Ra'ayin game da namiji da mace a Yamma ya samo asali ne daga fahimtar addini ta Katolika da Furotesta, wacce ta ɗauki mace, ba namiji ba, a matsayin tushen zunubi. Duk da haka, ra'ayin Kiristanci ya kuma ba da babbar daraja ga dangantakar namiji da mace, wadda aka iyakance ga aure. An daraja aure domin a samar da iyali, wanda ke taka rawa ta ilimi da ɗabi'a a cikin al'umma. Lokacin da motsin Haskakawa ya mamaye al'umma da tunanin Yammacin zamani a ƙarni na sha takwas miladiyya, al'umma ta karɓi sakularism. Sakularism ya raba addini da rayuwa da dukkan alaƙarsa da al'umma, yayin da ya kafa sababbin ra'ayoyi kamar 'yanci, daidaito da adalcin zamantakewa. Sakularism ya ba da sabuwar fahimta game da mutum da al'umma wadda ta saɓa wa Kiristanci. Duk da haka, bai canza ra'ayin duniya game da mata da ya yi yawa a cikin al'umma ba, a cikin adabin tauhidi da na falsafa. Maimakon haka, wasu masana falsafa sun yi ƙoƙarin tabbatar da wannan ra'ayi ta hanyar falsafa da hankali. Yawancin masana falsafar 'yanci da Haskakawa kamar Hume, Hobbes, Locke, Kant, Rousseau, da Montesquieu, sun kasance cikin shakku game da ƙarfin tunanin mata. Sun amince da ra'ayin masana falsafar Girka, waɗanda suka riƙe cewa namiji, ta dabi'a, ya fi mace hankali. Misali, kamar yadda Will Durant ya ambata a cikin The Story of Philosophy, masanin falsafar Girka, Aristotle, ya ce: "Mace ga namiji kamar bawa ga maigida ne, mai aikin hannu ga mai aikin tunani, baƙo ga Bahellene. Mace namiji ne da bai cika ba, wanda aka bar shi a tsaye a matakin ƙasa a sikelin ci gaba."

The view about man and woman in the West emerged from the Catholic and Protestant religious perception that viewed woman, but not man, as the origin of sin. However, the Christian view did also give great value to the relationship between the man and the woman, which was confined to marriage. Marriage was valued in order to form a family, that plays an educational and moral role in the society. When the Enlightenment movement dominated the society with its modern Western thinking in the eighteenth century CE, the society adopted secularism. Secularism separated religion from life and all relation with the society, whilst imposing new concepts such as freedom, equality and social justice. Secularism gave a new perception about man and society that is contrary to Christianity. Despite that, it did not change the worldly view about women that was prevalent in society, both in theological and philosophical literature. Instead, some philosophers attempted to justify the view philosophically and intellectually. Many philosophers of liberalism and Enlightenment such as Hume, Hobbes, Locke, Kant, Rousseau, and Montesquieu, remained skeptical about the mental faculty of women. They endorsed the view of Greek philosophers, who maintained that the male is, by nature, mentally superior to female. For instance, as mentioned in The Story of Philosophy by Will Durant, the Greek philosopher, Aristotle, said, “Woman is to man as the slave to the master, the manual to the mental worker, the barbarian to the Greek. Woman is an unfinished man, left standing on a lower step in the scale of development.”.

A kaɗan ne daga cikin masana falsafar Yamma suka gabatar da batun daidaiton jinsi a rabin na biyu na karni na sha tara, sai dai wasu kaɗan, kamar John Stuart Mill a littafinsa The Subjection of Women. Dokokin Yammacin Turai sun samu tasiri daga ra'ayin da ya riga ya wanzu, bayan juyin juya halin dimokuraɗiyya da raba al'umma da addini. Raba al'umma da addini bai ba mata sabbin haƙƙoƙi ba. Maimakon haka, ya ɗauke su a matsayin marasa daraja. Misali, Dokar Napoleon, wadda ake kira Dokar Farar Hula ta Faransawa, da aka fitar a shekarar 1804, ta tanadi a mataki na 217, "Mace, ko da ba ta haɗa dukiya da mijinta ba ko kuma tana da dukiyarta daban, ba za ta iya bayarwa, ko yin alkawari da, ko samun wani abu ta hanyar kyauta ko biya ba, sai da amincewar mijinta a cikin aikin, ko izininsa a rubuce." Masana falsafa da yawa sun tabbatar da cewa mata sun nisanci siyasa ne saboda ba su dace da ita ba ta halitta. Ba a ba mata haƙƙin siyasa ba sai a karni na ashirin miladiyya.

