Lokacin da ake nazarin al'ummar Musulunci bisa wannan tushe, watau a yi nazarinta ta dukkan fannoninta da kuma ta hanyar bincike mai zurfi, za a same ta a matsayin al'umma mafi kyau. Domin haka ta kasance a karni na farko, na biyu da na uku, ma'ana, har zuwa tsakiyar karni na goma sha biyu bayan hijira. Haka nan za a ga cewa al'ummar ta yi amfani da Musulunci a dukkan zamanukanta har zuwa karshen Daular Usmaniyya a matsayin kasar Musulunci. Sai dai kuma, tarihi bai kamata a dauke shi a matsayin tushen nazarin tsarin mulki da fiqhu ba. Maimakon haka, ya kamata a dauki tsarin daga tushen ilimin fiqhu, ba daga tarihi ba, domin tarihi ba shi ne tushensa ba. Saboda haka, domin fahimtar tsarin Kwaminisanci, ba a yanke hukunci daga tarihin Rasha ba, sai dai daga littattafan akidar Kwaminisanci kanta. Haka kuma, idan ana son fahimtar fiqhun Ingila, ba a dauke shi daga tarihin Ingila ba, sai dai daga littattafan fiqhun Ingila. Wannan ya shafi duk wani tsari ko dokar kowace al'umma.

When the Islamic society is studied on this basis i.e. to study it from all its aspects and through thorough investigation it can be found to be the best society. Since, it was so for the first, second and third centuries, in fact, right up to the middle of the twelfth century hijrah. One finds that the society applied Islam throughout all its ages right up to the end of the Ottoman State as an Islamic state. However, history should not be taken as the source for studying the system and fiqh. Rather, the system should be taken from the sources of jurisprudence and not from history, since history is not its source. Accordingly, to understand the Communist system, one does not draw conclusions from the history of Russia, but from the books of the Communist ideology itself. Likewise, if to understand the English jurisprudence one should not take it from the history of England, but rather from the books of English jurisprudence. This applies to any system or canon.

Musulunci akida ce mai tsarin rayuwarta. Saboda haka, duk wanda yake son fahimtar Musulunci, bai kamata ya yi amfani da tarihinsa a matsayin tushe ba, ko don samun ilimi ko don cire hukunce-hukunce (ahkam).

Islam is an ideology with its own ‘aqeedah and system. Consequently, those who wish to understand it must not use its history as a source, neither for knowledge nor for deducing rules i.e. aHkam.

Tushen fahimtar Musulunci shi ne littattafan fiqhu na Musulunci, kuma tushen cire dokokinsa shi ne cikakkun hujjojinsu. Saboda haka, tarihi ba shi ne ingantaccen tushen tsarin Musulunci ba, ba don fahimtarsa ba, ba kuma don cire hukunce-hukuncensa ba. Don haka ba daidai ba ne a dauki tarihin 'Umar bin al-Khattab ko 'Umar bin 'Abdul-'Aziz ko Haroun ar-Rasheed, ko daga abubuwan tarihi da aka danganta gare su ko daga littattafan da aka rubuta a zamaninsu, a matsayin tushen ahkamus Shar'iyyah. Idan aka bi ra'yin 'Umar a wata matsala, ana bin sa ne a matsayin hukunci na Shari'a da 'Umar ya cire ya kuma aiwatar, kamar yadda ake bin hukunci na Shari'a da Abu Hanifah, Shafi'i, Ja'far da sauransu suka cire. Ba a karbe shi a matsayin wani abin tarihi ba. Don haka tarihi ba shi da wata alaka da karbar tsarin ko sanin tsarin. Haka kuma, don tabbatar da ko an aiwatar da tsarin ko a'a, fiqhu ne ake komawa gare shi, ba tarihi ba. Wannan saboda kowane zamani yana da matsalolinsa, kuma tsarin ne ake amfani da shi wajen warware su. Saboda haka, domin neman tsarin da aka yi amfani da shi wajen warware matsaloli, dole ne a koma ga fiqhun Musulunci, ba ga abubuwan tarihi ba, domin shi kawai yana ba mu labarin abubuwa yadda suka faru. Idan aka koma ga fiqhun Musulunci, ba a samun a cikinsa wani tsari da Musulmai suka karba daga wasu, ko wani tsari da Musulmai suka zaba daga kansu. Maimakon haka, ana samunsa gaba daya a matsayin ahkamus shar'iyyah da aka cire daga hujjojin shar'i. Musulmai sun kasance masu matukar kulawa wajen tace fiqhu ta hanyar cire duk ra'ayoyin da ba su cika ba, watau ijtihadin da ba shi da inganci. Ma sun ma hana wasu aiki da ra'yin da ba shi da inganci (da'if), ko da an danganta shi ga mujtahid mutlaq (mujtahid cikakke).

