba. Maimakon haka, a zahiri a bambance ta zuwa mallakar mutum, mallakar jama'a da mallakar gwamnati. Kowanne daga cikin wadannan rabe-rabe uku yana da banbanci a Musulunci, sabanin Jari-hujja da Gurguzu, wanda hakan ke nuna girman tsarin tattalin arzikin Musulunci. Shi ne kadai tsarin da ke iya tsara al'amuran mutane don tabbatar da bukatunsu na asali, da samun jin dadinsu na gaskiya.
Secondly, determining the type of ownership is related to the economic resources themselves and the economic system’s view towards the distribution of wealth. This is because wealth includes what is, and what is not, to be privatized. Since capitalism basically means the increase and development of wealth, it does not mean the distribution of wealth. Capitalism asserts that all economic resources are to be privatized. This is wrong, because economic equity in any of the societies necessitates differentiation in types of ownership, thereby distributing wealth and preventing the concentration of wealth within groups. Moreover, taking care of the rights of groups mandates a certain type of ownership of public utilities, such as minerals and energy. Accordingly, the fact is that properties must not to be limited to private property alone. Instead, they are to be actually differentiated into private property, public property and state property. Each of these three divisions are distinct in Islam, unlike Capitalism and Socialism, which testifies to the greatness of the Islamic economic system. It is the only system that is capable of organizing the affairs of humans to ensure their basic needs, achieving their true well-being.