Not many Western philosophers had proposed the issue of gender equality in the second half of the nineteenth century, except for a few, such as John Stuart Mill in his book, The Subjection of Women. The Western European laws were influenced by the pre-existing view, after the democratic revolution and secularization of the society. Secularization did not give new rights to women. Instead, it deemed her inferior. For example, the Napoleonic Code, also called the Civil Code of the French, issued in 1804, stipulated in article 217, “A wife, although noncommunicant or separate in property, cannot give, pledge, or acquire by free or chargeable title, without the concurrence of her husband in the act, or his consent in writing.” Many of the philosophers asserted that women stayed away from politics, because they were not suitable for it by nature. Political rights were given to women only in the twentieth century CE.

Misali, Faransa ta ba mata haƙƙin kada kuri'a a shekarar 1945, bayan shekara ɗari da hamsin cikin cikakken ƙarni bayan Juyin Juya Halin Faransa. Juyin Juya Halin Faransa ne ya yi kira ga 'yanci, daidaito, 'yan'uwantaka da hankali, kuma aka wakilta shi a cikin siffar mace, Marianne, a matsayin muhimmiyar alamar jamhuriya da gunkin ƙasa. A taƙaice, ƙungiyar Haskakawa ta zamani ba ta canza ra'ayin duniya game da mata ba. Abin da ake kira 'yanci, daidaito, 'yan'uwantaka da hankali duk an fi karkata su ga maza kawai, ba tare da mata ba. Shaida a kan haka ita ce gazawar gyaran da John Stuart Mill ya gabatar ga Dokar Gyara ta Biyu ta 1867. An gabatar da gyaran a Majalisar Commons ta Birtaniya don canza kalmar 'mutum' zuwa kalmar 'mutum' a cikin dokokin zaɓe. Sai dai mambobi 73 ne kawai suka kada kuri'ar goyon baya, yayin da rinjayen mambobi 194 suka kada kuri'ar adawa.

For example, France granted women the right to vote in 1945, a full century and a half after the French Revolution. It is the French Revolution that called for liberty, equality, fraternity and reason and was personified in the form of the woman, Marianne, as a significant republican symbol and national icon. In summary, the modern Enlightenment movement did not change the worldly view about women. Its so-called liberty, equality, fraternity and reason were all basically directed to men alone, excluding women. An evidence for this is the failure of the amendment proposed by John Stuart Mill to the Second Reform Bill of 1867. The amendment was tabled in the British House of Commons to change the term ‘man’ to the term ‘person,’ in election laws. However, only 73 members voted in favor, whilst a majority of 194 members voted against.

Duk da cewa motsin Haskaka na Yammacin zamani ya ci gaba da riƙe ra'ayin da ya riga ya kasance game da matsayin maza da mata a cikin al'umma, ya canza ra'ayin game da dangantakar da ke tsakaninsu da sakamakonta. Ɗariƙanci ya yi haka ta hanyar karɓar ra'ayin 'yanci da kuma ma'anarsa ta farin ciki da jin daɗi. Ya rage ra'ayin dangantakar da ke tsakanin namiji da mace zuwa dangantakar jima'i. Ya ƙalubalanci ra'ayin girma, mutunci da tsarki, sabanin Cocin Kiristanci. Cocin Kiristanci ya ɗauki neman jin daɗi a matsayin zunubi. Augustine na Hippo (ya mutu 430) ya koyar da cewa jima'i an tanadar masa haihuwa kawai, kuma jima'i na nishaɗi, ko na sha'awa, ya kamata a guje shi. Wannan ra'ayi ne da kusan shekaru dubu daga baya Thomas Aquinas (ya mutu 1274) ya maimaita. Don haka, Kiristanci ya ɗauki jima'i a matsayin aikin jiki, na ɗabi'a, na shaidan, wanda aka halatta shi ne kawai a cikin tsarin aure, don haihuwa kawai, kuma an iyakance shi ga matsayi ɗaya da aka yarda da shi, a wasu kwanaki na musamman.

Although the modern Western Enlightenment movement maintained the pre-existing view related to the respective statuses of men and women in society, it changed the view towards the relations between them and their outcome. Secularism did so through its adoption of the idea of freedom and its definition of happiness and pleasure. It reduced the view about the relations between male and female to a sexual relationship. It challenged the concept of honor, dignity and chastity, in contradiction to the Christian Church. The Christian Church considered seeking pleasure as sin. Augustine of Hippo (died 430) taught that sex was only to be used for procreation, and that recreational, or lustful, sex was to be avoided. This view which was echoed nearly a thousand years later by Thomas Aquinas (died 1274). So, Christianity considered sex as a physical, carnal, satanic act, which was allowed only within the framework of marriage, for the sake of childbearing alone and limited to a single permissible position, on particular days.

