"Canon"是一个外来的专业术语,指统治者颁布、供民众遵行的法令。有学者将其定义为:"统治者强制民众在其相互关系中遵循的一整套原则。"每个政府的基本法被称为宪法(constitution);而由宪法所规定的体制中产生的法律,则被称为法典或成文法(canon)。 宪法一词的定义是:规定国家形态及其统治制度、解释其中各项权力的界限与职能的法典;或者是组织公共权力即政府、规定其与臣民之间的关系,并分别确定国家对臣民的权利与义务、臣民对国家的权利与义务的法典。 宪法的来源各不相同。有些宪法以法典的形式颁布,有些则通过习俗和惯例逐渐形成,例如英国宪法;还有一些宪法由当时拥有权威的国民议会所设立的委员会起草,经议会通过后,规定修宪程序,随即解散,以便由宪法所设立的机构取而代之,美国和法国即是如此。 宪法和法典取材于两类渊源。第一类是其直接来源,例如习俗、宗教、法学家的意见、判例以及公正与衡平的原则,这被称为立法渊源。英国、美国等部分西方国家的宪法便属于此类。第二类是历史渊源,即宪法或法典所产生或借鉴的来源,例如法国宪法,以及伊斯兰世界部分国家的宪法,如土耳其、埃及、伊拉克和叙利亚的宪法。

Canon is a foreign technical term which means the decree issued by the ruler for people to enact. It has been defined as "the group of principles which the ruler obliges the people to enact in their relationships". The basic law for every government is called a constitution; whereas law which emanates from the system decreed by the constitution, is called a canon. The term constitution has been defined as the canon which outlines the shape of the state and its ruling system, and explains the limits and functions of every authority vested in it, or the canon which organises public authority, i.e. the government, defines its relationship with its subjects, and assigns both the State's rights and duties towards the subjects and the subject's duties and rights towards the State. Constitutions have different origins. Some have been issued in the form of a canon, and some have arisen through customs and norms, such as the British constitution, while others have been drafted by a committee of a national assembly - vested with the authority at that time - which passed the constitution, defined the procedure for revising it and then dissolved itself so as to be replaced by the authority established by the constitution, as happened in America and France. Constitutions and canons are taken from two sources. The first being the source from which they directly originate, such as norms, religion, the opinions of jurists, court precedents and the principles of justice and equity. This is known as the legislative source. Examples of this type of constitution are some of the Western states like Britain and America. The second is a historical source, i.e. the source from which the constitution or canon emerges or is taken, like the French Constitution and the constitutions of some of the states in the Islamic world, like Turkey, Egypt, Iraq and Syria.

这只是对“宪法”（constitution）和“法典”（canon）两个术语的简要定义，概括而言，即国家从立法或历史渊源中选取某些规则并予以采纳和颁布；此后，国家所采纳的规则若具有普遍性，便成为宪法（constitution），若具有特定性，则成为法规（canons）。

This is but a brief definition of the terms constitution and canon, which in sum means, that the State takes certain rules from either legislative or historical sources which it adopts and enacts, such that thereafter the rules adopted by the State become a constitution, if they are general, or canons if they are specific.

问题在于，穆斯林现在面临的是：使用这些术语是否允许？答案是：如果外来术语包含与穆斯林术语相抵触的含义或逻辑内涵，则禁止使用。例如"社会正义"一词，它暗含一套具体的制度，表现为保障穷人的教育和医疗，以及保障雇员和工人的权利。这一内涵与穆斯林对"正义"的术语含义相矛盾，因为在伊斯兰教中，正义（'adl）的含义与不义（ḍulm）相反。至于保障教育和医疗，这是富人和穷人都应享有的权利；保护弱者和需要帮助者的权利，则是所有拥有伊斯兰国公民身份者都应享有的权利，无论他们是雇员、劳工还是农民等。然而，如果该术语的含义与穆斯林已有的概念相一致，那么使用该术语就是允许的，例如"税"（tax）一词，它指为管理国家事务而向民众征收的款项。穆斯林确实有国家为管理其事务而征收的款项，因此使用"税"一词是正确的。"宪法"（constitution）和"法典"（canon）两词的含义是：国家采纳某些规则，向民众公布，并责令民众依照这些规则行事，国家依据这些规则进行治理。这一含义与伊斯兰教是相符的。因此，我们认为没有任何理由阻止使用"宪法"和"法典"这两个词，所指的是哈里发从伊斯兰教法律规定（Aḥkām Shar‘iyyah）中采纳的规则。不过，伊斯兰的宪法和法典与其他宪法和法典之间存在差异：其他宪法和法典的来源是习俗以及法院的判例等，而伊斯兰宪法和法典的来源则是…… 而其起源在于一个由机构组成的委员会，负责制定宪法，以及由人民选举产生的议会来制定法令，因为他们认为人民是权威和主权的来源。至于伊斯兰的宪法和法令，其来源仅为《古兰经》和圣训（逊奈），其起源在于穆贾塔希德们的伊智提哈德，哈里发从中采纳某些规则，并予以颁布，责令民众依照执行。这是因为主权属于沙里亚，而伊智提哈德是所有穆斯林的权利，并且对他们而言是一项集体义务（fard kifayah），用以推导沙里亚的律例（AHkam shar’aiah）。只有哈里发有权采纳沙里亚的律例。

The question that now faces the Muslims is whether or not it is permissible to use these terms? The answer to this question is that if foreign terms contain meanings or logical connotations that contradict the terminology of Muslims, they are prohibited for use: such as the term "social justice", which implies a specific system that is manifested in the form of guaranteeing education, medical care for the poor and guaranteeing the rights of employees and workers. This connotation contradicts the Muslims terminological meaning for justice, because in Islam justice ('adl) means the opposite of injustice (DHulm). As for securing of education and medical care it is a right for rich and poor, and protecting the rights of the weak and needy is a right secured to all those who hold citizenship of the Islamic State, whether they are employees, labourers or farmers etc. However, if the meaning of the terminology is consistent with what the Muslims have then it is permissible to use that term, such as the term tax, which means the funds collected from the people for the management of the state. The Muslims do have funds collected by the State for the management of their affairs and, thus, it is correct to use the term tax. The terms constitution and canon mean that the state adopts certain rules, announces them to the people and obliges them to act according to them and it governs them on their basis. This meaning is consistent with Islam. Accordingly, we do not find anything to prevent the use of the terms constitution and canons, which means the rules adopted by the Khaleefah from the AHkam shar’aiah. However, there is a difference between the Islamic constitution and canons, on the one hand, and other constitutions and canons, on the other. The source of the other constitutions and canons is the traditions and verdicts of their courts etc. and the origin is an institutional committee which lays down the constitution, and councils elected by the people to enact canons, for they consider the people to be the source of authority and sovereignty. As for the Islamic constitution and canons, their source is the Qur'an and Sunnah only, and their origin is the ijtihad of the mujtahideen from which the Khaleefah adopts certain rules, where he enacts them and obliges the people to act according to them. This is because sovereignty is for the shar’aiah and ijtihad is a right for all Muslims and a fard kifayah upon them to deduce AHkam shar’aiah. Only the Khaleefah has the right to adopt the AHkam shar’aiah.

关于使用“宪法”（constitution）和“宪章/法典”（canon）这两个术语的许可性问题。至于采纳规则的必要性，从艾布·伯克尔（ra）时代直至最后一任哈里发，穆斯林都认识到有必要采纳一些规则，穆斯林须依照这些规则行事。这种采纳针对的是具体的规则，而非对国家所施行的全部律令进行全面采纳。国家仅在某些时期进行过全面采纳，即阿尤布王朝采纳沙斐仪派教法学说，以及奥斯曼国家采纳哈乃斐派教法学说的时候。

This is with respect to the permissibility of using the terms constitution and canon. As for the necessity of adopting rules, the Muslims, from the time of Abu Bakr (ra) up to the time of the last Khaleefah, have seen the necessity of adopting rules according to which the Muslims have been commanded to act. This adoption was for specific rules and not a comprehensive adoption of all the decrees that the state ruled with. The State only adopted comprehensively in some eras, namely, when the Ayubites adopted Ash-Shafi'i madhab and when the Uthtmani State adopted Al- Hanafi madhab.

问题在于：穆斯林是否有利于制定一部全面的宪法和通则？答案是，为所有规则设立全面的宪法和通则，会妨碍创新性思考（ibdaa'）与伊智提哈德（ijtihad）。因此，圣门弟子（Sahabah）时代的哈里发们、再传弟子（tabe'ieen）时代以及再传弟子的再传弟子（tab''ii et-tabe'ieen）时代的哈里发们，都避免采纳全部规则，只将采纳限定在特定规则上，即为维护统治、立法与行政的统一所必需的那些规则。 因此，为了维护创新性思考与伊智提哈德，国家最好不要拥有一部包含全部规则的全面宪法，而应当拥有一部只包含通则的宪法，这些通则界定国家的形式并保障其统一的延续，而将伊智提哈德与推演留给统治者和法官。这适用于伊智提哈德可行、民众皆为穆指台希德（mujtahideen）的情形，如圣门弟子、再传弟子以及再传弟子的再传弟子时代那样。 但如果民众都是穆ref伽利德（muqallideen，即模仿者），穆指台希德稀少，那么国家（即哈里发、地方长官和法官）就有义务采纳一些规则，以此来治理民众。否则，依照安拉（SWT）所启示的来统治将会变得不易，统治者和法官也会因各自遵循不同、相互矛盾的taqleed（taqlid，模仿）而陷入分歧。不过，采纳应当在研究相关事务及其经据（daleel）之后进行。若允许地方长官和法官依据自己的知识来裁判，将导致同一国家、甚至同一省份内存在不同且相互矛盾的规则，甚至可能使他们依照安拉（SWT）未曾启示的内容来裁决。 因此,由于当今伊斯兰知识的匮乏普遍存在,伊斯兰国有义务采纳某些仅限于交易和刑罚方面的规则,而不包括'aqeedah(信条)和'ibadat(功修)方面的采纳。这种采纳应涵盖所有规则,以便规范国家事务,并依照安拉(SWT)的法度处理穆斯林的一切事务。当国家采纳这些规则并制定宪法和法典时,必须将自身严格限定于AHkam shar'aiah(沙里亚律例)。无论某事是否符合伊斯兰,国家都不得采纳,甚至不得研究沙里亚律例之外的任何内容。例如,国家不得采纳财产国有化,而应当确立公共财产的规定(hukm)。在与思想(fikrah)和方法(Tareeqah)相关的每一件事上,国家都必须以沙里亚律例约束自身。至于那些与思想和方法无关、因而不体现某种特定人生观的法典和制度,例如行政法规和部门结构等,它们被视为手段和方式,与科学、工业和技术一样,国家可以采用它们来管理事务,正如欧麦尔·本·哈塔ब(愿安拉喜悦他)设立军队登记册(divans)时从波斯人那里沿用过来的做法。这些行政和技术事务不属于宪法或沙里亚律例,因此不包含在宪法之中。所以,伊斯兰国的责任是确保其宪法即为沙里亚律例,也就是说,其宪法和法典必须是伊斯兰的。 当它采纳任何规则时,都必须基于沙里亚证据(daleel shar'ai)的力量,并对相关问题有正确的理解。因此,首先必须研究该问题以便理解它,因为理解问题是至关重要的。 它必须理解与此问题相关的哈昆·沙尔爱（hukm shar’ai，即沙里亚律例）。然后，它必须研究该哈昆·沙尔爱的达利勒（daleel，即证据）。国家随后依据达利勒的力量采纳这一规则，条件是这些沙里亚律例应当取自某位穆贾台希德（mujtahid，即法学家）的观点——在审视过该达利勒并确信其力量之后——或者通过沙尔爱的伊贾提哈德（ijtihad shar’ai，即沙里亚的独立推理），哪怕只是单一问题，其依据可以是《古兰经》与圣训、圣门弟子的公议（ijma'a as-sahabah），或类比推理（qiyas）。 例如，如果国家希望采纳禁止货物保险的规定，它首先必须理解货物保险的性质，研究占有的方式。真主（swt）关于财产的律法将应用于保险之上，随后这一结论便被采纳为该问题的哈昆·沙尔爱。 因此，宪法及各条例都应有一篇导言，清楚说明每一条款是从哪一教法学派推导而来，所依据的达利勒是什么。如果某条款是通过正确的伊贾提哈德推导出来的，就必须阐明该条款所据以推导的达利勒，使穆斯林知道国家在宪法和条例中所采纳的规则，是通过正确的伊贾提哈德得出的沙里亚律例。这是因为，除非国家所采纳的是沙里亚律例，穆斯林便没有义务遵守国家的法律。依此原则，国家以宪法和条例的形式采纳沙里亚律例，用以管理持有其国籍的民众。

The question which arises is, whether or not it is in the interest of the Muslims to lay down a comprehensive constitution and general canons? The answer to this question is that the presence of a comprehensive constitution and general canons for all rules hinders creativity and ijtihad. Hence, the Khulafa'a in the age of the Companions (Sahabah), the followers of the Companions (tabe'ieen), and the followers of the followers of the Companions (tab''ii et-tabe'ieen), avoided adopting all the rules. They merely restricted adoption to specific rules where adoption was required to maintain the unity of ruling, legislation and administration. Therefore, for the sake of maintaining creativity and ijtihad, it is preferable for the State not to have a comprehensive constitution which includes all the rules, but rather a constitution that includes general rules which define the form of the State and which guarantees the continuity of its unity, and leaves ijtihad and deduction to the governors and judges. This is the case if ijtihad is feasible and people are mujtahideen as in the time of the Sahabah, tabe'ieen, and tab'ii et-tabe'ieen. But if all the people are muqallideen, and mujtahideen are rare, it is obligatory for the State to adopt rules by which the State, i.e. the Khaleefah, wulah and judges govern the people. This is because otherwise ruling by what Allah (swt) has revealed would be not easy and the governors and judges will suffer from differences and contradicting taqleed. However, adoption should come after studying the subject matter and daleel. Allowing the wulah and judges to rule from their own knowledge will lead to the existence of different and contradicting rules within the same state, even in the same province, and it could even lead to them judging with other than what Allah (swt) has revealed. Therefore, because the ignorance of Islam prevails these days, it is obligatory for the Islamic State to adopt certain rules confined to the transactions and punishments, excluding adoption in ’aqeedah and the ‘ibadat. This adoption should be inclusive for all the rules so as to punctuate the state's affairs and to conduct all the affairs of the Muslims in accordance with the rules of Allah (swt). When the state adopts the rules and establishes the constitution and canons, it must restrict itself solely to the AHkam shar’aiah. It must not adopt, or even study, anything other than the AHkam shar’aiah, whether it agrees with Islam or not. For example, it must not adopt the nationalisation of property. Instead, it must lay down the rule (hukm) of public property. The state has to restrict itself by the AHkam shar’aiah in every matter connected with the thought (fikrah) and the method (Tareeqah). But as for the canons and systems that are not connected with the fikrah and method (Tareeqah) and thus do not denote a certain view point of life, such as the administrative canons and departmental structures etc. they are considered to be means and styles, like the sciences, industries and technology, which the state may adopt to manage its affairs, as happened with Umar ibn al-Khattab (ra) when he established the army registers (divans) which were taken over from the Persians. These administrative and technical matters are not part of the constitution or the AHkam shar’aiah and, therefore, are not included in the constitution. Thus, the duty of the Islamic State is to observe that its constitution be AHkam shar’aiah i.e. that its constitution and canon be Islamic.When it adopts any rule it has to adopt it based on the strength of the daleel shar’ai with the correct understanding of the subject matter. Hence, first it has to study the problem in order to understand it - because understanding the problem is essential. It must then understand the hukm shar’ai related to this problem. Then it has to study daleel of the hukm shar’ai. The state then adopts this rule, based on the strength of daleel, on condition that these AHkam shar’aiah are adopted either from the opinion of one of the mujtahids - after looking through the daleel and be sure of its strength - or through ijtihad shar’ai, even in the single issue, from the Qur'an and Sunnah, ijma'a as-sahabah, or qiyas. Thus, for example, if the State wished to adopt forbidding insurance on goods, it has first to understand the nature of insurance on goods. It must study the means of possession. Allah's (swt) law concerning property would be applied on insurance and this would subsequently be adopted as the Hukm shar’ai in this question. Accordingly, there should be an introduction to the constitution and to each canon that clearly explains the madhab from which each article has been deduced, the daleel relied upon. If the article was deduced by a correct ijtihad, an explanation of the daleel from which the article has been deduced has to be provided, so that the Muslims know that the rules which the state has adopted in the constitution and canons are AHkam shar’aiah reached by correct ijtihad. This is because the Muslims are not obliged to obey the laws of the State unless they are AHkam shar’aiah adopted by the State. According to this basis, the State adopts AHkam shar’aiah in the form of a constitution and canons in order to govern the people who hold its citizenship.

作为一个例证，我们向穆斯林呈上一份伊斯兰国宪法草案，供他们在努力建立伊斯兰国的过程中研读，该伊斯兰国将把伊斯兰da'wah（伊斯兰宣教）传向全世界。应当注意，这部宪法并非为某个特定国家而制定，也不针对任何特定地区或国家，而是为伊斯兰世界中的伊斯兰国而设。

As an illustration of this, we place in the hands of Muslims a draft constitution for the Islamic State in the Islamic world, to be studied by Muslims while they are working to establish the Islamic State that will carry the Islamic da'wah to the world. It should be noticed that this constitution is not meant for a particular country or intended to be specific to any region or country but for the Islamic State in the Islamic world.