Idan ana magana game da Larabawa kafin Musulunci, muna ganin ya zama wajibi mu zana wani karamin hoto na tarihin mulki, sarauta, rarrabuwar kai na mazhabobi da mabambantan addinai na Larabawa, domin a sauƙaƙa fahimtar yanayin da ya taso lokacin da Musulunci ya bayyana.

When talking about the Arabs before Islam,we deem it necessary to draw a mini-picture of the history of rulership, princeship, sectarianism and the religious dominations of the Arabs, so as to facilitate the understanding of emergent circumstances when Islam appeared.

Lokacin da rana ta Musulunci ta fito, masu mulkin Larabawa iri biyu ne: sarakunan da ke sanye da rawani, waɗanda a gaskiya ba su da cikakken 'yanci; da kuma shugabannin kabilu da iyalai, waɗanda suna da irin ikon da haƙƙoƙin da sarakunan rawani suke da su, kuma galibinsu masu 'yanci ne, duk da cewa wasu daga cikinsu na iya nuna wata irin biyayya ga sarkin rawani. Sarakunan rawani kawai su ne na Yemen, na Heerah da na Ghassan. Sauran masu mulkin Larabawa duka ba su da rawani.

When the sun of Islam rose, rulers of Arabia were of two kinds: crowned kings, who were in fact not independent; and heads of tribes and clans, who enjoyed the same authorities and privileges possessed by crowned kings and were mostly independent, though some of whom could have shown some kind of submission to a crowned king. The crowned kings were only those of Yemen, Heerah and Ghassan. All other rulers of Arabia were non-crowned.

Mutanen Saba na ɗaya daga cikin al'ummomin Larabawa tsantsa na farko, waɗanda suka zauna a Yemen. Tonowar da aka yi a "Or" ta bayyana wanzuwarsu tun shekaru dubu biyu da ɗari biyar kafin haihuwar Annabi Isa. Wayewarsu ta bunƙasa, kuma yankinsu ya bazu a karni na goma sha ɗaya kafin haihuwar Annabi Isa.

The folks of Sheba were one of the oldest nations of the pure Arabs, who lived in Yemen. Excavations at “Or” brought to light their existence twenty five centuries B.C. Their civilization flourished, and their domain spread eleven centuries B.C.

Yana yiwuwa a raba shekarunsu bisa ga wannan kiyasi:

It is possible to divide their ages according to the following estimation:

1. Shekarun da suka gabata kafin 650 K.H., lokacin da sarakunansu ke kiransu "Makrib Sheba". Babban birninsu shi ne "Sarwah", wanda aka fi sani da "Khriba", kuma kufanta yana wani wuri, tafiyar yini guda daga gefen yammacin "Ma'rib". A wannan zamani ne suka fara gina "Madatsar Ma'rib", wadda take da matuƙar muhimmanci a tarihin Yemen. An kuma ce daular Sheba ta yi girma ƙwarai, har suna da mazauna cikin Larabawa da wajenta.

1. The centuries before 650 B.C., during which their kings were called “Makrib Sheba”. Their capital was “Sarwah”, also known as “Khriba”, whose ruins lie in a spot, a day’s walk from the western side of “Ma’rib”. During this period, they started building the “Dam of Ma’rib” which had great importance in the history of Yemen. Sheba was also said to have had so great a domain that they had colonies inside and outside Arabia.

2. Daga shekara ta 650 K.Z. zuwa shekara ta 115 K.Z. A wannan zamani, sun daina amfani da sunan "Makrib" suka karɓi sunan "Sarakunan Saba'". Haka kuma sun mayar da Ma'rib babban birninsu maimakon Sarwah. Kufan Ma'rib suna nan ne a nesa da mil sittin gabas da San'a.

2. From 650 B.C. until 115 B.C. During this era, they gave up the name “Makrib” and assumed the designation of “Kings of Sheba”. They also made Ma’rib their capital instead of Sarwah. The ruins of Ma’rib lie at a distance of sixty miles east of San‘a.

3. Daga shekara ta 115 kafin haihuwar Annabi Isa (A.S.) har zuwa shekara ta 300 bayan haihuwarsa, kabilar Himyar ta ci masarautar Saba', sai ta mayar da Redan babban birni maimakon Ma'rib. Daga baya, an kira Redan da suna "Zifar". Kufansa har yanzu suna nan a kan Dutsen Mudawwar kusa da garin "Yarim". A wannan zamani ne suka fara raguwa da faduwa. Kasuwancinsu ya lalace sosai, na farko, saboda mulkin Nabetawa a arewacin Hijaz; na biyu, saboda fifikon Romawa a hanyoyin cinikin teku bayan da Romawa suka ci Masar, Sham da arewacin Hijaz; na uku kuma, saboda yake-yake tsakanin kabilu. Sakamakon wadannan abubuwa uku da aka ambata, iyalan Qahtan sun rabu kuma sun warwatse.