Sabanin haka, karɓuwar ra'ayin Yammacin zamani game da alaƙar jima'i ta samu goyon baya daga fitowar ilimin zamantakewa da ilimin halayyar ɗan adam, waɗanda aka kafa su bisa tushen ilimi na ɓoye da kuma hanyar bincike ta abin duniya. Don haka ra'ayin Yammacin zamani ya rage muhimmancin iyali, kodayake bai kawar da shi gaba ɗaya ba. Daga nan sai ya faɗaɗa tare da ƙara girman rawar al'umma da gwamnati a tarbiyya, kamar yadda ya bayyana a ayyukan Emile Durkheim, misali. Ra'ayin Yammacin zamani ya tabbatar da alaƙar halayen ɗan adam da dalilan jima'i, yana gargaɗi game da rawar hana sha'awa a cikin ci gaban al'umma da cutar tabin hankali, yayin da yake inganta 'yancin jima'i, kamar yadda ayyukan Sigmund Freud suka nuna. Gurguzanci na Marx, wanda ya bayyana a tsakiyar karni na sha tara miladiyya, ya bi wannan hanya. Gurguzancin Marx ya kare 'yancin jima'i da irin alaƙar jima'i da take goyon baya, yana mai da kawar da aure da iyali ɗaya daga cikin manufofin gurguzanci a sarari. Ya tattauna mata da masu neman 'yancinsu, yana mai cewa aure alama ce ta mallakar dukiya ta kashin kai. A cikin littafinsa, Asalin Iyali, Mallakar Dukiya ta Kashin Kai da Gwamnati, Friedrich Engels ya bayyana cewa aure miƙa wuya ne na jinsi ɗaya ga wani, kuma wani nau'i ne na gwagwarmayar aji a cikin tarihi. Bisa ra'ayin Marx, aure yana sanya rawar mace a cikin al'umma ta zama ta biyu, yana mai da ita ƙarƙashin ikon tattalin arziƙin namiji, don haka wannan matsayi yana ci gaba, yayin da tsarin iyali kuwa cibiyar jari-hujja ce.

In contrast, the adoption of the modern Western view of sexual relationships was supported by the emergence of sociology and psychology, founded on the basis of the secular intellectual basis and materialist methodology. So the modern Western view diminished the importance of family, although it did not abolish it as a whole. It then expanded and exaggerated the role of society and state in upbringing, as manifest in the work of Emile Durkheim, for example. The modern Western view asserted the link of human behavior with sexual motives, warning of the role of repression in social productivity and mental illness, whilst promoting sexual liberation, as exemplified in the works of Sigmund Freud. Marxist socialism, that emerged in the mid of the nineteenth century CE, proceeded in this direction. Marxist socialism defended sexual liberation and its type of sexual relationships, making the abolition of marriage and family as one of the express objectives of communism. It discussed feminism and maintained that marriage is a manifestation of private property. In his book, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, Friedrich Engels maintained that marriage is the submission of one gender to another and that it is a form of class struggle within history. According to the Marxist view, marriage marginalizes the role of a woman in the society, making her subservient to the economic supremacy of man, thereby persisting, whilst the family system is a capitalist institution.