The source of understanding Islam is the books of Islamic fiqh, and the source for deducing its rules is their detailed evidences. Thus, history is not the correct source of the Islamic system, neither for its understanding nor for its deduction. It is therefore incorrect to take the history of 'Umar bin al-Khattab or Umar bin 'Abdul-'Aziz or Haroun ar-Rasheed, whether from the historical events ascribed to them or from the books written during their respective periods, as a source for the aHkam Sharai'ah. If an opinion of Umar is followed in a question, it is followed in its capacity as a hukm Shara'i deduced and applied by Umar, as is the case with the hukm Shara'i deduced by Abu Hanifah, Shafii, Ja'far and others. It is not adopted as an historical event. History, accordingly, has nothing to do with adopting or knowing the system. Moreover ascertaining whether or not the system was applied, fiqh, rather than history, is the reference for determining that. This is because every era has its own problems, which were tackled by a system. So in order to find the system used to solve problems, one must refer to the Islamic fiqh, and not to the events of history, because it only reports to us the news as they are. When reference is made to the Islamic fiqh, one neither finds in it any system taken by the Muslims from others, nor any system chosen by the Muslims from themselves. Instead, one finds it completely as aHkam shar’ah deduced from the shar’ai evidences. Muslims were very careful to sift into the jurisprudence by removing any deficient opinions i.e. deficient ijtihad. They even prohibited others from acting according to the deficient (Daif) opinion, even if it was ascribed to a mujtahid mutlaq (absolute mujtahid).

Saboda haka, babu wani rubutun doka ko guda ɗaya sai Fiqhun Musulunci a dukkan duniyar Musulunci. Kasancewar jurisprudence ɗaya tilo ne kawai a cikin ƙasa, ba tare da wani rubutu na daban da ke tare da shi ba, yana nuna cewa ƙasar ba ta yi amfani da wani rubutu ba a cikin dokokinta.

As a result, there is not one legislative text other than the Islamic Fiqh throughout the Islamic world. The fact only one body of jurisprudence exists in a nation, without any other accompanying text, signifies that the nation did not use any other text in its legislation.

Idan an halatta a ba tarihi muhimmanci, to da an takaita shi ga binciken yadda ake aiwatar da tsarin. Tarihi kuma yana iya ƙunshe da al'amuran siyasa, daga cikinsu ne ake iya ganin yadda ake aiwatarwa. Ko da wannan ba za a karɓe shi ba sai bayan bincike mai zurfi, kuma daga Musulmi. Tarihi yana da tushe guda uku: littattafan tarihi, abubuwan binciken kayan tarihi, da riwaya. Ba za a ɗauki littattafan tarihi a matsayin tushe ba, domin yanayin siyasa na zamanin da aka rubuta su yana tasiri a kansu. Suna cike da ƙarya, ko dai suna goyon bayan mutanen da ake rubuta littattafan a zamaninsu, ko kuma suna kai hari ga waɗanda suke a zamanin kafin a rubuta littattafan. Misali na baya-bayan nan shi ne tarihin iyalin Allawiyyawa a Masar. Kafin shekara ta 1952 Miladiyya tana da kyakkyawan hoto a littattafan tarihi, amma bayan 1952 Miladiyya hotonta ya zama duhu. Haka ma yake ga tarihin sauran al'amuran siyasa a yanzu da a baya. Saboda wannan dalili, ba za a ɗauki littattafan tarihi a matsayin tushen tarihi ba, koda kuwa tarihin rayuwa ne da mutanensu suka rubuta.