A shekarar 523, Dhu Nawas, wani Bayahude, ya aika da wata babbar runduna zuwa ga Kiristocin Najran domin ya tilasta musu su koma addinin Yahudanci. Da suka ki yin haka, sai aka jefa su da rai a cikin wani babban rami inda aka kunna wuta mai girma. Alkur'ani ya yi magana game da wannan lamari:

In 523, Dhu Nawas, a Jew, despatched a great campaign against the Christians of Najran in order to force them to convert into Judaism. Having refused to do so, they were thrown alive into a big ditch where a great fire had been set. The Qur’ân referred to this event:

"An la la'anta mutanen ramin." [85:4]

• “Cursed were the people of the ditch.” [85:4]

Wannan ya tayar da fushi mai girma a tsakanin Kiristoci, musamman sarakunan Roma, waɗanda ba wai kawai sun ƙarfafa Habashawa (Habasha) su yi yaƙi da Larabawa ba, har ma sun tara babban jirgin ruwa wanda ya taimaka wa sojojin Habasha, su dubu saba'in, wajen sake mamaye Yemen a shekara ta 525 bayan haihuwar Annabi Isa, a ƙarƙashin jagorancin Eriat, wanda aka ba iko a kan Yemen, matsayin da ya riƙe har sai da wani daga cikin shugabannin sojojinsa, Abraha, ya kashe shi. Abraha, bayan sulhu da sarkin Habasha, ya karɓi mulkin Yemen, kuma daga baya ya tura sojojinsa su rusa Al-Ka‘bah, saboda haka aka san shi da sojojinsa da suna "Mutanen Giwa".

This aroused great wrath among the Christians, and especially the Roman emperors, who not only instigated the Abyssinians (Ethiopians) against Arabs but also assembled a large fleet which helped the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) army, of seventy thousand warriors, to effect a second conquest of Yemen in 525 A.D., under the leadership of Eriat, who was granted rulership over Yemen, a position he held until he was assassinated by one of his army leaders, Abraha, who, after reconciliation with the king of Abyssinia, took rulership over Yemen and, later on, deployed his soldiers to demolish Al-Ka‘bah, and , hence, he and his soldiers came to be known as the “Men of the Elephant”.

Bayan abin da ya faru da giwaye, mutanen Yaman, karkashin jagorancin Ma'dikarib bin Saif Dhu Yazin Al-Himyari, da taimakon Farisawa, sun yi tawaye ga mamayan Habasha (Habashawa), suka dawo da 'yancinsu, suka nada Ma'dikarib a matsayin sarkinsu. Sai dai an kashe Ma'dikarib da hannun wani Habashawa da ya saba ajiye shi a matsayin mai yi masa hidima da kare shi. Don haka aka hana iyalan Dhu Yazin sarauta har abada. Kisra, sarkin Farisa, ya nada wani gwamnan Farisawa a San'a, ta haka ya mayar da Yaman mulkin mallaka na Farisa. Gwamnonin Farisawa sun ci gaba da mulkin Yaman har zuwa lokacin da Badhan, na karshe daga cikinsu, ya karbi Musulunci a shekara ta 638 miladiyya, ta haka ya kawo karshen mulkin Farisa a kan Yaman.

After the “Elephant” incident, the people of Yemen, under the leadership of Ma‘dikarib bin Saif Dhu Yazin Al-Himyari, and through Persian assistance, revolted against the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) invaders, restored independence and appointed Ma‘dikarib as their king. However, Ma‘dikarib was assassinated by an Abyssinian (Ethiopian) he used to have him around for service and protection. The family of Dhu Yazin was thus deprived of royalty forever. Kisra, the Persian king, appointed a Persian ruler over San‘a and thus made Yemen a Persian colony. Persian rulers maintained rulership of Yemen until Badhan, the last of them, embraced Islam in 638 A.D., thus terminating the Persian domain over Yemen.

Tun daga lokacin da Korosh Mai Girma (557-529 K.H.) ya haɗa kan Farisawa, sun yi mulkin Iraƙi da yankunan da ke kewaye da ita. Babu wanda ya iya kawar da ikonsu har sai da Iskandar Mai Girma ya ci sarkinsu Dara I, ya kuma ƙasƙantar da Farisawa a shekara ta 326 K.H. Daga nan ƙasashen Farisawa suka rabu suka kuma yi mulkinsu ƙarƙashin sarakunan da ake kira "Sarakunan Ƙungiyoyi", wani zamani da ya ci gaba har zuwa shekara ta 230 A.Z. A lokacin kuma, Qahtaniyawa sun mamaye wasu yankunan Iraƙi, daga bisani kuma 'Adnaniyawa suka biyo baya, waɗanda suka sami damar raba wasu sassan Mesofotamiya tare da su.

Ever since Korosh the Great (557-529 B.C.) united the Persians, they ruled Iraq and its neighbourhood. Nobody could shake off their authority until Alexander the Great vanquished their king Dara I and thus subdued the Persians in 326 B.C. Persian lands were thenceforth divided and ruled by kings known as “the Kings of Sects”, an era which lasted until 230 A.D. Meanwhile, the Qahtanians occupied some Iraqi territories, and were later followed by some ‘Adnanians who managed to share some parts of Mesopotamia with them.

