14 Tsarin Mulki da Ka'idoji - Tsarin Musulunci | Quran Course

14 Tsarin Mulki da Ka'idoji - Tsarin Musulunci | Quran Course

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14 Tsarin Mulki da Ka'idoji

14 Constitution and Canon

by Taqiuddin an-Nabhani4 min readViewed 95 times

Kanun (Canon) kalma ce ta ƙasashen waje ta fasaha wadda ke nufin dokar da shugaba ya bayar domin mutane su aiwatar da ita. An bayyana ta da cewa "rukunin ƙa'idodin da shugaba ya wajabta wa mutane su aiwatar da su a dangantakarsu." Dokar asali ga kowace gwamnati ana kiranta kundin tsarin mulki (constitution); amma dokar da ke fitowa daga tsarin da kundin tsarin mulki ya tanada, ana kiranta kanun. An bayyana kalmar kundin tsarin mulki da cewa ita ce kanun da ke fayyace siffar ƙasa da tsarin mulkinta, kuma ya bayyana iyaka da ayyukan kowane iko da aka ba ta, ko kuma kanun da ke tsara ikon jama'a, watau gwamnati, ya bayyana dangantakarta da al'ummarta, kuma ya ƙayyade haƙƙoƙi da nauyin da ke kan Ƙasa ga al'umma, da kuma nauyi da haƙƙoƙin al'umma ga Ƙasa. Kundin tsarin mulki yana da asali daban-daban. Wasu an fitar da su a cikin siffar kanun, wasu kuma sun samu ne ta hanyar al'adu da dabi'u, kamar kundin tsarin mulkin Birtaniya, yayin da wasu kuwa kwamiti na majalisar ƙasa - wacce a lokacin tana da ikon - ya tsara su, ya amince da su, sannan ya ayyana hanyar yin gyara a kansu, daga nan sai ya rushe kansa domin a maye gurbinsa da hukumar da kundin tsarin mulkin ya kafa, kamar yadda ya faru a Amurka da Faransa. Kundin tsarin mulki da kanuna suna samuwa ne daga tushe biyu. Na farko shi ne tushen da suke fitowa kai tsaye daga gare shi, kamar al'adu, addini, ra'ayoyin malamai masana shari'a, hukunce-hukuncen kotuna da ƙa'idodin adalci da daidaito. Wannan ana kiransa tushen doka (legislative source). Misalan wannan nau'in kundin tsarin mulki su ne wasu daga cikin ƙasashen Yamma kamar Birtaniya da Amurka. Na biyu kuwa tushen tarihi ne, watau tushen da kundin tsarin mulki ko kanun ke fitowa ko kuma ake ɗauka daga gare shi, kamar kundin tsarin mulkin Faransa da kundin tsarin mulkin wasu ƙasashe na duniyar Musulunci, kamar Turkiyya, Masar, Iraƙi da Siriya.

Tambayar da ke gaban Musulmi yanzu ita ce ko an halatta amfani da waɗannan kalmomi ko a'a. Amsar wannan tambaya ita ce: idan kalmomin baƙi suna ɗauke da ma'anoni ko ma'anoni na alama (connotations) da suka saɓa wa ƙamusun Musulmi, to an haramta amfani da su. Misali, kalmar "social justice" (adalci na zamantakewa), wadda take nuna wani takamaiman tsari da ke bayyana a cikin tabbatar da ilimi da kula da lafiya ga matalauta da tabbatar da haƙƙoƙin ma'aikata da ma'aikatan wuta. Wannan ma'ana ta saɓa wa ma'anar adalci a ƙamusun Musulmi, domin a Musulunci adalci ('adl) yana nufin akasin zalunci (ẓulm). Amma tabbatar da ilimi da kula da lafiya haƙƙi ne na mai arziki da matalauci, kuma kare haƙƙoƙin masu rauni da mabuƙata haƙƙi ne da aka tabbatar wa duk waɗanda suke da zama ɗan Ƙasar Musulunci, ko sun zama ma'aikata, ma'aikatan hannu ko manoma da sauransu. Amma idan ma'anar kalmar ta yi daidai da abin da Musulmi suke da shi, to ana halatta amfani da kalmar, kamar kalmar "tax" (haraji), wadda take nufin kuɗaɗen da ake karɓa daga jama'a domin gudanar da al'amuran ƙasa. Musulmi suna da kuɗaɗen da Dawla take tarawa domin gudanar da al'amuranta, saboda haka daidai ne a yi amfani da kalmar "tax". Kalmomin "constitution" da "canon" suna nufin cewa dawla ta karɓi wasu dokoki, ta sanar da su ga jama'a kuma ta wajabta musu yin aiki da su, tana mulkinsu bisa gare su. Wannan ma'ana tana daidai da Musulunci. Saboda haka, ba mu ga wani abu da zai hana amfani da kalmomin "constitution" da "canons", wato dokokin da Khaleefah ya karɓa daga Ahkam Shar'iyyah. Duk da haka, akwai bambanci tsakanin kundin tsarin mulki da dokokin Musulunci, a gefe guda, da sauran kundin tsarin mulki da dokoki, a ɗaya gefen. Asalin sauran kundin tsarin mulki da dokoki shi ne al'adu da hukunce-hukuncen kotunansu da sauransu. kuma asalinsa kwamiti ne na hukuma wanda ke kafa kundin tsarin mulki, da majalisu da mutane suka zaɓa don su kafa dokoki, domin su na ganin cewa al'umma ce tushen iko da ikon mallaka. Amma kundin tsarin mulki da dokokin Musulunci, tushensu Alƙur'ani da Sunnah kawai, asalinsu kuma ijtihadin mujtahidai ne, daga cikinsu Khalifa ke ɗaukar wasu ƙa'idoji, inda yake kafa su yana wajabta wa mutane su yi aiki da su. Wannan kuwa saboda iko na Shari'a ne, ijtihadi kuma haƙƙi ne ga dukkan Musulmi, farilla ce ta kifaya a kansu su fitar da ahkamin shari'a. Khalifa kaɗai ne yake da haƙƙin ɗaukar ahkamin shari'a.

The question that now faces the Muslims is whether or not it is permissible to use these terms? The answer to this question is that if foreign terms contain meanings or logical connotations that contradict the terminology of Muslims, they are prohibited for use: such as the term "social justice", which implies a specific system that is manifested in the form of guaranteeing education, medical care for the poor and guaranteeing the rights of employees and workers. This connotation contradicts the Muslims terminological meaning for justice, because in Islam justice ('adl) means the opposite of injustice (DHulm). As for securing of education and medical care it is a right for rich and poor, and protecting the rights of the weak and needy is a right secured to all those who hold citizenship of the Islamic State, whether they are employees, labourers or farmers etc. However, if the meaning of the terminology is consistent with what the Muslims have then it is permissible to use that term, such as the term tax, which means the funds collected from the people for the management of the state. The Muslims do have funds collected by the State for the management of their affairs and, thus, it is correct to use the term tax. The terms constitution and canon mean that the state adopts certain rules, announces them to the people and obliges them to act according to them and it governs them on their basis. This meaning is consistent with Islam. Accordingly, we do not find anything to prevent the use of the terms constitution and canons, which means the rules adopted by the Khaleefah from the AHkam shar’aiah. However, there is a difference between the Islamic constitution and canons, on the one hand, and other constitutions and canons, on the other. The source of the other constitutions and canons is the traditions and verdicts of their courts etc. and the origin is an institutional committee which lays down the constitution, and councils elected by the people to enact canons, for they consider the people to be the source of authority and sovereignty. As for the Islamic constitution and canons, their source is the Qur'an and Sunnah only, and their origin is the ijtihad of the mujtahideen from which the Khaleefah adopts certain rules, where he enacts them and obliges the people to act according to them. This is because sovereignty is for the shar’aiah and ijtihad is a right for all Muslims and a fard kifayah upon them to deduce AHkam shar’aiah. Only the Khaleefah has the right to adopt the AHkam shar’aiah.

Assalamu alaikum, wannan tambaya ce da ke tasowa: shin yana cikin maslahar Musulmai su kafa tsarin mulki (kundin tsarin mulki) cikakke da dokoki na gaba ɗaya? Amsar wannan tambaya ita ce: kasancewar cikakken tsarin mulki da dokoki na gaba ɗaya ga dukkan hukunce-hukunce yana hana kirkira da ijtihadi. Saboda haka, Khulafa'u a zamanin Sahabbai, da Tabi'ai, da waɗanda suka biyo bayan Tabi'ai (tab'ii et-tabe'ieen), sun guji karɓar dukkan hukunce-hukunce. Sun takaita karɓa ga takamaiman hukunce-hukunce kawai, inda karɓa ya zama wajibi domin kiyaye haɗin kan mulki, shari'a da gudanarwa. Don haka, domin kiyaye kirkira da ijtihadi, ya fi dacewa Dawla ba ta da cikakken tsarin mulki wanda ya ƙunshi dukkan hukunce-hukunce, a maimakon haka, tana da kundin tsarin mulki wanda ya ƙunshi dokoki na gaba ɗaya waɗanda ke bayyana tsarin Dawla kuma suke tabbatar da ci gaba da haɗin kanta, sannan ya bar ijtihadi da istidlali ga gwamnoni da alƙalai. Wannan shi ne hali idan ijtihadi yana yiwuwa kuma mutane mujtahidai ne kamar yadda yake a zamanin Sahabbai, da Tabi'ai, da tab'ii et-tabe'ieen. Amma idan dukkan mutane muqallidai ne, kuma mujtahidai sun yi karanci, to wajibi ne Dawla ta karɓi hukunce-hukunce da su Dawla, watau Khalifa, da wulaƙa da alƙalai za su yi mulki da su a kan mutane. Wannan saboda in ba haka ba, yin hukunci da abin da Allah (SWT) ya saukar ba zai zama mai sauƙi ba, kuma gwamnoni da alƙalai za su sha wahala daga sabani da taqlidi mai karo da juna. Duk da haka, karɓa ya kamata ya zo bayan nazarin abin da ake magana a kansa da dalilinsa. Barin wulaƙa da alƙalai su yi hukunci daga iliminsu zai haifar da kasancewar hukunce-hukunce daban-daban masu karo da juna a cikin Dawla guda, har ma a lardi guda, kuma yana iya kaiwa ga yin hukunci da abin da ba shi ne abin da Allah (SWT) ya saukar ba. Saboda haka, saboda jahilcin Musulunci ya yi yawa a zamanin nan, wajibi ne ga Daular Musulunci ta karɓi wasu dokoki da aka takaita su ga muamaloli da ukubobi, banda karɓa a cikin akida da ibadu. Wannan karɓa ya zama mai shafar dukkan dokoki domin ta tsara al'amuran daula, kuma domin ta gudanar da dukkan al'amuran Musulmi bisa dokokin Allah (SWT). Idan daula ta karɓi dokokin, ta kafa kundin tsarin mulki da dokoki, dole ta takaita kanta ga hukunce-hukuncen shari'a kawai. Ba ta karɓa ko ma nazarin wani abu banda hukunce-hukuncen shari'a ba, ko ya yi daidai da Musulunci ko bai yi ba. Misali, ba ta karɓar mallakar dukiya ta ƙasa (nationalisation). Maimakon haka, sai ta kafa hukunci (hukm) na dukiyar jama'a. Daula ta takaita kanta da hukunce-hukuncen shari'a a dukkan al'amuran da suka shafi tunani (fikrah) da hanya (Tareeqah). Amma dokoki da tsare-tsaren da ba su da alaka da fikrah da hanya, don haka ba sa nuna wata mahanga ta musamman game da rayuwa, kamar dokokin gudanarwa da tsarin sassan gwamnati da sauransu, ana ɗaukarsu a matsayin hanyoyi da salo, kamar ilimomi, masana'antu da fasaha, wanda daula za ta iya karɓa domin tafiyar da al'amuranta, kamar yadda Umar ibn al-Khattab (RA) ya yi lokacin da ya kafa rajistar sojoji (diwan) wadda aka karɓa daga Farisawa. Waɗannan al'amuran gudanarwa da fasaha ba sa cikin kundin tsarin mulki ko hukunce-hukuncen shari'a, don haka ba a haɗa su cikin kundin tsarin mulki ba. Saboda haka, aikin Daular Musulunci shi ne ta tabbatar da cewa kundin tsarin mulkinta ya zama hukunce-hukuncen shari'a, watau kundin tsarinta da dokokinta su zama na Musulunci. Idan ta karɓi duk wata doka, dole ta karɓe ta ne bisa ƙarfin dalilin shari'a (daleel shar'ai) tare da fahimtar al'amarin daidai. Don haka, da farko dole ta yi nazarin matsalar domin ta fahimce ta, domin fahimtar matsalar tana da muhimmanci. Dole ne ya fahimci hukm shar'i da ya shafi wannan matsala. Sannan dole ne ya yi nazari a kan daleelin hukm shar'in. Daula sai ta karɓi wannan hukunci, bisa ƙarfin daleel, bisa sharaɗin cewa waɗannan ahkamun shar'iyyah ana karɓar su ne ko dai daga ra'ayin ɗaya daga cikin mujtahidai - bayan duba daleel da tabbatar da ƙarfinsa - ko kuma ta hanyar ijtihadi shar'i, koda a cikin mas'ala guda ɗaya, daga Alƙur'ani da Sunnah, ijma'in sahabbai, ko kiyas. Misali, idan Daula tana so ta karɓi hukuncin haramcin inshora a kan kaya, dole ne ta fara fahimtar yanayin inshorar kaya. Dole ne ta yi nazari a kan hanyoyin mallaka. Dokar Allah (swt) game da dukiya za a yi amfani da ita a kan inshora, sannan wannan za a karɓe shi a matsayin hukm shar'i a wannan tambaya. Saboda haka, ya zama wajibi a sami gabatarwa ga kundin tsarin mulki da ga kowace doka wadda take bayyana a fili madhhabin da aka samo kowace kasida daga gare shi, da kuma daleel ɗin da aka dogara a kansa. Idan an samo kasida ta hanyar ijtihadi daidai, sai a yi bayanin daleel ɗin da aka samo kasidar daga gare shi, domin Musulmai su sani cewa dokokin da Daula ta karɓa a cikin kundin tsarin mulki da dokoki hukunce-hukuncen shari'a ne da aka kai gare su ta hanyar ijtihadi daidai. Wannan saboda Musulmai ba su wajaba su bi dokokin Daula ba sai dai idan sun kasance ahkamun shar'iyyah da Daula ta karɓa. Bisa wannan tushe, Daula take karɓar ahkamun shar'iyyah a cikin tsarin kundin mulki da dokoki domin ta tafiyar da mutanen da suke riƙe da zama ɗan ƙasarta.

The question which arises is, whether or not it is in the interest of the Muslims to lay down a comprehensive constitution and general canons? The answer to this question is that the presence of a comprehensive constitution and general canons for all rules hinders creativity and ijtihad. Hence, the Khulafa'a in the age of the Companions (Sahabah), the followers of the Companions (tabe'ieen), and the followers of the followers of the Companions (tab''ii et-tabe'ieen), avoided adopting all the rules. They merely restricted adoption to specific rules where adoption was required to maintain the unity of ruling, legislation and administration. Therefore, for the sake of maintaining creativity and ijtihad, it is preferable for the State not to have a comprehensive constitution which includes all the rules, but rather a constitution that includes general rules which define the form of the State and which guarantees the continuity of its unity, and leaves ijtihad and deduction to the governors and judges. This is the case if ijtihad is feasible and people are mujtahideen as in the time of the Sahabah, tabe'ieen, and tab'ii et-tabe'ieen. But if all the people are muqallideen, and mujtahideen are rare, it is obligatory for the State to adopt rules by which the State, i.e. the Khaleefah, wulah and judges govern the people. This is because otherwise ruling by what Allah (swt) has revealed would be not easy and the governors and judges will suffer from differences and contradicting taqleed. However, adoption should come after studying the subject matter and daleel. Allowing the wulah and judges to rule from their own knowledge will lead to the existence of different and contradicting rules within the same state, even in the same province, and it could even lead to them judging with other than what Allah (swt) has revealed. Therefore, because the ignorance of Islam prevails these days, it is obligatory for the Islamic State to adopt certain rules confined to the transactions and punishments, excluding adoption in ’aqeedah and the ‘ibadat. This adoption should be inclusive for all the rules so as to punctuate the state's affairs and to conduct all the affairs of the Muslims in accordance with the rules of Allah (swt). When the state adopts the rules and establishes the constitution and canons, it must restrict itself solely to the AHkam shar’aiah. It must not adopt, or even study, anything other than the AHkam shar’aiah, whether it agrees with Islam or not. For example, it must not adopt the nationalisation of property. Instead, it must lay down the rule (hukm) of public property. The state has to restrict itself by the AHkam shar’aiah in every matter connected with the thought (fikrah) and the method (Tareeqah). But as for the canons and systems that are not connected with the fikrah and method (Tareeqah) and thus do not denote a certain view point of life, such as the administrative canons and departmental structures etc. they are considered to be means and styles, like the sciences, industries and technology, which the state may adopt to manage its affairs, as happened with Umar ibn al-Khattab (ra) when he established the army registers (divans) which were taken over from the Persians. These administrative and technical matters are not part of the constitution or the AHkam shar’aiah and, therefore, are not included in the constitution. Thus, the duty of the Islamic State is to observe that its constitution be AHkam shar’aiah i.e. that its constitution and canon be Islamic.When it adopts any rule it has to adopt it based on the strength of the daleel shar’ai with the correct understanding of the subject matter. Hence, first it has to study the problem in order to understand it - because understanding the problem is essential. It must then understand the hukm shar’ai related to this problem. Then it has to study daleel of the hukm shar’ai. The state then adopts this rule, based on the strength of daleel, on condition that these AHkam shar’aiah are adopted either from the opinion of one of the mujtahids - after looking through the daleel and be sure of its strength - or through ijtihad shar’ai, even in the single issue, from the Qur'an and Sunnah, ijma'a as-sahabah, or qiyas. Thus, for example, if the State wished to adopt forbidding insurance on goods, it has first to understand the nature of insurance on goods. It must study the means of possession. Allah's (swt) law concerning property would be applied on insurance and this would subsequently be adopted as the Hukm shar’ai in this question. Accordingly, there should be an introduction to the constitution and to each canon that clearly explains the madhab from which each article has been deduced, the daleel relied upon. If the article was deduced by a correct ijtihad, an explanation of the daleel from which the article has been deduced has to be provided, so that the Muslims know that the rules which the state has adopted in the constitution and canons are AHkam shar’aiah reached by correct ijtihad. This is because the Muslims are not obliged to obey the laws of the State unless they are AHkam shar’aiah adopted by the State. According to this basis, the State adopts AHkam shar’aiah in the form of a constitution and canons in order to govern the people who hold its citizenship.