Shugabancin ilimi na Musulunci ya yarda da dabi'ar ɗan Adam (fiTrah). Duk da zurfinsa, ana fahimtarsa cikin sauƙi. Zuciya da hankalin mutum suna buɗewa gare shi da sauri, suna marmarin fahimtarsa da yin tunani a kan cikakkun bayanansa cikin godiya. Wannan saboda addini yana cikin dabi'ar ɗan Adam. Kowane mutum yana da addini ta dabi'arsa, kuma babu wani ƙarfi da zai iya cire masa wannan dabi'a (fiTrah), domin an dasa ta sosai a cikinsa. Ɗan Adam, ta dabi'a, yana jin cewa bai cika ba, kuma akwai wani ƙarfi mafi girma da ya cancanci a girmama shi. Ilhamar addini a cikin ɗan Adam ita ce buƙatar Mahalicci, Mai tsarawa, wadda ke tasowa daga raunin dabi'arsa. Wannan ilhamar addini tana nan koyaushe kuma tana da wata bayyanuwa ta musamman, wato tsarkakewa (taqdees). Saboda haka, ɗan Adam mai addini ne kuma ya kasance yana bautawa wani abu a dukkan tarihi. Ɗan Adam ya bauta wa mutum, taurari, duwatsu, dabbobi, wuta da sauran abubuwa. Musulunci, duk da haka, tare da koyarwarsa, ya zo ne domin ya jagoranci mutum daga bautar halittu zuwa bautar Allah (SWT) wanda ya halicci komai. Bayyanar akidar bayan-zamani (materialism), wadda ke musanta wanzuwar Allah (SWT) da dangantakarmu da Shi (SWT), ba ta iya kawo ƙarshen wannan addini na asali ba. Duk da haka, ta canja tunanin mutum game da ƙarfin da ya fi shi girma da kuma tsarkake wannan ƙarfi. Ta canja duk wannan zuwa ga tunanin cewa wannan ƙarfi yana cikin mutane, kuma ta mai da tsarkakewarsa ga mutane kaɗai. Kamar dai ta koma baya, ta canja tsarkakewar mutane daga bautar Allah (SWT) zuwa bautar bayin (Allah), daga girmama ayoyin Allah (SWT) zuwa girmama kalmomin halitta. Saboda haka ta koma baya ta wannan fuska. Ba ta iya kawar da dabi'ar addini (fiTrah) ba; sai dai da yaudara ta karkatar da ita baya. Don haka, shugabancin ilimi na akidar bayan-zamani (Gurguzanci) shugabanci ne mara kyau, wanda ya saɓa wa dabi'ar ɗan Adam. Saboda haka, daga wannan mahangar, tabbas gazawa ce. Yana rudar mutane ne kawai ta hanyar jan hankalinsu ta cikinsu. Yana jan hankalin talakawa, masu tsoro da waɗanda aka sha kaye. Masu bin sa su ne waɗanda tunaninsu yake ƙasa, gazawa ne a rayuwa, kuma suna ƙiyayya da ita, da kuma masu karkatacciyar hankali waɗanda suke son a san su a matsayin masana idan suna zantuka game da ka'idar dialectics, wadda ƙarya da lalacewarta suke bayyana a fili ga hankali da kuma zahirin gaskiya. Yana dogara ga ƙarfi don danne mutane zuwa ga akidarsa. Saboda haka, zalunci, murkushewa, rashin doka, hargitsi, lalacewa da rashin kwanciyar hankali su ne manyan kayan aikinsa.

The intellectual leadership of Islam agrees with man's nature (fiTrah). In spite of its depth it is easily understood. One's heart and mind are quickly opened to it, eagerly trying to understand it and pondering over its details with appreciation. This is because religiousness is instinctive in man. Every man is religious by his nature and no power can remove from him this nature (fiTrah), because it is deeply rooted in him. Man, by nature, feels that he is incomplete and that there is a greater power which deserves to be sanctified. Man's instinct of religiousness is the need for the Creator the Organiser that arises from his natural weakness. This instinct of religiousness is constant and has a specific manifestation, which is the sanctification (taqdees). Consequently, mankind is religious and has always worshipped something throughout history. Humanity has worshipped man, planets, stones, animals, fire and other things. Islam, however, with its doctrine came to lead man away from worshipping created things to the worship of Allah (swt) who created everything. The advent of the materialistic ideology, which denies the existence of Allah (swt) and our relationship with Him (swt), could not put an end to this innate religiousness. However, it shifted man's conception of power greater than himself and of his sanctification of this power. It shifted all that to conceiving this power in men and made his sanctification to them alone. It is as if it went backward, and shifted people's sanctification from worshipping Allah (swt) to worshipping the servants (of Allah), away from venerating the ayat of Allah (swt) to venerating the words of the created. So it was backward in that regard. It could not eliminate the nature (fiTrah) of religiousness; it rather, deceitfully shifted it backward. Therefore, the intellectual leadership of the materialistic ideology (Communism) is a negative leadership, which disagrees with man's nature. Therefore it is a failure from this perspective. It only manipulates the people through appealing to their stomach. It attracts the poor, the scared and the defeated ones. Those who adhere to it are those low in their thinking, the failures in life and resentful of it and those mentally devious who aspire to be known as intellectuals when they chatter about the theory of dialectics whose falsehood and corruption are so visible by both the intellect and reality. It resorts to force to subjugate people to its ideology. Hence, oppression, suppression, anarchy, turmoil, destruction and instability are its most important instruments.

Al-qiyādah al-fikriyyah ar-Ra'simāliyyah kuma tana sabawa da fitrar ɗan Adam, watau ilhamin addini da yake cikinsa. Wannan saboda ilhamin addini yana bayyana ne a cikin tsarkake rai da kuma a cikin tafiyar da al'amuran rayuwar ɗan Adam. Rashin daidaito da saɓani suna bayyana idan ɗan Adam ya ɗauki wannan tafiyarwa da kansa, kuma hakan yana nuna rashin ƙarfinsa. Saboda haka, dole ne addini (wanda aka saukar daga Mahalicci) ya tafiyar da al'amuran rayuwar ɗan Adam. Don haka raba addini da rayuwa yana sabawa da fitrar ɗan Adam. Kasancewar addini a rayuwa ba yana nufin mayar da ayyukan rayuwa ibadu ba. A maimakon haka, kasancewar addini a rayuwa yana nufin sanya tsarin da Allah (SWT) ya shar'anta ya warware matsalolin ɗan Adam a rayuwa. Wannan tsarin yana fitowa ne daga akida, wadda ta dace da fitrar ɗan Adam. Cire wannan tsarin da maye gurbinsa da tsarin da ya fito daga akidar da ta sabawa ilhamin addini yana sabawa fitrar ɗan Adam. Saboda haka, shugabancin fikirar Jari-hujja ya gaza ta fuskar fitriya, domin yana da mummunan tasiri: yana raba addini da rayuwa, yana korar addini daga rayuwa, yana mai da shi al'amari na mutum ɗaya kawai, kuma yana cire tsarin Allah (SWT) wanda Ya shar'anta daga warware matsalolin ɗan Adam.

The Capitalistic intellectual leadership likewise disagrees with man's nature (fiTrah) i.e. the instinct of religiousness. This is because the instinct of religiousness manifests itself in sanctification as well as in management of man's affairs in life. The inconsistency and contradictions appear when man undertakes this management; testifying to man's inability. Consequently, the deen (revealed from the Creator) must manage man's affairs in life. Thus the separation of the deen from life contradicts man's nature (fiTrah). The presence of the deen in life does not mean making the functions of life religious rites. Rather, the presence of the deen in life means making the system that Allah (swt) ordained, solve man's problems in life. This system emanates from the ‘aqeedah, which agrees with man's nature (fiTrah). Removing this system and replacing it with a system which emanates from a creed that disagrees with the instinct of religiousness disagrees with man's nature (fiTrah). Therefore, the intellectual leadership of Capitalism fails from the instinctive (fiTriy) aspect because it is a negative one, for it separates the deen from life, banishes religiousness from life and making it an individualistic issue and removes Allah's (swt) system which He ordained, from solving man's problems.

Shugabancin tunani na Musulunci yana da kyau domin yana kafa hankali a matsayin tushen imani da wanzuwar Allah (SWT). Yana jawo hankalin mutum zuwa ga abubuwan da ke cikin duniya, cikin mutum da cikin rayuwa, domin ya tabbatar sarai kuma babu shakka da wanzuwar Allah (SWT), Mahalicci na waɗannan abubuwa. Yana bayyana wa mutum cikakkiyar kamala da yake nema a dabi'ar halittarsa, wadda ba ta cikin shi, ko cikin rayuwa, ko cikin duniya, kuma yana karkatar da hankalin mutum zuwa ga wannan iko mafi girma domin ya san wanzuwarSa kuma ya yi imani da Shi. Shugabancin tunani na Kwaminisanci kuwa an gina shi ne a kan tunanin kayan abu (materialism), ba a kan hankali ba, ko da yake hankali ne ke kai ga wannan matsaya. Yana ganin cewa kayan abu yana wanzuwa kafin tunani, kuma kayan abu shi ne asalin dukkan abubuwa, saboda haka yana da akidar kayan abu. Shugabancin tunani na Jari-hujja kuma yana kan wata mafita ta sulhu da aka cimma bayan gwagwarmaya mai zubar da jini tsakanin malamai na addini da masana, wadda ta ci gaba da shekaru masu yawa, kuma ta haifar da ra'ayin raba addini da gwamnati.

The Islamic intellectual leadership is positive since it establishes the mind as the basis for the belief in the existence of Allah (swt). It draws man's attention to the elements of the universe, man and life to conclusively and decisively establish the existence of Allah (swt), the Creator of these things. It defines for man the utmost perfection which he innately searches for and does not exist in him, the life, or the universe and directs man's mind to this utmost (Supreme) power so as to realise His existence and believe in Him The Communist intellectual leadership is built upon materialism and not the intellect though the mind concludes it. It considers that matter exists before thought and matter is the origin of all things, hence it is materialistic. The Capitalist intellectual leadership however, is based upon a compromise solution reached after a bloody struggle between the clergy and the intellectuals, which had lasted for many centuries and it resulted with the idea of separation of the deen from the state.

Saboda haka, duka shugabannin tunani na Gurguzanci da na Jari-hujja sun gaza, domin sun saba wa dabi'ar ɗan Adam (fiɗɗa) kuma ba a gina su bisa hankali ba.

Therefore, both the Communist and Capitalist intellectual leaderships failed since they contradict man's nature (fiTrah) and are not built upon the intellect.

A ƙarshe, daga cikin shugabancin hankali guda uku, shugabancin hankali na Musulunci kaɗai ne daidai, domin an gina shi bisa hankali, yana kuma daidaita da yanayin ɗan Adam (fiTrah), don haka ɗan Adam yana amsawa da kyau. Sauran shugabancin hankali kuwa ƙarya ne, domin ba a gina su bisa hankali ba, kuma sun saɓa wa yanayin ɗan Adam (fiTrah). Wato, shugabancin hankali a gurguzu an gina shi ne bisa falsafar kayan abu (materialism) ba bisa hankali ba. Wannan saboda tana riƙe da cewa abu yana gabanin tunani, watau yana gabanin hankali. Don haka idan abu ya yi tasiri a kwakwalwa sai ya haifar da tunani a cikinta, kwakwalwar tana tunani ne a kan abin da ya yi tasiri a kanta. Kafin abu ya yi tasiri a kan kwakwalwa babu tunani, saboda haka komai an gina shi ne bisa abu. Sakamakon haka, asalin shugabancin hankali na Kwaminisanci abu ne ba tunani ba.

In conclusion, of the three intellectual leaderships, only the Islamic intellectual leadership is correct, because it is built upon the mind, it agrees with man's nature (fiTrah) and, thus man positively responds to it. While the other intellectual leaderships are false because they are not built upon the mind and they disagree with man's nature (fiTrah). That is, the intellectual leadership in communism is built on materialism and not on the mind. This is because it maintains that matter precedes thought i.e. it precedes the mind. Thus when matter is reflected onto the brain it initiates thought in it, so it (the brain) thinks in the matter that was reflected on it. Prior to the reflection of the matter onto the brain there was no thought, and accordingly everything is built upon matter. Consequently, the origin of the Communist intellectual leadership is matter and not thought.

Wannan ra'ayi ba daidai ba ne saboda dalilai biyu: Na farko: Babu wani reflection (madubin nuna hoto) tsakanin abu da kwakwalwa; ba kwakwalwa ke nunawa a kan abu ba, kuma ba abu ke nunawa a kan kwakwalwa ba. Wannan saboda reflection yana bukatar abubuwa su mallaki halayen nuna hoto, kamar madubi, domin reflection ya faru. Wannan halayyar ba ta cikin kwakwalwa ko cikin abu. Saboda haka, babu wani reflection kwata-kwata tsakanin abu da kwakwalwa, domin abu ba ya nunawa a kan kwakwalwa, kuma ba a mayar da shi zuwa gare ta. Maimakon haka, jin abu (sensation) yana isa ga kwakwalwa ta hanyar gabobin jiki (senses). Jin abu da kwakwalwa ke yi ba nunawa ba ne na abu a kan kwakwalwa, ko nunawa na kwakwalwa a kan abu; jin abu ne kawai. A wannan batu babu banbanci tsakanin gani da sauran gabobin jiki wajen jin abu. Don haka jin abu yana faruwa ta hanyar wari, ji, taɓawa da ɗanɗano kamar yadda yake faruwa ta hanyar gani. Saboda haka, abin da ke faruwa ba nunawa a kan kwakwalwa ba ne, sai dai jin abubuwa. Bisa haka, mutum yana jin abubuwa ta gabobinsa biyar, kuma abubuwa ba sa nunawa a kan kwakwalwa.

This perspective is wrong for two reasons: The first: There is no reflection between matter and brain; neither the brain is reflected on matter, nor matter is reflected on the brain. This is because reflection requires that objects be endowed with the characteristic of reflection, such as a mirror, for reflection to happen. This characteristic is not possessed by the brain or by the matter. Therefore, there is no reflection at all between matter and the brain, because matter is not reflected on the brain, nor is it transferred to it. Rather, the sensation of the matter is transferred to the brain through the senses. The sensation of matter to the brain is not a reflection of matter to the brain, nor a reflection of the brain to matter; it is only the sensation of matter. In this regard there is no difference between sight and the other senses in the sensing of matter. Thus sensation occurs by smelling, hearing, touching and tasting as it occurs by seeing. Therefore, what happens is not reflection on the brain but rather it is sensation of the things. Accordingly, man senses things through his five senses and things are not reflected on the brain.

Na biyu: Hankali kaɗai ba ya haifar da tunani, sai dai kawai yana haifar da jin abu, watau jin wani abu mai taɓawa. Jin abu, tare da jin abu, tare da jin abubuwa miliyan ɗaya, har yanzu zai haifar da jin abu kawai, ba kuma tunani ko kaɗan ba. Domin mutum ya yi tunani, dole ne ya kasance yana da bayanai na baya wanda ta hanyar su zai iya bayyana abin da ya ji. Misali, idan aka ba wani littafi a harshen Syriac na dā, ga wanda ba shi da wani bayani na baya game da harshen Syriac, kuma aka sa dukkan hankalinsa ya faɗa kan littafin, ta hanyar gani da taɓawa, aka maimaita hakan sau miliyan, har yanzu ba zai iya fahimtar kalma ɗaya daga littafin ba, sai an ba shi bayanan da suka dace game da harshen Syriac. Bayan haka, zai fara tunani da fahimta. Bari mu ɗauki wani misali na yaro mai hankula lafiyayyu amma babu bayanai na baya. Idan muka sanya gaban yaron wani yanki na zinariya, da tagulla da dutse, muka sa dukkan hankalinsa ya ji waɗannan abubuwa, yaron ba zai iya fahimtarsu ba, komai yawan wannan jin da kuma maimaituwarsa. Amma idan aka ba yaron bayanai na baya game da su, zai yi amfani da wannan bayani wajen fahimtarsu. Idan yaron ya girma har ya kai shekara ashirin ba tare da wani bayani ba, zai kasance kamar yadda yake a ranar farko ta rayuwarsa, duk da cigaban halitta da ƙwaƙwalwar kwakwalwa. Domin ba kwakwalwa ce ke bai wa mutum damar fahimta ba, a'a, bayanan baya tare da kwakwalwa da abin da aka ji ne. Dangane da halayyar ɗabi'a ta ilhami, sabanin tsarin tunani na mutum, tana faruwa ne kawai a matsayin amsa ga ilhami da buƙatun jiki, al'amari da yake faruwa ga dabbobi haka kuma ga mutum. Misali, jariri yana gane ta hanyar ba shi tuffa da dutse akai-akai, cewa ana iya ci tuffa amma ba za a iya ci dutse ba. Haka kuma jaki yana gane cewa sha'ir abinci ne, amma ƙasa ba. Wannan bambancin ba ta hanyar tunani ko hankali yake faruwa ba, sai dai ta hanyar amsa wa ilhami da bukatun halitta, wadanda ke cikin dabbobi da mutum. Don haka tunani ba zai samu ba sai an hada bayanan da suka gabata da isar da abin da aka ji ta gabobin jiki zuwa kwakwalwa.

The second: Sensation alone does not produce thought, but merely produces sensation i.e. a sensation of the tangible object. Sensation, plus sensation, plus a million sensations will still only produce a sensation and no thought at all. In order for man to think, he must have previous information through which he can explain the sensed matter. For example, if a book in the ancient Syriac language was given to someone who has no previous information about the Syriac language, and all his senses were made to fall on the book, by sight and touch, and this was repeated a million times, he still would not be able to understand a single word of the book unless he is given the relevant information about the Syriac language. Thereafter, he will start thinking and understanding. Let us take another example of a child with sound senses but with no previous information. If we were to place in front of the child a piece of gold, brass and a stone and make all his senses, sense these things the child would not be able to comprehend them, no matter how much this sensation was diversified and repeated. However, if the child was given previous information about them, he would use this information to comprehend them. Were the child to grow up to be twenty years of age without any information he would remain as his first day of life, regardless of the biological growth in the brain. Since it is not the brain that enables man to comprehend, rather it is the previous information together with the brain and the sensed object. As for the instinctual behaviour, in contrast to the intellectual process in man, it results as a mere response to the instincts and organic needs, a matter, which occurs with animals as well as man. For example, a baby recognises through giving him an apple and stone repeatedly, that the apple can be eaten while the stone cannot. Likewise, the donkey recognises that barley is edible but soil is not. This differentiation occurs not through thought or intellect, but through the response to the instincts and the organic needs, which are present in animals and man. Thus thought cannot be produced unless previous information is coupled with the transference of the sensed thing through the senses to the brain.

Saboda haka, hankali, fahimta, ko iya gane abu za a iya bayyana su da cewa: isar da abin da aka ji ta hanyar gabobin jiki zuwa ga kwakwalwa, da kasancewar bayanai na baya wanda ta hanyarsu ake fayyace wannan gaskiya.

Accordingly, the mind, intellect, or comprehension can be defined as the transmission of a sensed object through the senses to the brain and the existence of previous information by which this reality is explained.

Saboda haka, jagorancin tunanin 'yan Kwaminisanci yana da ƙarya kuma kuskure ne, domin ba a gina shi a kan hankali ba, kuma fahimtar tunani a cikinsa ƙarya ce.

Therefore, the Communist intellectual leadership is both false and incorrect, because it is not built upon the mind and the meaning of the thought and mind in its understanding is false.

Jagorancin hankali na Jari-hujja (Capitalist) an gina shi ne bisa wata mafita ta sulhu da malaman addini da masana suka amince da ita bayan rikicinsu mai zubar da jini wanda ya dauki karnoni masu yawa. Wannan mafita ta sulhu ita ce raba addini da rayuwa, watau amincewa da addini a fakaice yayin da ake raba shi da rayuwa. Saboda haka, jagorancin hankali na Jari-hujja ba a gina shi ne bisa hankali ba, sai dai bisa wannan mafitar sulhu. Hakika, ra'ayin sulhu yana da tushe mai zurfi a wajen 'yan Jari-hujja, wadanda ke kusanta gaskiya (haqq) da karya (baTil), imani da kafirci, da haske (nur) da duhu (DHalam). Duk da haka, mafitar sulhu ba ta wanzuwa, domin al'amari ko dai gaskiya ne ko karya, imani ko kafirci, haske ko duhu. Sulhun da suka gina akidarsu da jagorancin hankalinsu a kansa ya karkatar da su daga gaskiya, da imani, da haske. Saboda haka, wannan jagorancin hankali ba a gina shi ne bisa hankali ba, don haka yana da karya.

The Capitalist intellectual leadership is built on a compromise solution agreed upon by the clergy and the intellectuals after their bloody conflict which lasted for many centuries. This compromised solution is the separation of the deen from life i.e., the implicit acknowledgement of the deen while separating it from life. Thus, the Capitalist intellectual leadership is not built on the mind, it is rather based on this compromise solution. Indeed, the idea of a compromise is deeply rooted in the Capitalists who draw the truth (haqq) near to the falsehood (baTil) and imaan near to Kufr, the light (nur) near the dark (DHalam). This is despite the fact that the compromise solution does not exist because the matter is either the haqq or the baTil, imaan or Kufr and light or darkness.The compromise on which they have built their doctrine and intellectual leadership has made them swerve from the truth, the iman and the light. Therefore, this intellectual leadership is not built on the mind thus it is false.

Amma koyarwar Musulunci an gina ta ne a kan hankali, domin tana wajabta wa Musulmi ya yi imani da wanzuwar Allah (SWT), da annabcin Muhammadu ﷺ da kuma Alkur'ani, ta hanyar amfani da hankali. Tana wajabta wa Musulmi ya yi imani da abubuwan gaibu (abubuwan da ba a iya gani ko ji ba), bisa sharadin cewa an ambace su a cikin wata majiya da aka tabbatar da ita ta hanyar hankali sarai, kamar Alkur'ani ko hadisi mutawatir. Don haka, akidar Musulunci tana kan hankali. Wannan shi ne daga mahangar hankali. Amma dangane da fidirar mutum (fiTrah), shugabannin ilimin Musulunci suna yarda da fidirar mutum, domin sun amince da wanzuwar addini, da wajibcinsa a rayuwa, da wajibcin tafiyar da rayuwa bisa umarni da hani na Allah (SWT). Ibada tana cikin mutum ta dabi'a (fiTriy), domin tana daga cikin dabi'un mutum, tana da martanin ta, wato tsarkakewa, wadda martani ce ta halitta ga wata dabi'a ta musamman, wadda ta bambanta da dukkan martanin sauran dabi'u. Don haka, imani da addini da wajibcin rayuwa bisa umarni da hani na Allah (SWT) abu ne na dabi'a. Yana dacewa da fidirar mutum, saboda haka yana amsawa mutum da kyau.

However, the Islamic doctrine is built upon the mind, because it obliges the Muslim to believe in the existence of Allah (swt), in the Prophethood of Muhammad (saw) and the Qur'an, through the use of the mind. It obliges the Muslim to believe in the ghaib, (things beyond the senses) on the condition that it is mentioned in a source which was conclusively proven rationally like the Qur'an or hadith mutawatir. Thus, the Islamic creed is based upon the intellect. This is from the rational perspective. However with regards to man's nature (fiTrah), the Islamic intellectual leadership agrees with man's nature (fiTrah) since it recognises the existence of deen, its necessity in life and the obligation to manage life according to the commands and prohibitions of Allah (swt). Religiousness is innate (fiTriy) in man since it is one of man's instincts with its own response, namely sanctification, which is a natural response to a specific instinct that differs from all the other responses of other instincts. Thus, the belief in deen and the obligation to live according to the commands and prohibitions of Allah (swt) is instinctive. It agrees with man's nature (fiTrah) and therefore responds positively to man.

Wannan ya bambanta da shugabancin Kwaminisanci da na Jari-hujja, kowannensu yana saba wa dabi'ar ɗan Adam (fiTrah). Shugabancin tunanin Kwaminisanci yana musanta wanzuwar addini gaba ɗaya, kuma yana adawa da amincewa da shi. Saboda haka, yana saba wa dabi'ar ɗan Adam (fiTrah). Shugabancin tunanin Jari-hujja ba ya amincewa da addini, haka kuma ba ya musanta shi. Ba ya mai da amincewa ko musanta addini batu na tattaunawa. Sai dai yana nacewa kan raba addini da rayuwa, kuma yana kira da a tafiyar da rayuwa bisa moriya ba tare da wata alaƙa da addini ba. Saboda haka, yana saba wa dabi'ar ɗan Adam (fiTrah). Wannan ya saba wa dabi'a (fiTrah), kuma yana nesa da ita.

This differs from the Communist and the Capitalistic leaderships, each of which disagrees with man's nature (fiTrah). The Communist intellectual leadership denies the existence of deen absolutely and opposes its recognition. Accordingly, it contradicts man's nature (fiTrah). The Capitalist intellectual leadership neither recognises nor denies deen. It does not make the recognition or denial of deen an issue for discussion. However, it insist on the separation of deen from life and advocates that life be managed according to benefit with no relation to deen. Therefore, it contradicts man's nature (fiTrah). This disagrees with the nature (fiTrah) and stands far away from it.

Saboda haka, jagorancin tunani na Musulunci shi ne kaɗai jagorancin tunani daidai, domin yana jituwa da yanayin ɗan Adam da hankalinsa; sauran dukkan jagorancin tunani na ƙarya ne. Saboda haka, jagorancin tunani na Musulunci shi ne kaɗai jagorancin tunani daidai kuma mai nasara.

The Islamic intellectual leadership therefore, is the only correct intellectual leadership because it agrees with man's nature and mind; all other intellectual leaderships are false. Accordingly, the Islamic intellectual leadership is the only correct and successful intellectual leadership.

Tambaya guda ta rage: Shin Musulmi sun aiwatar da Musulunci, ko kuwa sun yarda da akidarsa kawai yayin da suke aiwatar da wasu tsare-tsare da dokoki? Amsar wannan tambaya ita ce: Musulmi sun aiwatar da Musulunci kawai a dukkan zamani, tun daga isowar Manzon Allah ﷺ zuwa Madina har zuwa shekara ta 1336 bayan Hijira, wato shekara ta 1918 bayan Haihuwar Annabi Isa, lokacin da Daular Musulunci ta rushe a hannun mulkin mallaka. Aiwatar da Musulunci da Musulmi suka yi ta kasance cikakkiya, kuma nasarar da suka samu wajen aiwatar da ita cikakke ta kasance babba ƙwarai.

One question remains: Did the Muslims implement Islam, or did they only embrace its doctrine while implementing other systems and laws? The answer to this question is that Muslims implemented only Islam through all the ages from the arrival of Rasool Allah to Madinah until 1336 A.H i.e. 1918 C.E when the Islamic State collapsed at the hands of colonialism. The Muslims implementation of Islam was comprehensive and its success in their comprehensive implementation was overwhelming.

Aikin aiwatar da Musulunci a zahiri yana hannun bangarori biyu da ke da alhakin aiwatar da tsarin: Alkali, wanda ke da alhakin warware rigingimu tsakanin mutane, da kuma Shugaba, wanda ke mulkin mutane. An karbo ta hanyar rahotanni masu yawa (tawatur) cewa alkalan da suka warware rigingimun mutane tun zamanin Manzon Allah ﷺ har zuwa rushewar Khilafah a Istanbul, sun warware rigingimu a dukkan al'amura da dokokin Shari'ah. Wannan ko rigingimun sun kasance tsakanin Musulmai ko tsakanin Musulmai da wadanda ba Musulmai ba. Kotunan da ke warware rigingimu, kamar take hakkin mutane, al'amuran iyali, hukunta laifuffuka, da sauransu, suna karkashin kotu guda daya kacal bisa Shari'ar Musulunci kawai. Babu wanda ya taba ruwaito cewa ko da shari'a guda an warware ta bisa wata dokar da ba ta Shari'ar Musulunci ba, ko kuma wata kotu a kasashen Musulunci ta taba yanke hukunci da wani abu banda Musulunci, kafin a raba kotunan zuwa na shar'i da na nizami (na farar hula) karkashin tasirin mulkin mallaka a kai a kai. Mafi bayyanan hujja akan haka tana cikin bayanan kotunan shar'i da aka adana a tsofaffin birane na Kudus, Bagadaza, Dimashki, Alkahira da Istanbul da sauransu. Wadannan bayanai hujja ce mai karfi cewa alkalai sun aiwatar da Shari'ah kawai. Hatta wadanda ba Musulmai ba suna karatu da rubuta fiqhu na Musulunci, kamar Saleem al-Baz, wanda ya rubuta sharhi akan al-Majallah. Dokokin da aka kawo a karshen daular, an kawo su ne bisa fatawar malamai cewa irin wadannan dokoki ba sa karo da Ahkamus Shari'ah. Saboda haka, aka kawo kundin hukunta laifuffuka na Usmaniyya domin aiwatarwa a shekarar 1275 H (1857 M), kuma aka kawo Dokar Hakki da Ciniki a shekarar 1276 H (1858 M). Biyo bayan haka, a shekarar 1288 H (1870 M) aka raba kotuna zuwa biyu: kotunan Shari'ah da kotunan dokokin gwamnati, aka kuma fitar da wata doka domin tsara wannan rabuwa. A shekarar 1295 H (1877 M) aka fitar da doka domin tsara kotunan dokoki, kuma a shekarar 1296 H ... A (1878 C.E.) an fitar da Dokar Hakkoki da Hukunce-hukunce. Tun da malamai ba su ga wata hujja ta amfani da dokar farar hula ba, aka ajiye ta gefe, aka kuma fitar da littafin dokokin Shari'ah (al-Majallah) a shekara ta 1286 A.H. (1868 C.E.) a matsayin ka'ida ta mu'amalloli. Duk wadannan ka'idoji an fitar da su ne a matsayin hukunce-hukuncen da Musulunci ya halatta, kuma ba a aiwatar da su ba sai bayan an bayar da fatawa da ta halatta su, kuma Sheikh al-Islam ya amince da su, kamar yadda aka bayyana a fili a cikin dokokin da suka gabatar da ka'idojin. Hukumomin mulkin mallaka tun a shekara ta 1918 C.E. sun mamaye wasu kasashen Musulunci, suna warware rikice-rikicen shari'ar farar hula bisa dokokin da ba na Musulunci ba. Amma kasashen da sojojin mulkin mallaka ba su mamaye su a zahiri ba, duk da cewa suna karkashin tasirinsa, sun ci gaba da yin mulkin shari'a bisa Musulunci har zuwa kwanan nan, kamar Afghanistan da yankin Larabawa wato Hijaz, Najd da Kuwait, duk da cewa shugabannin wadannan kasashe ba sa aiwatar da Musulunci a yanzu. Saboda haka, muna lura cewa an aiwatar da Musulunci a shari'a, kuma ba a yi amfani da wata doka ba a shari'a a dukkan zamunnan Daular Musulunci.

Aiwatar da Musulunci daga bangaren shugaba yana wakiltar Ahkam Shar'iyyah da suka shafi fannoni biyar: zamantakewa, tattalin arziki, ilimi, harkokin waje, da mulki. Dukkan Ahkam Shar'iyyah da suka shafi wadannan al'amura kasar ce take aiwatar da su. Tsarin zamantakewa yana bayyana dangantaka tsakanin maza da mata da al'amuran da suke tasowa sakamakon wannan dangantaka, watau matsayin mutum (personal status). Shari'ah kadai ce ake ci gaba da aiwatarwa a tsarin zamantakewa duk da kasancewar mulkin mallaka a kasashen Musulunci da kuma mulkin kafirci; tabbas babu wani tsari da aka aiwatar sai ita. Dangane da tsarin tattalin arziki, yana bayyana ta hanyoyi biyu. Na farko, yadda kasa take tara kudin jama'a domin kula da harkokin jama'a. Na biyu, yadda ake kashe wannan kudin. Dangane da tara kudi, kasa tana karbar zakkar da ta wajaba akan kudi, filaye da dabbobi a matsayin ibada ta wajibi, kuma ana raba ta ne kawai ga rukunonin mutane takwas da aka ambata a cikin Alkur'ani. Kasa ba ta taba amfani da kudin zakka wajen tafiyar da kashe-kashenta ba. Kasa ta kan tara kudaden da take bukata don kashe-kashenta bisa ga Shari'ah. Don haka, ta kan karbi kharaj a kan filaye, jizyah daga wadanda ba musulmi ba, da kuma harajin kwastam a matsayinta na mai kula da cinikayyar cikin gida da ta waje. Kasa ba ta tara kudi sai bisa ga Shari'ah ba. Dangane da raba kudi, kasa tana da tsarin nafaqah (tallafin kudi) ga nakasassu, ta sanya safeeh (wanda bai iya tafiyar da al'amuransa ba) da mubaddir (wanda ya ke barnata dukiyarsa a kan haram) a karkashin kulawa, kuma ta kafa masauki a kowane gari da kuma a kan hanyoyin zuwa aikin hajji domin taimakon matalauta, masu bukata da matafiya. Wadannan abubuwan tarihi har yanzu ana iya ganinsu a manyan biranen Musulmi. Kashe-kashen kasa an tafiyar da su ne kawai bisa Shari'ah, ba bisa wani tsarin ba. Duk wani gazawar da za a iya gani a wannan fanni ta samo asali ne daga sakaci da rashin amfani da ka'idoji yadda ya kamata, ba don rashin aiwatar da (shari'a) ba.

The implementation of Islam by the ruler is represented in AHkam Sharai'ah related to five areas: social, economics, education, foreign affairs and ruling. The AHkam Sharai'ah relating to these matter were all implemented by the state. The social system defines the relationship between men and women and the matters that arise as a result of this relationship i.e. personal status. Alone the Shari’ah is still applied in the social system in spite of the presence of the colonial powers in the Islamic lands and the presence of Kufr ruling; definitely no other system has been implemented. Concerning the economic system, it is represented in two ways, firstly the way in which the state collects public revenue in order to look after the peoples affairs, secondly, the way in which this revenue is spent. As far as collecting revenue is concerned, the State collects the zakat due on money, land and livestock as an obligatory worship and is exclusively distributed amongst the eight categories mentioned in the Qur'an. The State never used the zakat fund for managing its expenditures. The State collected the necessary funds for its expenditures according to the Shari’ah. Thus, it collected kharaj over the land, jizyah from non-Muslims, and customs duties in its capacity as the supervisor over internal and external trade. The State did not collect funds except according to the Shari’ah. As for funds distribution, the state had a nafaqah system (financial support) for the disabled, placed the safeeh (incompetent) and mubaddir (the one who spends his wealth on haram) under guardianship and established lodgings in every city and along the roads to the pilgrimage to assist the poor, destitute and the travellers. These relics can still be seen in major Muslim cities. The State's expenditure was solely governed by the Shari’ah and by no other system. Any deficiency that may be noticed in this field was due to negligence and misapplication and not due to the absence of (shar’a) implementation.

Tushen manufofin ilimi Musulunci ne, kuma al'adun Musulunci su ne suka zama ginshikin tsarin karatu. An kula sosai don tabbatar da cewa ba a karɓi al'adun ƙasashen waje ba idan sun saɓa wa Musulunci. Rashin buɗe makarantu a lokacin faɗuwar daular Usmaniyya ya zama ruwan dare a dukkan ƙasashen Musulmi a lokacin, saboda koma-bayan ilimi da ya kai ƙasa-ƙasa a wannan zamanin. A dukkan sauran zamanai na Daular Musulunci, an san cewa ƙasar Musulunci kaɗai ita ce alƙiblar malamai da ɗalibai. Jami'o'in Qurduba, Bagadaza, Dimashƙu, Iskandariyya da Alƙahira sun yi tasiri sosai a tafarkin ilimi a duniya baki ɗaya.

The foundation of the educational policy was Islamic and the Islamic culture constituted the basis of the curriculum. Care was exercised to ensure that foreign culture was not adopted if it contradicted Islam. The neglect in opening schools towards the demise of the Ottoman state was typical of all the Islamic countries at that time, due to the intellectual decline which reached its lowest level in that period. In all the other ages of the Islamic State, it was well known that only the Islamic land was the qiblah of the scholars and students. The universities in Cordoba, Baghdad, Damascus, Alexandria and Cairo had a tremendous effect on the course of education throughout the world.

Manufofin wajen Daular Musulunci an kafa su ne a kan Musulunci. Daular Musulunci ta gina dangantakarta da dukkan sauran kasashe a kan tushen Musulunci, kuma dukkan sauran kasashe sun yi mu'amala da ita a matsayin Daular Musulunci. Dukkan dangantakarta ta waje an gina su ne a kan Musulunci da maslahar Musulmai. An san ko'ina a duniya cewa manufofin wajen Daular Musulunci manufofi ne na Musulunci, har ta kai babu bukatar wata hujja.

The foreign policy of the Islamic State was founded upon Islam. The Islamic State built its relationship with all other states on the basis of Islam and all other states dealt with it as an Islamic State. All of its external relationships were based on Islam and the interest of Muslims. It is known all over the world that the foreign policy of the Islamic State was an Islamic policy, to the extent that no evidence is required.

A game na tsarin mulki, tsarin Jiha a Musulunci ya ginu ne a kan ginshiƙai takwas: Khaleefah, watau shugaban Jiha, mataimakan Khaleefah masu wakiltarsa (Mo'aawen TafweeD), mataimakan Khaleefah masu aiwatarwa (Mo'aawen Tanfeedh), Ameer na Jihadi, Gwamnoni (Wulah), Alƙalai (QuDah), sassan Jiha, da Majalisar Ummah (Majlis al-Ummah). Wannan tsari ya wanzu, kuma Musulmi ba su taɓa zama ba tare da Khaleefah ba, har sai da Mustapha Kemal, sannan turawan mulkin mallaka kafirai (Kafir) suka soke Khilafah a shekara ta 1342 A.H (1924 C.E). Kasancewar Khaleefah ga Musulmi, kafin a cire shi, ya kasance ba ya katsewa. Duk lokacin da Khaleefah ya mutu ko aka cire shi, sai wani ya gaje shi, har ma a zamanin raguwa. Tunda Jiha ta Musulunci ita ce Khaleefah, hakan na nufin idan Khaleefah yana nan, to Jihar Musulunci tana nan. Dangane da mataimakansa a mulki da aiwatarwa, sun kasance a kowane zamani, kuma mataimaka ne ba wazirai ba. Ko da yake an kira su wazirai a zamanin Abbasiyawa, mataimaka ne, ba su da ikon ministoci (wazirai) da ke cikin tsarin dimokuraɗiyya kwata-kwata; mataimaka ne a mulki da aiwatarwa bisa izinin Khaleefah, yayin da dukkan ikon zartarwa yana hannun Khaleefah. Kasancewar gwamnoni (wulah), alƙalai (quDah) da sassan Jiha a fili take. Lokacin da kafirai suka mamaye ƙasashe, dukkan al'amuransu suna ci gaba da gudana, kuma akwai gwamnoni, alƙalai da sassan Jiha a cikinsu, al'amarin da ba ya buƙatar wata hujja. Dangane da Ameer na Jihadi, shi ne yake tafiyar da al'amuran runduna a matsayinta ta rundunar Musulunci a ko'ina cikin duniya, kuma an san ta da rashin cin nasara. Game da Majlis al-Ummah, bayan zamanin Khulafaur Rashidun, ba a ba kasancewarta muhimmanci sosai ba. Dalilin hakan shi ne cewa tana ɗaya daga cikin tsarin mulki, amma ba ɗaya daga cikin ginshiƙansa ba. Shura yana ɗaya daga cikin haƙƙoƙin al'umma a kan Khaleefah. Saboda haka, idan ya yi sakaci da ita, zai zama mai laifi, amma tsarin mulkin zai ci gaba da kasancewa na Musulunci. Wannan saboda shura (shawara) a Musulunci ana yinta ne don neman ra'ayi, ba don yin mulki ba. Wannan ya saba da tsarin majalisa a demokraɗiyya. Don haka, a bayyane yake cewa an aiwatar da tsarin mulkin Musulunci.

With regards to the ruling system, the structure of the state in Islam is established upon eight pillars: the Khaleefah, i.e., the head of State, the Khaleefah's delegated assistants (Mo'aawen TafweeD), the Khaleefah’s executing assistants (Mo'aawen Tanfeedh), the Ameer of Jihad, the Governors (Wulah), the Judges (QuDah)), state departments, and the state assembly (Majlis al-Ummah). This structure existed and Muslims have never been without a Khaleefah until at the hands of Mustapha Kemal, the disbelieving (Kafir) colonial powers abolished the Khilafah in 1342 A.H (1924 C.E). The existence of a Khaleefah for the Muslims, prior to its removal, had been continuous. Whenever a Khaleefah died or was removed, he was succeeded by another, even during the era of decline. Since the Islamic State is the Khaleefah, it means that when a Khaleefah is present the Islamic State exists. As for his assistants in ruling and execution they were present in all ages and were assistants and not wazirs. Although, they were named wazirs during the 'Abbassid era they were assistants and did not possess the capacity of ministers (wazirs) present in the democratic system at all, they were rather assistants in ruling and execution by authorisation from the Khaleefah, while all the executive powers were in the hands of the Khaleefah. The existence of the governors (wulah), judges (quDah) and state departments was obvious. When the kuffar occupied the lands, all their affairs had been running and there were therein governors, judges and state departments, a matter that does not need any evidence. As for the ameer of jihad, he used to run the affairs of the army in its capacity as an Islamic army all over the world, it was known to be undefeated. With regards to the Majlis al-Ummah, after the era of the Khulafaa ar-Rashidun, its existence was not given much attention. The reason for that is that it is one of the ruling structure but not one of its pillars. Shura is one of the rights of the people upon the Khaleefah. Thus, if he neglects it he would be negligent, but the ruling system would still remain Islamic. This is because the shura (consultation) in Islam is for seeking the opinion and not for ruling. This is contrary to the parliamentary system in democracy. Therefore, it is clear that the Islamic ruling system was applied.

Wata tambaya na iya tasowa game da bai’ah (mubaya’a) ga Khalifa. Abin da aka tabbatar shi ne cewa babu tsarin gado a cikin Khilafah. Wato, tsarin gado ba a kafa shi a cikin dawla ba, wanda ta hanyarsa ake samun shugabancin dawla kamar yadda ake yi a sarauta. Maimakon haka, ana samun shugabancin dawla ta hanyar karɓar bai’ah daga Musulmi a wasu zamuna, ko daga mutane masu tasiri (ahlul-halli wal-‘aqd) a zamuna na baya, ko kuma kamar abin da ya faru a ƙarshen dawla daga Sheikhul-Islam. A dukkan zamanun Dawlar Musulunci, hanyar da ake bi ita ce babu wani Khalifa da aka naɗa ba tare da an karɓi bai’ah ba. Ba a taɓa ruwaito wani lamari da aka naɗa Khalifa ta hanyar gado ba tare da karɓar bai’ah ba. Duk da haka, an yi kuskure wajen aiwatar da hanyar samun bai’ah. Saboda haka, Khalifa yakan karɓi bai’ah daga mutane kafin mutuwarsa ga ɗansa, ɗan’uwansa, ɗan’uwan mahaifinsa, ko wani mutum daga cikin iyalinsa. Bayan mutuwar Khalifa, sai a sabunta bai’ah ga wannan mutum. Wannan kuskure ne wajen aiwatar da bai’ah, amma ba ya zama mulkin gado ko gadon sarauta ba. Haka kuma, kuskuren aiwatar da zaɓe a tsarin majalisa ko dimokuraɗiyya har yanzu ana kiransa zaɓe, ba naɗi ba, koda kuwa ‘yan takarar da gwamnati ke goyon baya sun yi nasara a zaɓen. Saboda haka, dole ne a yarda cewa tsarin Musulunci ya kasance ana aiwatar da shi a dukkan zamanun Dawlar Musulunci.

A question may arise concerning the bai’ah (pledge) to the Khaleefah. It is an established fact that there was no hereditary system in the Khilafah. In other words, the hereditary system was not established in the state, by which ruling i.e. the state leadership was acquired as is the case in the monarchy. Instead, the State leadership would be acquired through receiving the bai’ah from the Muslims in some eras, from the influential people (ahle al-halli wal-'aqd) in later eras or as what occurred towards the demise of the state from the Sheikh al-Islam. Throughout the ages of the Islamic State, the procedure was that no Khaleefah was appointed without receiving bai’ah. Never was a single incident reported that the Khaleefah was appointed through inheritance without receiving bai’ah. However, notwithstanding this, the manner of attaining bai’ah was misapplied. Thus, a Khaleefah would take a bai’ah from the people before his death for his son, brother, cousin, or any other individual of the family. After the death of the Khaleefah the bai’ah was renewed for that person. This is a misapplication of the bai’ah but it neither constitutes hereditary rule or succession to the throne. Likewise, the misapplication of the elections in a parliamentary or a democratic system is still called elections and not an appointment even if the government-backed candidates succeed in the elections. Consequently, one must acknowledge that the Islamic system was applied throughout all periods of the Islamic State.

Dangane da nasarar jagorancin hankali na Musulunci a aikace, ba shi da misali musamman a abubuwa biyu masu zuwa: Na farko, akidar Musulunci ta canza dukkan Larabawa daga matakin hankali mara kyau, inda suke aiki ba bisa tsari ba cikin duhun rikice-rikicen iyali masu zubar da jini da jahilci, zuwa zamanin farfaɗowar hankali mai haske cikin hasken Musulunci, wanda fitowar rana tasa ba ta takaita ga Larabawa ba, sai dai ta mamaye dukkan duniya. Musulmai suka yi gaggawar isar da Musulunci ga duniya, suna kafa hannunsu a wannan aiki a kan Farisa, Iraƙi, ƙasashen Shams, Masar da Arewacin Afirka. Kowace daga cikin waɗannan al'ummomi tana da addininta, ƙabilarta, harshenta, al'adunta da al'adun gargajiyarta. Dukansu sun bambanta da juna. Ƙabilancin Farisawa ya bambanta da na Romawa na Shams, da na Kibtawa na Masar, da na Barbarawa na Arewacin Afirka. Da zarar sun zauna ƙarƙashin mulkin Musulunci suka fahimce shi, sai duk suka karɓe shi suka zama al'umma guda, Ummar Musulunci. Saboda haka nasarar jagorancin hankali na Musulunci wajen narkar da waɗannan al'ummomi da ƙabilu zuwa al'umma guda ba ta da misali. Wannan duk kuwa duk da cewa hanyar sufuri a lokacin rakumi ce, kuma hanyar sadarwa ita ce magana ta baki da rubutun alƙalami.

As for the practical success of the Islamic intellectual leadership, it was without parallel particularly in the following two matters: Firstly, the Islamic ideology transferred all of the Arabs from a low level of intellect in which they were acting haphazardly in the darkness of bloody family feuds and ignorance to an age of intellectual revival glittering in the light of Islam whose sunrise was not restricted to the Arabs but prevailed all over the world. Muslims rushed in conveying Islam to the world, putting their hands in the process over Persia, Iraq, the lands of ash-Sham, Egypt and North Africa. Each of these peoples had their own religion, nationality, language, customs and traditions. All were different from one another. The nationality of Persians differed from that of the Romans of Sham, from that of the Copts of Egypt and from that of the Berbers of North Africa. Once they lived under the rule of Islam and understood it, they all embraced it and became one nation (Ummah), the Islamic Ummah. Therefore the success of the Islamic intellectual leadership in melting these peoples and nationalities into one nation was unparalleled. This is in spite of the fact that the means of transportation at the time was the camel and the means of communication was the word of the mouth and the writing of the pen.

Al-FatH (buɗe ƙasa), duk da haka, yana nufin cire cikas na zahiri da ƙarfi don ba mutane damar shiga cikin abin da hankalinsu da fiTrah (ɗabi'arsu ta asali) ke jagorantar su zuwa gare shi. Ta haka ne mutane suka shiga Musulunci da yawa-yawa. A gefe guda kuma, mamayar ƙasashe da zalunci ta hanyar fatH (ci da yaƙi) tana raba masu cin nasara da waɗanda aka ci. Misali, mulkin mallaka na Gabas da mulkin turawan yamma ya ɗauki shekaru da dama ba tare da samun wani sakamako ba. Da ba don tasirin al'adun Yamma masu ruɗarwa da zaluncin wakilanta ba, wanda zai ƙare nan ba da daɗewa ba, to komawa zuwa cikin Musulunci a akida da tsari zai zama da sauri fiye da kiftawar ido. Saboda haka, nasarar shugabancin ilimin Musulunci wajen haɗa dukkan al'ummomi daban-daban zuwa Ummah ɗaya ta Musulunci ba ta da misali. Waɗannan al'ummomi sun ci gaba da zama Musulmi har zuwa yau, duk da masifu, mugunta da shirye-shiryen mulkin mallaka na lalata akidu da gurɓata tunani. Waɗannan mutane za su ci gaba da zama al'umma ɗaya ta Musulunci (Ummah) har zuwa Ranar Alƙiyama. Bai taɓa faruwa ba cewa wata al'umma (ko ƙabila) da ta karɓi Musulunci ta yi ridda daga gare shi.

Al-FatH (conquer), however was to remove by force the physical obstacles to give the people free access towards what their minds and their innate (fiTrah) guides them to. In this manner people entered Islam in masses. On the other hand, the oppressive conquering (fatH) of countries alienates the conquerors from the conquered. For example, the colonisation of the East by Western imperialism lasted for decades without gaining any result. If it was not for the influence of the deceptive Western culture and the oppression of its agents which will soon vanish, then the return to the domain of Islam in its ideology and system would be quicker than the blink of an eye. Accordingly, the success of the Islamic intellectual leadership in forging all the various peoples into one Islamic Ummah is without parallel. These peoples have remained as Muslims to this day, in spite of the colonialists calamities, wickedness and planning in corrupting the creeds and poisoning the thoughts. These people will remain one Islamic nation (Ummah) till the Day of Judgement. It has never happened that any people (or ethnic group) which had embraced Islam have apostatised from it.

Dangane da Musulmai na Andalus (Spain), an kashe su ta hanyar Kotunan Inquisition, da guillotine, aka kuma ƙone su a cikin tanderun masu zartar da hukunci. Musulmai na Bukhara, Caucasus da Turkistan sun fuskanci irin wannan mummunan ƙarshe kamar waɗanda suka gabace su. Gaskiyar cewa waɗannan mutane sun karɓi Musulunci suka zama Ummah ɗaya da ta damu da kare ‘aqeedah tata, tana nuna, a matsayin shaida, irin nasarar jagorancin ilimi na Musulunci da aikace-aikacen Musulunci da Daular Musulunci ta yi.

As for the Muslims of Andalus (Spain), they were massacred by the Courts of Inquisition, the guillotine and burnt in the ovens of the executioners. The Muslims of Bukhara, the Caucasus and Turkistan met with the same disastrous fate as those before them. The fact that these people embraced Islam and became one Ummah that was concerned to protect her ‘aqeedah, portrays, as evidence the degree of success of the Islamic intellectual leadership and the application of Islam by the Islamic State.

Ma'anar na biyu, wanda ke nuna nasarar wannan akida, shi ne cewa al'ummar Musulunci ta kasance jagora a duniya ta fuskar wayewa, ci gaban abin duniya, al'adu da kimiyya. Tsawon karni goma sha biyu, tun daga karni na bakwai miladiyya zuwa tsakiyar karni na sha takwas miladiyya, Daular Musulunci ta ci gaba da zama jiha mafi girma da karfi a duniya. A cikin wannan lokaci ta kasance furen duniya da rana mai fitowa a tsakanin al'ummai, lamarin da ke tabbatar da nasarar wannan jagoranci na hankali da nasarar Musulunci wajen aiwatar da tsarinsa da akidarsa a tsakanin mutane. Sai dai a lokacin da Daular Musulunci da al'ummarta suka watsar da rike wannan jagoranci na hankali, suka gaza wajen fahimta da aiwatar da Musulunci, sai suka koma baya suka rasa martabarsu a tsakanin sauran al'ummai.

The second matter, which denotes the success of this ideology, is the fact that the Islamic Ummah was the leading nation in the world in respect to civilisation, material advancement, culture and science. For twelve centuries, dating from the seventh century C.E to the middle of the eighteenth century C.E, the Islamic State remained as the leading and most powerful state in the world. Throughout this period it was the flower of the globe and the rising sun amongst the nations, a fact that confirms the success of this intellectual leadership and the success of Islam in implementing its system and ‘aqeedah upon the people. When the Islamic State and Ummah abandoned carrying its intellectual leadership and fell short in understanding and applying Islam, it lapsed and declined among other nations.

Saboda haka, muna cewa jagorancin tunanin Musulunci shi kaɗai ne daidai, kuma shi kaɗai ya kamata a kai wa duniya. Idan Daular Musulunci, wacce ke ɗauke da wannan jagoranci, ta kafu, nasarar wannan jagoranci za ta tabbata a yau kamar yadda ta tabbata a baya.

Therefore, we say that only the Islamic intellectual leadership is correct and it alone should be carried to the world. When the Islamic State, which carries this leadership, is established, the success of this leadership will be realised today as it was before.

Mun tabbatar da cewa Musulunci tare da ’aqeedarsa da tsarinsa, wanda ke fitowa daga gare ta, yana daidaita da yanayin halittar mutum (fiTrah). Saboda haka, Musulunci ba ya kallon mutum a matsayin halitta ta injina da ke aiki daidai kamar inji, yana aiwatar da tsarin bisa ma’aunin lissafi mai tsanani ba tare da wani bambanci ba. Akasin haka, daga mahangar Musulunci mutum halitta ce ta zamantakewa da ke aiwatar da tsarin da iyawa da halaye daban-daban. Don haka, ya dace da Musulunci, a gefe guda, ya rage gibin da ke tsakanin mutane ba tare da sanya kowa daidai da kowa ba, yayin da yake tabbatar da zaman lafiya ga kowa. A gefe guda kuma, yana da kyau a sami wasu mutane da suke karkata daga tsarin, don haka ba sa bin sa, da wasu da ba sa amsawa ko kuma suke juya baya ga tsarin. Babu makawa, za a sami a cikin al’umma masu aikata sharri (fussaq), mutanen da suke nutsuwa cikin fasikanci (fujjar), kafirai (kuffar), munafukai (munafiqoon), murtaddai (murtaddun), da masu musun Allah (mulhidoon). Abin da yake da muhimmanci shi ne cewa al’umma gaba ɗaya, daga mahangar tunaninta, motsin zuciyarta, tsarinta da mutanenta, ana ɗaukarta a matsayin al’umma ta Musulunci, wacce ke aiwatar da Musulunci a lokacin da waɗannan abubuwa suka bayyana a matsayin na Musulunci.

We have proven that Islam with its ’aqeedah and it's system, which emanates from it, agrees with man's nature (fiTrah). Consequently, Islam does not view man as a mechanical being functioning accurately like a machine and implementing the system on the basis of fine mathematical measures without disparity. On the contrary, from the Islamic perspective man is a social being who applies the system with varying capabilities and qualities. Thus, it is natural for Islam, on the one hand, to narrow the gap between people without making everyone equal while guaranteeing tranquillity for all. On the other hand, it is also natural to find some individuals who deviate from the system and thus don't comply with it and others who do not respond or who turn away from the system. Inevitably, there will be in the society evildoers (fussaq), people who indulge in vices (fujjar), unbelievers (kuffar), hypocrites (munafiqoon), apostates (murtaddun) and atheists (mulhidoon). The important thing is that the society as a whole, from the point of view of its thoughts, emotions, systems and people, is considered as an Islamic society, which applies Islam when these elements manifest themselves as Islamic.

Hujjar a kan wannan ita ce cewa ba zai yiwu wani ya aiwatar da wani tsari a matakin aiwatarwar Muhammad ﷺ ba. Duk da haka, a zamaninsa ﷺ akwai kuma kafirai, munafukai, murtadai, masu musun Allah, azzalumai, da mutanen da suka tsunduma cikin munanan dabi'u. Saboda haka, babu wanda zai iya cewa Musulunci ba a aiwatar da shi gaba ɗaya ba, ko kuma cewa al'umma ba ta Musulunci ba ce. Duk da haka, aiwatar da Musulunci yana kan mutum a matsayinsa na halitta mai zaman jama'a, ba a matsayin injin ba.

The evidence for this is that it is impossible for anyone to apply a system at the level of Muhammad (saw)'s application. In spite of this, at his (saw)'s time there were also disbelievers, hypocrites, apostates, atheists, evildoers and people who indulged in vices. Therefore, no one can claim that Islam was not applied completely or that the society was non-Islamic. Yet the Islamic application is on man as a social being, not a mechanical being.

Musulunci ya ci gaba da kasancewa a aiwatar da shi a kan dukkan al'ummar Musulunci, Larabawa da wadanda ba Larabawa ba, tun daga lokacin da Annabi ﷺ ya zauna a Madina har zuwa lokacin da kasashen mulkin mallaka suka mamaye filayen Musulunci suka maye gurbin Musulunci da tsarin Jari-hujja.

Islam continued to be applied on the entire Islamic Ummah, Arab and non-Arabs, from the time Prophet settled down in Madinah till the colonial powers occupied the Islamic lands and replaced Islam with the Capitalist system.

Don haka, an aiwatar da Musulunci tun daga shekarar farko ta Hijira har zuwa shekara ta 1336 bayan Hijira (1918 miladiyya), kuma al'ummar Musulmi ba ta aiwatar da wani tsari banda Musulunci a cikin wannan tsawon lokaci ba.

Thus, Islam was implemented from the first year of the Hijrah until 1336A.H (1918 C.E) and the Islamic Ummah did not apply any system other than Islam throughout this period.

Duk da cewa Musulmai sun fassara littattafan falsafa, kimiyya da al'adun ƙasashen waje daban-daban zuwa harshen Larabci, ba su taɓa fassara wata doka, tsari ko ƙa'ida ta wasu al'ummomi ba, ko don bincike ko don aiwatarwa. Da yake suna ɗaukar Musulunci a matsayin tsari, wasu mutane sun aiwatar da shi yadda ya kamata, wasu kuma sun yi amfani da shi ba daidai ba. Wannan ya dogara ne da ƙarfi ko raunin daular, da matakin fahimtarta game da Musulunci ko rashin fahimta, da kuma ko tana da ƙarfi ko kuma tana kwanciyar hankali wajen ɗaukar jagorancin ilimi. Saboda haka, yin amfani da Musulunci ba daidai ba a wasu zamanai ya haifar da koma baya a al'ummar Musulunci, amma wannan abu ne da babu wani tsari da zai iya gujewa, domin aiwatar da tsari ya dogara ne da mutane. Duk da haka, yin amfani da shi ba daidai ba ba ya nufin ba a aiwatar da Musulunci ba. Lallai an aiwatar da Musulunci, kuma babu wani tsari ko akida daban da aka aiwatar. Wannan saboda babban abin da ke da muhimmanci shi ne aiwatar da ƙa'idodi da tsare-tsaren da daular ta kafa. A wannan fanni, daular ba ta ɗauki wata doka ko tsari baƙo ga Musulunci ba. Abin da ya faru shi ne yin amfani da wasu daga cikin dokokinsa ba daidai ba daga wasu sarakuna. Duk da haka, idan ana nazarin aiwatar da Musulunci a tarihinsa, dole ne a lura da abubuwa biyu. Na farko, kada a ɗauki tarihi daga abokan gābar Musulunci waɗanda ke ƙin shi. Maimakon haka, dole ne a ɗauki tarihi daga Musulmai kansu bayan an yi bincike mai zurfi, don kada a karɓi hoto da aka murɗe. Na biyu, kada a yi hukunci gabaɗaya game da al'umma daga tarihin mutane guda ɗaya ko daga wani bangare ɗaya na al'umma. Misali, zai zama kuskure a yanke hukunci kan tarihin zamanin Umayyawa ta hanyar nazarin tarihin zamanin Yazid. Ko a yanke hukunci kan tarihin zamanin Abbasawa daga wasu al'amura na halifofinsu. Haka kuma bai kamata mu yi hukunci a kan al'ummar zamanin Abbasiyyah ta hanyar karanta Kitab al-Aghani (littafin waƙoƙi) wanda aka rubuta don ba da labaran mutanen da suka yi almubazzaranci ba tare da hankali ba, da mawaƙa da marubuta, ko ta hanyar karanta littattafan zuhudu (zuhd) da makamantansu, har mu fara tunanin cewa dukkan al'umma tana cikin almubazzaranci da zunubi, ko kuma cikin zuhudu da keɓewa. Maimakon haka, dole ne mu yi nazarin al'umma gaba ɗaya. Sai dai dole ne mu yarda cewa dukkan tarihin al'ummar Musulunci a matsayinta na al'umma a kowane zamani ba a taɓa rubuta shi ba. Abin da aka rubuta a maimakon haka shi ne al'amuran sarakuna da wasu jami'ai. Waɗanda suka rubuta irin wannan tarihi ba amintattu ba ne, ko dai masu ɓata suna ne ko masu yabo fiye da kima, kuma abin da suka rubuta ba za a karɓe shi ba sai an bincika.

Although the Muslims translated books of philosophy, science and different foreign cultures into Arabic, they never translated any legislation, system, or canon of other nations neither for research nor for application. Considering Islam to be a system, some people applied it well and others misapplied it. This depended on the strength or weakness of the state and on the degree of its comprehension of Islam or lack of understanding and according to whether it was strong or complacent in carrying its intellectual leadership. Consequently, the misapplication of Islam in some ages brought about some decline in the Islamic society, but this is something, which no system can avoid, because the application of the system depends on human beings. However, the misapplication does not mean that Islam was not implemented. Surely Islam was implemented and no other system or ideology was applied. This is because the crucial point is in the applying of canons and systems enacted by the state. In this respect the state did not adopt any canon or system alien to Islam. What occurred was the misapplication of some of its rules by some rulers. However, notwithstanding this, one must observe two points when examining the implementation of Islam throughout its history. The first point is that history must not be taken from the enemies of Islam who harbour hatred towards it. Instead history must be taken from Muslims themselves after an extensive research so as not to adopt a distorted image. The second point is that the generalisation in study of the society should not be taken from the history of individuals or from one aspect of the society. For example, it would be wrong to pass judgment on the history of Ummayad era by studying the history of Yazid's era. Or to pass judgment on the history of the Abbassid era from some incidents of their Khulafaa. Likewise, we must not pass judgment on the society of the Abbassid era from Kitab al-aghani (book of songs) which was written to narrate the stories of recklessly extravagant people, poets and authors or from reading the books of asceticism (zuhd) and the like and thus start thinking that the entire society was in a state of extravagance and sin or asceticism and isolation. Rather, we have to study the whole society. We have to acknowledge however that the whole history of the Islamic society as a society in any era was never written. What has been written rather is the affairs of the rulers and some officials. Those who wrote such history were not trustworthy, they were either slanderers or adulators and whatever they wrote can't be accepted without investigation.