If it were permitted to give attention to history, this would be confined to examining the way of applying the system. History might also contain political events, from which the way of application can be seen. Even this should not be taken except after a thorough research and from Muslims. History has three sources: History books, archaeological objects and narration. Historical books should not be considered as a source because they are influenced by the political conditions of the time. They are filled with lies, either supporting the people at whose time these books were written or attacking those at the time before these books were written. A recent example of this is the history of the Allawide family in Egypt. Prior to 1952 C.E it had a bright image in history books, but after 1952C.E its image was dark. The same applies to the history of other political events now and in the past. For this reason, history books should not be considered as a source for history, even if they were biographies written by their people.

Kayayyakin tarihi (tono da kayayyakin gargajiya) za su samar da gaskiyar tarihi idan an yi nazarinsu da gaskiya. Duk da cewa su kansu ba sa bayar da tsarin lokacin tarihi, suna nuna cewa wasu al'amura sun faru. Idan mutum ya yi nazari a kan kayayyakin gargajiyar Musulunci da aka samu a kasashensu, ko gine-gine ne, ko kayan aiki, ko wani abu daban, zai iya kammalawa cewa babu wani abu da ke a duniyar Musulunci sai Musulunci, tsarin Musulunci da dokokin Musulunci. Bugu da kari, salon rayuwar Musulmai da ayyukan da suke aikatawa sun kasance na Musulunci.

Archaeological objects (excavation and antiquities) would provide historical facts if studied honestly. Although they by themselves do not provide a historical timeline, they however denote occurrence of some events. If one examines the Islamic antiquities found in their countries, be they buildings, instruments, or any other thing, one can conclude that nothing was present in the Islamic world except Islam, the system of Islam and rules of Islam. Additionally, the Muslims way of life and actions conducted were Islamic.

Na uku, wato ruwaya, tushe ne mai inganci wanda za a iya dogaro da shi idan ruwayar ta kasance ingantacciya, kuma hanyar da aka bi wajen tattara ruwayar ta kasance iri ɗaya da hanyar da aka bi wajen tattara hadisai. Ta haka ne ya kamata a rubuta tarihi. Musulmi sun bi wannan hanyar ta ruwaya a lokacin da suka fara rubutu. Littattafan tarihi na gargajiya, kamar Tarihin at-Tabari, Sirar Ibn Hisham da sauransu, an rubuta su ne bisa wannan hanya. Musulmi bai kamata su koyar da 'ya'yansu daga littattafan tarihi waɗanda tushensu littattafan tarihi ne ba. Haka kuma bai kamata a samu cikakken bayani game da yadda tsarin Musulunci ya gudana daga irin waɗannan littattafan tarihi ba. A ƙarshe, a bayyane yake cewa an aiwatar da Musulunci kaɗai, kuma babu wani abu daban da aka aiwatar a dukkan zamanai.

As for the third source i.e. narration, it is a correct source, which can be relied on if the narration was correct and the method followed in collecting the narration was the same as the method followed in collecting the ahadith. This is the manner in which history should be recorded. The Muslims followed this method of narration when they commenced writing. The classical books of history, such as the History of at- Tabari, Sirah of Ibn Hisham etc. were written according to this method. Muslims should not teach their children from the books of history whose sources are other books of history. An overview of the application of the Islamic system should not be taken from those books of history either. In conclusion, it is evident that Islam alone was implemented and nothing else was applied throughout all the periods.

Tun bayan Yaƙin Duniya na Ɗaya, wanda ya ƙare da nasarar ƙawayen yaƙi, aka kai ga sanarwar Lord Allenby, kwamandan yaƙin a lokacin da ya mamaye Birnin Ƙudus (al-Quds), inda ya ce: "Yanzu Yaƙe-yaƙen Salibiyya sun ƙare". Tun daga lokacin ne kafirai masu mulkin mallaka suka ɗora mana tsarin Jari-hujja a dukkan al'amuran rayuwa, domin su ci gaba da tabbatar da nasarar da suka samu a kanmu. Saboda haka dole ne mu kawar da wannan tsari mai ruɓi da lalacewa wanda masu mulkin mallaka ke sarrafa ƙasashenmu da shi. Dole ne mu tumɓuke shi gaba ɗaya, sau ɗaya tak, domin mu sake komawa ga tafarkin rayuwar Musulunci.

However, since the end of the First World War, which ended with the Allies victory culminating with the announcement of Lord Allenby, the commander of the campaign when occupying Jerusalem (al-Quds), stated: "Now the Crusades are over". The Kafir colonialists have applied upon us since then the Capitalist system in all life matters, to perpetuate the victory they achieved over us. We must therefore get rid of this rotten and corrupted system by which the colonialists control our countries. We have to completely uproot it, once and for all, so that we can resume the Islamic way of life.

Yana da ƙarancin tunani mara zurfi a maye gurbin tsarinmu da wani tsarin, kuma yana da tunani mara zurfi a ɗauka cewa idan al'umma ta aiwatar da tsarin ba tare da 'aqeedah ɗinsa ba, zai cece ta. Dole ne al'umma ta fara rungumar 'aqeedah, sannan ta aiwatar da tsarin da ke fitowa daga wannan akida ('aqeedah). Aiwatar da tsarin da rungumar akidar ('aqeedah) ne kawai za su zama ceto. Wannan ya shafi al'ummar da aka gina bisa mabiyar akida, da kuma dawlar da aka kafa bisa wannan tushe. Amma ga sauran mutane da al'ummomi, ba wajibi ne su rungumi akidar a matsayin sharaɗin aiwatar da akidar a kansu ba. Al'ummar da ta rungumi akidar kuma ta isar da ita ga wasu, za ta iya aiwatar da ita a kan kowace mutane ko al'umma, koda kuwa ba su yi imani da ita ba. Wannan saboda akidar za ta kuma haifar da farfaɗowar wannan al'umma kuma za ta jawo su su yi imani da ita. Don haka rungumar akidar ba sharaɗi ba ne ga waɗanda ake aiwatar da ita a kansu, sai dai sharaɗi mai muhimmanci ga waɗanda suke aiwatar da ita.

It is a low superficial thinking to replace our system by any other system and it is a shallow thinking to consider that if the ummah applied the system without its '’aqeedah, it would save her. The Ummah must embrace the '’aqeedah first and then apply the system emanating from this doctrine (’aqeedah). The implementation of the system and embracing of the doctrine (’aqeedah) will then be a saviour. This applies to the Ummah, which is built upon an ideology and the state, which is established on this basis. As for the other peoples and nations, it is not necessary that they embrace the ideology as a prerequisite for applying the ideology upon them. The nation, which embraces the ideology and conveys it to others, can apply it on any people or nation, even if they do not believe in it. This is because the ideology will also result in the revival of that nation and will attract them to believe in it. Thus embracing the ideology is not a condition for those on which it is applied, it is rather an essential condition for those who implement it.

Yana da haɗari a rungumi kishin ƙasa tare da Gurguzanci. Ba za a iya raba Gurguzanci da akidarsa ta kayan duniya ba, domin ba zai zama mai amfani ko mai tasiri ba. Haka kuma ba za a iya karɓar Gurguzanci tare da akidarsa ta kayan duniya ba, domin tunani ne mara kyau, wanda ya saɓa wa ɗabi'ar ɗan adam (fiɗɗah). Bugu da ƙari, karɓarsa zai nufin cewa al'ummar Musulunci za ta bar akidar Musulunci ('aqeedah). Ba za mu iya karɓar Gurguzanci mu kuma riƙe ɓangaren ruhaniya na Musulunci a lokaci guda ba. Wannan zai sa mu ba karɓi Musulunci ba, ba kuma karɓi Gurguzanci ba, saboda su biyun sun saɓa wa juna, kuma duk abin da aka karɓa zai zama bai cika ba. Haka nan, ba za mu iya karɓar tsarin Musulunci ba tare da akidarsa wadda tsarinsa ke fitowa daga cikinta ba, domin hakan na nufin karɓar tsarin mulki mai tsanani wanda babu ruhi a cikinsa. Maimakon haka, dole ne mu karɓi Musulunci gaba ɗaya tare da akidarsa da tsarinsa, mu kuma isar da jagorancinsa na hankali a lokacin da muke yada da'awarsa.

It is dangerous to adopt nationalism in conjunction with Socialism. Socialism cannot be separated from its materialist idea, because it will not be productive or influential. Neither can Socialism be adopted together with its materialistic idea, since it is a negative thought, which contradicts with man's nature (fiTrah). Furthermore, its adoption would mean that the Islamic nation would have to abandon the Islamic ’aqeedah. We cannot adopt Socialism and simultaneously retain the spiritual aspect of Islam. This would result in adopting neither Islam nor Socialism, by virtue of the fact that they contradict each other and whatever was adopted would be incomplete. Similarly, we cannot adopt the system of Islam devoid of its ’aqeedah from which its system emanates as this means the adoption of an imperious system devoid of spirit. Instead, we must adopt Islam wholly with its doctrine (’aqeedah) and systems and convey its intellectual leadership when we carry the da’wah for it.

Saboda haka, akwai hanya ɗaya kawai ta samun farfaɗowarmu, wato komawa ga salon rayuwar Musulunci, kuma babu wata hanyar komawa ga salon rayuwar Musulunci sai ta kafa Daular Musulunci. Wannan ba zai tabbata ba sai mun karɓi Musulunci gaba ɗaya, a matsayin ’aqeedah, wadda take warware babbar matsala kuma a kanta ne ra'ayin mutum game da wannan rayuwa yake ta'allaka, da kuma a matsayin tsarin rayuwa, wanda yake fitowa daga wannan akida (’aqeedah). Tushen irin waɗannan tsarin shi ne Littafin Allah (swt) da Sunnar Manzonsa (saw). Dukiyar al'adunsa su ne: fiqhu, hadisi, tafsiri, harshen Larabci da sauran su. Babu wata hanya da za ta cimma wannan sai ta hanyar ɗaukar jagorancin tunanin Musulunci gaba ɗaya ta hanyar da'awar zuwa Musulunci da kafa Musulunci gaba ɗaya ko'ina. Da zarar an miƙa jagorancin tunani ga al'umma baki ɗaya da kuma ga Daular Musulunci, sai mu fara ɗaukar jagorancin tunani zuwa ga duniya.

Accordingly, there is only one way to attain our revival which is the resumption of the Islamic way of life and there is no way to resume the Islamic way of life except through establishing the Islamic State. This cannot be achieved unless we totally adopt Islam both as an ’aqeedah, which solves the greatest problem and upon which man's viewpoint in this life is concentrated and as a system, which emanates from this doctrine (’aqeedah). The basis of such systems is the Book of Allah (swt) and the Sunnah of His Messenger (saw). Its cultural treasures are the: fiqh, hadith, tafseer, Arabic language and others. No method can achieve this except by carrying the Islamic intellectual leadership completely through the da’wah to Islam and establishing Islam completely everywhere. Once the intellectual leadership has been transmitted to the nation as a whole and to the Islamic State, we embark upon carrying the intellectual leadership to the world.

Ita ce kaɗai hanyar cimma farfaɗowar: isar da jagorancin tunanin Musulunci ga Musulmai don su komawa ga tsarin rayuwar Musulunci, sannan su isar da shi ga dukkan ɗan Adam ta hanyar Daular Musulunci daga baya.

This is the only way to achieve the revival: to convey the Islamic intellectual leadership to Muslims so as to resume the Islamic way of life and to deliver it to all of mankind by means of the Islamic State thereafter.