Karni na sha tara miladiyya ya ƙare da rikice-rikicen akida, tare da sauye-sauyen siyasa da tattalin arziki da suka biyo baya. Sai dai waɗannan ba su canza yanayin mata ba. Sannan al'ummomin Yamma suka yi maraba da karni na ashirin miladiyya, tun daga farkonsa har zuwa tsakiyarsa, tare da barkewar yaƙe-yaƙen duniya guda biyu waɗanda suka tura mata cikin fagen samarwa da hidima. Ta haka al'ummomin Yamma suka samar da wani sabon yanayi da ya tilasta musu amincewa da wasu daga cikin haƙƙoƙin mata na siyasa, da na tattalin arziki, da na zamantakewa. Wannan sabon yanayi ya share hanyar ƙara ƙarfafa abin da ake kira motsin mata (feminist movement) a ayyukansa da kuma gabatar da buƙatunsa. Bugu da ƙari, motsin ya canza manufofinsa da dabarunsa. Abin da ake kira raƙuman mata na biyu (second-wave feminism) ya fara ne a shekarun sittin na karni na ashirin miladiyya, yana kai hari ga dukkan tsarin zamantakewar da ya wanzu a Yamma tare da sabon hangen nesa wanda ya mayar da hankali kan jinsanci (genderism), wato kawar da wariyar jinsi bisa tsarin namiji da mace, wanda ya haɗa da ƙirƙirar sifofi ga jinsi (gender stereotyping), da matsayin jinsi (gender roles), da ƙayyade jinsi (gender determination), da wayar da kai game da jinsi (gender awareness). Mayar da hankalin raƙuman mata na biyu kan kawar da wariyar jinsi ya samo asali ne daga falsafar 'yanci (liberalism), da 'yanci (freedom), da Marxism, da existentialism, da post-modernist deconstructionism. Motsin ya samu goyon bayan ƙungiyoyin 'yantar da jima'i da ƙungiyoyin masu luwadi. Don haka manufar ta zama ba kawai don daidaito tsakanin maza da mata ba, har ma don kawar da duk wariya tsakanin jinsi. Bayan shekaru da dama, batun wariyar jinsi ya samu karɓuwa daga ƙungiyoyin ƙasa da ƙasa, ciki har da Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya, wadda ta karɓe shi a matsayin ra'ayi a Yarjejeniyar Kawar da Dukkan Nau'o'in Wariya ga Mata (CEDAW) ta 1979. Daga nan aka tsara wariyar jinsi a matsayin kalma da ra'ayi a takardun Taron Ƙasa da Ƙasa kan Yawan Jama'a da Ci Gaba (ICPD) a Alkahira, Masar, a 1994, sannan Taron Duniya kan Mata a Beijing a 1995. Ƙasashen Yammacin duniya da dama sun karɓi ra'ayin "genderism" a hankali, gabaki ɗaya ko a wani ɓangare.

The nineteenth century CE ended with its ideological conflicts, accompanied by resultant political and economic reforms. However, these did not change the condition of women. Then Western societies welcomed the twentieth century CE, from its beginning to its middle, with the outbreak of two world wars that plunged women into the arena of production and service. Western societies thereby created a new situation that forced them to recognize some of the political, economic and social rights of women. This new situation paved way for the intensification of what is called the feminist movement in its activities and raising of demands. Moreover, the movement changed its objectives and strategies. What is called the second-wave of feminism began in the sixties of the twentieth century CE, targeting the entire social system pre-existing in the West with a new vision focused on genderism, which is eliminating gender discrimination based on male-female duality, encompassing gender stereotyping, gender roles, gender determination and gender awareness. Second-wave feminism’s focus on eliminating gender discrimination was inspired by the philosophies of liberalism, freedom, Marxism, existentialism and the post-modernist deconstructionism. The movement was supported by sexual liberation movements and gay organizations. Thus, the objective had become not just for the sake of equality between men and women, but also for the sake of abolition of all discrimination between genders. After decades, the subject of gender discrimination was adopted by the international organizations including the United Nations, which adopted it as a concept in the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) of 1979. Then gender discrimination was stipulated as a term and concept in the documents of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo, Egypt, of 1994, followed by the World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995. Many Western nations have gradually endorsed the view of genderism, as a whole or partially.

A taƙaice, Yammacin duniya ta canja ra'ayinta game da maza, mata da yanayin dangantaka tsakanin su, sakamakon abubuwa da yawa da suka shafi tattalin arziki, al'adu, siyasa da zamantakewa, waɗanda suka faru tsawon shekaru da dama. Ana iya cewa tsarin zamantakewar Yammacin zamani shi ne tsarin da ke tsara haɗuwar mutum biyu masu jinsi ɗaya ko na akasi, wato dangantakar da haɗuwarsu ta haifar da abin da ya samo asali daga gare ta. Tsari ne maras inganci wanda ya saɓa wa hankali da fitra (yanayin ɗan Adam). Rashin ingancinsa a bayyane yake a cikin tushen da aka gina shi a kansa:

In summary, the West changed its view about men, women and the nature of relationships between them as a consequence of many factors pertaining to economic, cultural, political and social matters, that occurred over many decades. It can be said that the modern Western social system is the system that organizes the meeting of two heterosexuals or homosexuals, that means the relationship created between them by their meeting and what branches out or results from it. It is an invalid system contradicting the intellect and fitra (human nature). Its invalidity is evident in the foundations upon which it is built: