Ancak isyan, iniş çıkışlarla sürdü ve İngilizler, Mustafa Kemal'in her düşmek üzere olduğu anda ona yardım etmek zorunda kaldı. İsyan başta başarılı oldu, çünkü genç subaylar Mustafa Kemal'e katıldı ve onu izlemeye hazır olduklarını bildirdi. Bazı üst rütbeli subaylar da katıldı, ancak Halifeliği zayıflatmayacağı şartıyla. Subaylar katılıp önemli bir güç topladıktan sonra, hemen bir hükümet kurmak istedi. Bunun için Sivas'tan Rif'at Paşa'yı davet etti. Rif'at Paşa Batı düşüncesine kapılmıştı ve Avrupalılara büyük hayranlık duyuyordu. Mustafa Kemal ayrıca Ankara bölgesinin ordu komutanı, parlak bir askeri akademisyen ve en kurnaz siyasetçilerden biri olan Ali Fuad'ı da davet etti.

Nevertheless, the rebellion continued with ebbs and flows, and the British were forced to come to Mustafa Kemal’s rescue whenever he was about to fall. The rebellion was at first successful, for the young officers joined Mustafa Kemal and declared their readiness to follow him. Some of the high ranking officers also joined him, but on condition that he would not undermine the Khilafah. Once the officers joined, thus gathering a considerable force, he immediately wanted to set up a government. Hence, he invited Rif ’at Pasha from Sivas. Rif ’at Pasha had been seduced by the Western thoughts and was a great admirer of the Europeans. Mustafa Kemal also invited Ali Fuad, the army commander of the Ankara region, who was a brilliant military academic and one of the shrewdest politicians.

Ali Fuad ya kasance tare da Rif'at Pasha, wanda ya yi murabus daga ma'aikatar ruwa.

Ali Fuad was also accompanied by Rif ’at Pasha who had resigned from the Naval ministry.

An tsara taro tsakanin jami'an, inda wani sakatare ya dauki nauyin rubuta bayanan taron ga wakilai. Mustafa Kemal ya bayyana ra'ayinsa, ya kuma yi bayanin dalilan ra'ayoyinsa. Kowa ya amince da shi cewa juriya ita ce kadai fata. Saboda haka, suka tsara dabarar da za a aiwatar, wacce aka takaita da cewa za a kara yawan sojojin sa-kai da ke fuskantar Izmir, da kuma tsara su, don hana ci gaban sojojin Girka da kuma dakile su. Sannan, daga wadannan arangama, za su sake gina wata karfaffiyar sojojin kasa ta kasa daya, bisa kangon sojojin da suka watse.

A meeting between the officers was held with a secretary assuming the role of writing the minutes for the delegates. Mustafa Kemal expressed his viewpoint and explained his opinions. Everyone agreed with him that resistance was the only hope. Hence, they designed a strategy to be executed, which was summarised as multiplying and organising the militias facing Izmir, in order to hinder and thwart the advance of the Greek forces. Then building up from these skirmishes, they would restructure a strong and unified national regular army, on the ruins of the divided armies.

Haka kuma ya zama wajibi a tsara dabarar jagorantar tsayin daka; don haka suka amince cewa Fu'ad zai jagoranci sojojin yammaci, Kathim Qura Bakir zai jagoranci sojojin gabas, sannan Mustafa Kemal zai jagoranci sojojin tsakiya.

It was also necessary to design a strategy aimed at leading the resistance; thus they agreed that Fuad would assume the command of the troops in the west, that Kathim Qura Bakir would assume the command of the troops in the east and Mustafa Kemal would command the troops in the centre.

Mustafa Kemal ya ci gaba da cewa: Gwamnatin tsakiya da Sarkin Musulmi suna ƙarƙashin tasirin abokan gaba, don haka ya kamata mu kafa gwamnatin wucin gadi a nan Anatoliya. Ba da daɗewa ba bayan ya gama faɗin haka, sai kowa ya firgita ya nuna fushi da ƙiyayya.

Mustafa Kemal then went on to say : “The central government and the Sultan are under the influence of the enemies, hence, we ought to establish a temporal government here in Anatolia.” No sooner had he finished saying this than everyone flinched and expressed anger and resentment.

Rauf ya bayyana adawarsa game da ɗaukar duk wani mataki da zai iya tayar da hankalin Khalifa ko gwamnatinsa ta tsakiya. Duk sauran kuma sun adawa da Mustafa Kemal, suka ce masa muddin yana bautawa ƙasar yana kuma sadaukarwa a hanyar ƙasar, kuma duk da cewa suna da amana a gare shi, sharadinsu kawai shi ne ya kaurace wa duk wani aiki da zai raunana haƙƙoƙin Sarki ko ya cutar da ji-jin sa. Haka kuma suka jaddada masa cewa Khilafah ya zama sama da komai, kuma Sarautar Sultan kada ta samu wani lahani.

Ra’uf expressed his opposition to the undertaking of any measure that could upset the Khaleefah or his central government. All the others also opposed Mustafa Kemal and said to him as long as he was serving the country and sacrificing in the way of the country, and that although they had trust in him, their only condition was that he refrained from undertaking any action that would undermine the Sultan’s rights or impair his feelings. They also stressed to him that the Khilafah should be above everything else and that the Sultanate should not come to any harm.

Saboda wannan yarjejeniya da kuma wannan juriya, Mustafa Kemal ya tilasta masa ja da baya ya amince da ra'ayin jama'a. Saboda haka ya bayyana cewa Khilafah ba za ta samu wani cuta ba, kuma ya ba su duk tabbacin da suke so. Daga nan sai ayyukan tawaye suka fara.

In the face of this consensus and this persistence Mustafa Kemal was forced to back down and agree to the people’s opinion. Hence he declared that the Khilafah would not come to any harm and he gave them all the guarantees they wanted. Then the rebellious activity started.

Amma, tun da tawayen ya kasance, ga mafi yawan wadanda suka shiga tare da Mustafa Kemal, tawaye ne da ke kan 'yan mamayar kawance, kuma sunan kawai ne tawaye ga Sarki, kuma tun da a zahiri ya kasance, ga Mustafa Kemal da wata tarin magoya bayansa, tawaye ne ga Sarki, to Mustafa Kemal ya tilasta masa boye niyyarsa, ya kuma bayar da tabbacin cewa ba zai cutar da Khilafah ba. Saboda haka, fada da kawancen ya zama dole.

However, since the rebellion was to the majority of those who joined Mustafa Kemal a rebellion against the allied occupiers, and only nominally against the Sultan, and since it was in reality for Mustafa Kemal and a fistful of his supporters a rebellion against the Sultan, Mustafa Kemal was forced to conceal his intentions and gave his assurances that he would not harm the Khilafah. Therefore, clashes with the allies were inevitable.

A wannan lokacin sai abubuwa biyu masu ban mamaki suka faru:

At this juncture two strange incidents took place :

Ingilishi sun bayyana cewa suna da niyyar ƙarfafa Samsun da sojoji masu yawa don hana 'yan tawayen isa gare ta ta teku da kama Sivas. Mustafa Kemal ya umarci Rif'at ya kare Samsun ko da menene. Ya umarce shi ya tsaya kai da fata da Ingilishawa kuma ya hana su sauke sojojinsu. Saboda haka, Rif'at ya yi biyayya ya nufi tashar jiragen ruwa tare da mutane ɗari Musulmi. Wani kanal na Ingila ya isa tashar jiragen ruwa tare da ƙaramar runduna. Duk da haka, Rif'at da sojojinsa suka shiga birnin suka haɗu da wannan runduna, amma babu wani faɗa da ya faru tsakaninsu. Sai kanal ɗin Ingila da waɗanda ke tare da shi suka koma jirgin Ingila da ke tsaye a tashar, suka tafi. Sannan aka sanar wa kowa cewa rundunar Ingila ta firgita, kuma kwamandanta ya fahimci cewa babu amfanin juriya, don haka ya janye; ta haka suka sanar da cewa an ceci Samsun daga mamayar Ingila, kuma Sivas ta kasance a hannun mutanen yankin.

The British declared that they were determined to fortify Samsun with a stronger garrison to prevent the rebels from reaching it by sea and seizing Sevas. Mustafa Kemal ordered Rif ’at to defend Samsun at any cost. He ordered him to stand up to the British and prevent them from disembarking their troops. Hence, Rif ’at obeyed and headed towards the seaport accompanied by a hundred Muslim men. A British colonel had reached the seaport with a small force. However, Rif ’at and his troops entered the city and encountered this force but no fighting took place between them. Then the British colonel and those with him returned to the British ship that was anchored in the port and left. Then it was declared to everyone that the British force had become scared and that its commander realised that it was hopeless to resist so he retreated; thus they declared that Samsun was salvaged from the British occupation and that Sivas remained in the hands of the local people.

Na biyu kuwa ya faru ne tare da Girkawa. Turawan Ingila sun kasance suna shirya Girkawa domin su yi arangama da Turkawa a cikin jerin fadace-fadace masu yawa, wadanda za su iya tada kwarin gwiwar mutanen yankin. Turawan Ingila ba sa so a zubar da jinin Ingilawa saboda wannan manufa, tun da akwai wani jinin da za a iya zubarwa domin cimma burinsu; don haka aka zabi Girkawa a matsayin wadanda za a yi amfani da su a wadannan yaki-yaki. Bayanin wannan lamari kamar haka: Girkawa ba su yarda su zauna a Izmir kawai ba, sai gwamnan Izmir ya saba umarnin da aka ba shi na zama a Izmir; don haka Girkawa suka tashi domin kwace yankunan da ke makwabtaka da su. Kwamandan Girkawa da ke jagorantar sojojinsa ya nufi gundumar Aideen, kuma nan take da sojojin suka fara tafiya, sai harsasai suka rika zubo musu kamar ruwan sama, akai-akai.

The second incident occurred with the Greeks. The British were preparing the Greeks to engage the Turks in a host of skirmishes, which could evoke the fervour of the locals. The British were reluctant to allow British blood to be shed for this purpose since there was another blood that could be shed in order to achieve it’s aims; thus the Greeks were chosen as the scapegoats in these battles. The elaboration of this event was as follows : The Greeks would not settle for staying in Izmir and the governor of Izmir violated the instructions given to him to remain in Izmir; thus the Greeks moved to seize the neighbouring areas. The Greek commander heading his troops, marched towards the district of Aideen, and as soon as the army moved, a hail of bullets rained down on them repeatedly.

Saboda haka, sojojin Girka sun firgita kuma sun rasa natsuwarsu. Sun buɗe wuta kan fararen hula, Turkawa kuwa suka mayar da martani daidai da hakan. Sakamakon wannan faɗan ba-gaira-ba-manufa, Girkawa sun sha kashi, Turkawa suka kore su, suka kuma cinna wuta a unguwar Girkawa. Sojojin Girka suka dawo bayan adadin mutanensu ya ƙaru kuma shirye-shiryen yaƙinsu sun ƙaru, su kuma suka mamaye birnin, suka cinna wuta a unguwar Turkawa. Sannan suka fara kashe fararen hula ba tausayi, don rage yawan Turkawa su zama masu rinjaye a Izmir. Sakamakon haka, duk wani Balturke mai iya yaƙi ya ɗauki makami, ya nufi tuddai, ya fara yaƙar maharan.

Accordingly, the Greek troops were shocked and panic stricken, and they lost their composure. They opened fire on the civilians, and the Turks replied in kind. As a result of this random fighting, the Greeks were vanquished and the Turks forced them away and set fire to the Greek district. The Greek army came back once their numbers had risen and once their military preparations had increased, and they in turn occupied the city and set fire to the Turkish district. Then they started savagely killing the civilians in order to reduce the number of Turks in order to become the majority in Izmir. As a result, every Turk who was able to fight took up arms, headed for the hills and started fighting the invaders.

A ranar 23 ga Yulin 1919, wasu maza sun taru a wani ƙaramin gini mai kama da makarantar ƙauye, a wani yanki mai nisa na Mesapotamiya. Waɗannan wakilan su ne mataimakan lardunan gabas. Sun kasance gauraye ta wata irin baƙon hanya.

On 23rd July 1919, several men gathered in a tiny building similar to a village school, in a remote district of Mesapotamia. Those delegates were the deputies of the eastern provinces. They were of a strange mixture.

Daga cikinsu akwai tsoffin ’yan majalisa, Sheikhs, manyan ma’aikatan gwamnati, shugabannin kabilun Kurdawa da jami’ai. Taron ya buɗe da sunan Ummah, kuma abu na farko a cikin ajandar shi ne batun wanda zai jagoranci taron. Wani daga cikin wakilan ya tashi tsaye ya ce: Shin masu girma wakilai za su bayar da ra’ayinsu kan ko Mustafa Kemal ya dace ya jagoranci wannan taro, alhali kuma ya taɓa kasancewa a rayuwarsa bai taɓa zama ɗan majalisa a kowane daga cikin lardunan gabas ba? Aka katse ɗan majalisar ba zato ba tsammani, sannan aka zaɓi Mustafa Kemal da rinjaye mai yawa a matsayin shugaban taron. Taron ya ɗauki kwana goma sha huɗu, kuma tattaunawar ta gudana cikin rashin tsari da hargitsi. An amince da ɗimbin kudurori, sannan aka rufe taron.

Among them were former deputies, Sheikhs, senior civil servants, Kurdish tribal leaders and officers. The conference opened in the name of the Ummah, and the first item in the agenda was the issue of chairing the conference. One of the delegates stood up and said : “Could the honourable delegates give their opinion on whether Mustafa Kemal would be suitable to chair this meeting?” knowing that he had never in his life been a deputy over any of the eastern provinces. The deputy was abruptly interrupted and Mustafa Kemal was voted with an overwhelming majority as chairman of the conference. The conference lasted fourteen days and the discussions were conducted in a disorderly and agitated manner. A host of resolutions were adopted then the conference was wound up.

Wasu daga cikin kudurorin sun kasance kamar haka:

Some of the resolutions were as follows :

Ummah ba ta da rabuwa ko kasawa, kuma dukkan Wilayoyin gabas sun kudiri aniyar tsayayya da duk wani nau'in mamayewa da tsayawa kan tsoma bakin baki na kasashen waje. Idan gwamnatin Istanbul ta ki goyon bayan jama'a da kare su daga mamayar kasashen waje, to ba za a samu wani zabi ba sai neman wata gwamnatin wucin gadi da za ta dauki nauyin tafiyar da harkokin kasar, tun da al'amarin ya kai ga wannan mataki mai hadari. Wakilan sun kuma bayyana a fili cewa har yanzu suna biyayya ga Khalifah Wahid-ud-Deen, kuma bai'arsa tana kan wuyansu. An kuma yanke shawarar kafa wata hukuma mai suna Kwamitin Zartarwa na Majalisa, wacce aikinta shi ne aiwatar da kudurorin da taron ya amince da su. An zabi Mustafa Kemal a matsayin shugaban wannan kwamiti, kuma nan take aka watsa kudurorin ga Ummah aka aika da kwafi zuwa kasashen Turai. Daga nan aka yanke shawarar gudanar da taron Sivas.

Lokacin da Birtaniya suka samu labarin wannan runduna, sun hana Sarkin Musulmi, a madadin ƙawayen yaƙi, daga kafa rundunar, suna cewa ɗaya daga cikin sharuddan yarjejeniyar tsagaita wuta ya tanadi a watsar da sojojin, da kuma kada a sake gina su. Sarkin ya yi ƙoƙarin ba kansa 'yanci wajen murkushe tawayen, amma ƙawayen yaƙi sun hana shi haka gaba ɗaya. Idan aka ce ƙawayen yaƙi, a wannan mahallin ana nufin Birtaniya, domin su ne suka mamaye ƙasar, kuma babban kwamishinan Birtaniya da ofishinsa, tare da Harrington, babban kwamandan rundunonin ƙawayen yaƙi, su ne ke aiki a madadin ƙawayen yaƙi.

When the British learnt of this army, they prevented the Sultan, on behalf of the allies, from forming the army, arguing that one of the clauses in the terms of the truce stipulated the disbandment of the troops, and their non-reformation. The Sultan attempted to give himself a free hand in crushing the rebellion but the allies categorically prevented him from doing so. When it is said the allies, it is meant in this context the British, for they dominated the country and it was the British High Commissioner and his office, together with Harrington, the Commander in Chief of the allied forces, who used to act on behalf of the allies.

Sa'ad da Sarkin Musulmi ya fahimci cewa ƙawayen sun tsaya tsayin daka wajen ƙin barin shi ya aika da runduna don murkushe rikice-rikicen, sai ya nemi ra'ayinsu game da wanda zai iya kawo ƙarshen rikicen. Ya matsa da roƙonsa sosai, har suka amsa masa da cewa suna riƙe da matsayi na tsaka-tsaki, kuma ba su da hurumin shiga harkokin cikin gida na Turkiyya. Suka faɗa masa cewa shi kaɗai ne ke da alhakin kiyaye doka da oda idan yana son yin mulki a kan ƙasar.

When the Sultan realised that the allies were adamant in their refusal to allow him to send a task force to quell the disturbances, he requested their opinion as to who would be able to put an end to the disturbances. He strongly persisted in his request, until they answered him by saying that they were taking a neutral stand and that it was beyond their competence to interfere in Turkey’s domestic affairs. They told him that he alone was responsible for maintaining law and order if he wanted to rule over the country.

Damad Farid Pasha ya ji an ci amanarsa da Ingilishawa, sai Sultan ya koma ga hanyoyinsa na kansa. Saboda haka ya ƙulla shiri don a kama Mustafa Kemal yayin da yake tafiya zuwa Sivas daga Ardh-Rum, amma shirin bai yi nasara ba, domin an sanar da Mustafa Kemal game da shirin, ya kuma sami damar ɗaukar matakan kariya da canza lokacin tafiyarsa. Sojojin da aka tara don kama shi sun je wurin da aka ware musu, amma ba su same shi ba, domin ya riga ya isa Sivas kafin lokacin.

Damad Farid Pasha felt let down by the British and the Sultan resorted to using his own means, so he plotted to have Mustafa Kemal arrested while on his way to Sivas from “Ardh-Rum”, but the plot failed because Mustafa Kemal was informed of the plot and managed to take precautions and change the time of his journey. The soldiers gathered to arrest him but failed to find him in the place designated to them, for he had reached Sivas before then.

Daga nan Sarki ya nemi Ghalib Beik, wanda yana cikin manyan magoya bayan Sarki, da ya jagoranci wasu daga cikin kabilun Kurdawa, ya kai hari birnin Sivas, ya kama duk membobin taron. Sai dai bai yi nasara ba. Membobin taron sun isa Sivas daga kowane sashe na Anatoliya, kuma an gudanar da taron a ranar 4 ga Agusta 1919, Mustafa Kemal ne ya jagorance shi. Duk da haka, jagorancinsa ya fuskanci adawa. Kafin taron ya fara, Rauf Beik, wanda yana cikin manyan abokan Mustafa Kemal, ya zo wurinsa ya ce: Mun duba batun jagorancin taron, kuma mun amince cewa kada ka karɓi shi ko da menene. Lokacin da aka buɗe taron karƙashin jagorancin Mustafa Kemal, wasu sun tashi suka nuna adawa da ayyukansa na mulkin kama-karya, domin ya naɗa kansa shugaban taron ba tare da kada kuri'a ba. Bisa haka, Mustafa Kemal ya tashi ya kare kansa. Domin yin nuni ga abin da ya faɗa: Ba mu a yau cikin tarurrukan da ke ba mu damar yin faɗa da jayayya da juna ba, in ba haka ba tauraruwar Daular za ta yi duhu, tasirinta kuma babu makawa zai ɓace. Wannan jawabi mai motsa rai ya yi tasiri, magoya bayansa suka tashi suna tafi da hurarrakin murna gare shi; sai kowa ya yi shiru game da jagorancinsa. Lokacin da aka kada kuri'a, an sanar da cewa Mustafa Kemal ya samu rinjaye.

Thereupon the Sultan asked Ghalib Beik, who was one of the Sultan’s greatest supporters, to head some of the Kurdish tribes and invade the city of Sivas, and arrest all the members of the conference. However he failed. The members of the conference had arrived to Sivas from all over Anatolia and the conference was held on 4th August 1919 and was chaired by Mustafa Kemal. However, his chairmanship was subject to objection. Shortly before the conference began, Ra’uf Beik, who was one of Mustafa Kemal’s closest friends, came to him and said : “We have looked into the chairmanship of the conference and consented that you should not accept it no matter what.” When the conference was convened under Mustafa Kemal’s chairmanship, some stood up and objected to his autocratic actions, for he had appointed himself chairman of the conference without a ballot. Upon this Mustafa Kemal stood up to defend himself. To quote from what he said : “We are not today in conferences which allow us to fight and dispute with each other, otherwise the star of the Empire would eclipse and her influence would be inevitably obliterated.” This emotional talk had its effect and his supporters stood to applaud and cheer him; then everyone kept quiet over his chairmanship. When the vote was taken, it was announced that Mustafa Kemal had gained a majority.

Nan da nan bayan an zabe shi shugaban taron, Mustafa Kemal ya tashi ya yi jawabi. Ya fara da bayyana biyayyarsa ga Sarki a fili, sannan zaman taron ya fara, kuma ya ci gaba na kwanaki da yawa cikin hayaniya, muhawara mai zafi da yawan raɗa-raɗi. Daga baya an fara gabatar da ƙorafe-ƙorafe da dama, sai wani ɗan majalisa ya tashi ya ce: Kwamitin Zartarwa na taron ba shi da haƙƙin ikirarin cewa shi ne gwamnati; kuma me za su yi idan Turawa suka tsoma baki a harkokin Anatoliya suka mamaye ta gaba ɗaya? Daga ina za su samo kuɗaɗen biyan kuɗin sojoji da albashin ma'aikata? Wani ɗan majalisar ya tashi ya ce: Ƙasar Amurka ba ta da burin mulkin mallaka, ita kaɗai ce ƙasar da za ta iya ceto Turkiyya daga halin ƙunci da ta fāɗa a ciki. Hanyar da Turkiyya za ta bi idan da gaske take game da kauce wa lalacewa da halaka ita ce ta jefa kanta cikin runguma ta Amurka. Sai Rauf Beik, Bakr Sami Beik, Kathim Qura Bakir, Rif'at, Ali Fuad da Pasha uku suka tashi suka nuna amincewarsu da wannan ra'ayi, suka kare shi da zuciya ɗaya. Wani ɗan majalisa kuma ya tashi ya ce: Mandaren Amurka ba ya kashe 'yancin kai. Ta hakan za mu iya kuɓuta daga kariyar Birtaniya; wannan kariyar Birtaniya za ta mayar da Turkiyya mulkin mallaka abin wulakanci, ta kuma sauke darajarta zuwa matakin bauta. Taron ya ci gaba a wannan hanya, yana karya dukkan ƙoƙarin Mustafa Kemal, kuma bayan wannan duka tattaunawa, taron ya amince da jerin kudurori waɗanda ba su bambanta da waɗanda aka amince da su a Ardh-Rum ba. Duk da haka, an tashi daga taron da mambobinsa cikin fushi da Mustafa Kemal. Kathim Qura Bakir Pasha, wanda shi ne kawai kwamandan sojoji da ya riƙe matsayinsa bai kuma mika kayan aikinsa ga ƙawayen ba, bai kuma mika wuya gare su ba, ya zo wurin Mustafa Kemal ya ce masa: Aikin sadarwa a madadinka ya jawo suka, ya Pasha, za ka iya tunanin, ya Mai girma, sakamakon irin wannan aiki da kuma tafiya a irin wannan hanya mai wahala. Don haka, don Allah, bari Kwamitin daga yanzu ya yi magana da kansa. Saboda haka, Mustafa Kemal ya yi matukar fushi lokacin da ya fita daga taron.

Ɗaya ɓangaren kuma, labarin taron Sivas ya isa Istanbul a wata fuska daban, kamar dai nasara ce ga Mustafa Kemal. Wannan kuwa an goyi bayansa da kauracewa taron da gwamnatin Istanbul ta yi. Ko da yake wannan kauracewa ta samo asali ne daga abin da Firaminista ya aikata, lokacin da ya hana tuntuɓa kai tsaye tsakanin taron da fada, haka kuma lokacin da Ghalib Beik ya jagoranci kabilun Kurdawa don kama wakilan taron, kauracewar nan da kuma nasarar gudanar da taron da kansu sun nuna al'amura a wata fuska daban.

This was on the one hand; on the other hand, news of the Sivas conference reached Istanbul in a different light, as if it were a victory to Mustafa Kemal. This was backed by the conference’s boycott of the Istanbul government. Although this boycott was triggered by what the Prime Minister had perpetrated, when he prevented direct contact between the conference and the palace, and also when Ghalib Beik headed the Kurdish tribes to arrest the delegates, this boycott in itself and the success in holding the conference had portrayed events in a different light.

Furthermore, the Allies, namely the British, recommended to the officials in Istanbul that they come to terms with Mustafa Kemal. Amidst this atmosphere, one of Mustafa Kemal's closest friends from the days of Salonika, whose name was Abdul-Karim, came forward and proposed to the Khaleefah that he act as a mediator between him and Mustafa Kemal. He told him that Mustafa Kemal had always been loyal to the Khilafah, to the Khaleefah, and to him personally. He also told him that he was ready to persuade him to come to terms. In the light of this reflective mood, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed to Mustafa Kemal putting forward his demands to end the rebellion for good. Upon this, Abdul-Karim telephoned Sivas and spoke to Mustafa Kemal, who agreed to end the rebellion and demanded the dismissal of Damad Farid Pasha's government and the forming of a new parliament to replace the parliament that the Sultan had dissolved. Accordingly, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed to this.

Furthermore, the allies, namely the British recommended to the officials in Istanbul to come to terms with Mustafa Kemal, and amidst this atmosphere, one of Mustafa Kemal’s closest friends, from the days of Salonika, and whose name was Abdul-Karim, came forward and proposed to the Khaleefah to act as a mediator between him and Mustafa Kemal. He told him that Mustafa Kemal had always been loyal to the Khilafah and to the Khaleefah, and to him personally. He also told him that he was ready to persuade him to come to terms. In the light of this reflective mood, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed with Mustafa Kemal propounding his demands to end the rebellion for good. Upon this Abdul-Karim telephoned Sivas and spoke to Mustafa Kemal, who agreed to end the rebellion and demanded the dismissal of Damad Farid Pasha’s government and the forming of a new parliament to replace the parliament that the Sultan had dissolved. Accordingly, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed to this.

Saboda haka, Mustafa Kemal ya fito a matsayin wanda ya yi nasara, domin ya samu nasarar tara mutane a kewayensa bisa wata akida da kowa ya yarda da ita, wato korar Turawan Yamma daga ƙasar da kuma 'yantar da ita daga mafarkin mamayarsu. Ya iya tayar da ƙwarin gwiwa a cikinsu game da yiwuwar yaƙar mamaya da daukar matakai a kanta. Saboda haka ya zama abin fatan talakawa da abin sha'awar jami'an soja, duk da cewa kowannensu yana da shakku game da manufofinsa ga Halifa, kuma suna ganin wannan manufa a matsayin abin da ya saba wa tsarkinsu, domin matsayin Halifa a wurinsu abu ne mai tsarki.

Therefore, Mustafa Kemal emerged as the winner, because he succeeded in gathering people around him on the basis of an idea that everyone was convinced of, that is the expulsion of the Allies from the country and her liberation from the nightmare of their occupation. He managed to evoke in them the possibility of fighting occupation and of undertaking actions against it. Hence, he became the object of the masses’ hope and the army officers’ admiration, although they all harboured doubt about his intentions towards the Khaleefah, and they considered these intentions to be against their sanctification, because the post of the Khaleefah was to them a sanctity.

Saboda haka, fatan mutane shi ne Mustafa Kemal ya sasanta da Khalifa, domin matsayin Khalifanci mai tsarki ya ci gaba da kasancewa a kan hakkinsa, kuma domin su samu korar makiya masu mamaye. Musamman haka ya kasance bayan da suka ji, ta hanyar hana Burtaniya mamaye Samsun da yakin da Helenawa suka yi, cewa akwai yiwuwar tsayawa wa masu mamayar. Don haka suka manne da wannan fata, wanda suka dauka Mustafa Kemal shi ne jarumin da zai cimma ta, kuma ba su ga a wurin Khalifa wannan damar ba.

Hence, people’s hope was for Mustafa Kemal to come to terms with the Khaleefah, so that the sanctified post of the Khaleefah remained intact and so that they could achieve the expulsion of the occupying enemies. This was especially so after sensing through the preventing of the British from occupying Samsun and the fighting of the Greeks, the possibility of resisting the occupiers. Thus they clung to that hope for which they deemed Mustafa Kemal to be its hero, and they could not see in the Khaleefah this possibility.

Saboda haka, idanun kowa sun koma kan Mustafa Kemal. Mafi yawan mutane ba su iya gane sarkakiyar harkokin siyasa da isarsu ba, kuma talaka ya kasa fahimtar su, haka kuma jami'an soja sun kasa idan ba su shiga harkokin siyasa ba. Saboda haka, sun kasa gane wadannan wasannin Birtaniya. Haka kuma ba su saba da dangantakar kasashen duniya ba, don haka ba su iya fahimtar yadda Birtaniya ta dage wajen hana abokan kawancenta samun ganima, koda kuwa hakan na nufin ba su ita ko kuma ta bar ta a hannun kasar da aka ci yaki, domin ma'aunin karfin kasashen duniya ya ci gaba da kasancewa a hannun Birtaniya, kuma domin ta ci gaba da zama babbar kasa. Haka kuma ba su sani ba cewa mamayar Italiya ko Faransa a kowane bangare na gabar tekun Turkiyya za ta raunana tasirin Birtaniya a gabas da kuma rundunonin ta a tekun Bahar Rum. Don haka ba su bari su dauki komai ba. Mutane kuma ba za su iya gane cewa Birtaniya ba ta fitar da Italiyawa da Faransawa ta hanyar karfinta ba, ko ta hanyar ayyuka a fili, sai dai ta hanyar tada wasu da kuma dabaru da yaudara.