Persawa, a karkashin jagorancin Ardashir, wanda ya kafa daular Sasaniyya a shekara ta 226 miladiyya, sun sake samun isasshen hadin kai da iko har suka mamaye Larabawan da ke zaune kusa da mulkinsu, suka tilasta wa Quda‘a barin zuwa Siriya, suka bar mutanen Heerah da Anbar a karkashin mulkin Persawa.

The Persians, under the leadership of Ardashir, who had established the Sasanian state in 226 A.D, regained enough unity and power to subdue the Arabs living in the vicinity of their kingdom, and force Quda‘a to leave for Syria , leaving the people of Heerah and Anbar under the Persian domain.

Zaman Ardashir, Juzaima Alwaddah ya yi mulki a kan Heerah, Rabi‘a da Mudar, da kuma Mesopotamia. Ardashir ya lissafa cewa ba zai yiwu ya yi mulkin Larabawa kai tsaye ba, kuma ya hana su kai hari a kan iyakokinsa, sai dai idan ya nada sarki daga cikinsu wanda yake da goyon baya da ikon kabilarsa. Ya kuma ga cewa zai iya amfani da su a kan sarakunan Byzantium wadanda koyaushe suke damunsa. A lokaci guda kuma, Larabawan Iraki za su iya fuskantar Larabawan Siriya wadanda suke karkashin ikon sarakunan Byzantium. Duk da haka, ya ga ya dace ya ajiye wata runduna ta Farisawa karkashin umurnin sarkin Heerah, domin a yi amfani da ita a kan wadancan Larabawa da za su iya tayar masa da kayar baya.

During the time of Ardashir, Juzaima Alwaddah exercised rulership over Heerah, Rabi‘a and Mudar, and Mesopotamia. Ardashir had reckoned that it was impossible for him to rule the Arabs directly and prevent them from attacking his borders unless he appointed as king one of them who enjoyed support and power of his tribe. He had also seen that he could make use of them against the Byzantine kings who always used to harass him. At the same time, the Arabs of Iraq could face the Arabs of Syria who were in the hold of Byzantine kings. However, he deemed it fit to keep a Persian battalion under command of the king of Heerah to be used against those Arabs who might rebel against him.

A cikin hijirar kabilu, wasu rassan Quda‘a sun isa kan iyakokin Siriya inda suka zauna. Su ne zuriyar Sulaih bin Halwan, wanda daga cikin 'ya'yansa akwai 'ya'yan Duj‘am bin Sulaih, wadanda aka sani da Ad-Duja‘ima. Irin wadannan rassan Quda‘a Romawan Bizantine sun yi amfani da su wajen kare iyakokinsu daga hare-haren Larabawan Badiya da kuma Farisawa, kuma sun more mulkin kai na tsawon lokaci mai yawa, wanda aka ce ya dade a duk karni na biyu miladiyya. Daya daga cikin shahararrun sarakunansu shi ne Ziyad bin Al-Habula. Sai dai ikonsu ya zo karshe bayan an ci su da yaki a hannun Gassanawa, wadanda sakamakon haka aka ba su mulkin wakilci a kan Larabawan Siriya, kuma suka mayar da Dumat Al-Jandal hedkwatarsu. Wannan mulki ya ci gaba har zuwa yakin Yarmuk a shekara ta 13 bayan hijira. Sarkinsu na karshe Jabala bin Al-Aihum ya musulunta a zamanin Shugaban Muminai, ‘Umar bin Al-Khattab (Allah ya yarda da shi).

In the process of the tribal emigrations, some septs of Quda‘a reached the borders of Syria where they settled down. They belonged to the family of Sulaih bin Halwan, of whose offspring were the sons of Duj‘am bin Sulaih known as Ad-Duja‘ima. Such septs of Quda‘a were used by the Byzantines in the defence of the Byzantine borders against both Arab Bedouin raiders and the Persians, and enjoyed autonomy for a considerable phase of time which is said to have lasted for the whole second century A.D. One of their most famous kings was Zyiad bin Al-Habula. Their authority however came to an end upon defeat by the Ghassanides who were consequently granted the proxy rulership over the Arabs of Syria and had Dumat Al-Jandal as their headquarters, which lasted until the battle of Yarmuk in the year 13 A.H. Their last king Jabala bin Al-Aihum embraced Islam during the reign of the Chief of Believers, ‘Umar bin Al-Khattab (May Allah be pleased with him).

Ismail (ﷺ) ya riƙe mulkin Makkah da kuma kula da Masallacin Harami a tsawon rayuwarsa. Bayan rasuwarsa yana da shekara 137, 'ya'yansa biyu, Nabet da Qidar, suka gaje shi. Daga baya kuma, kakansu a wajen uwa, Mudad bin 'Amr Al-Jurhumi, ya karɓi mulki, don haka mulkin Makkah ya koma hannun kabilar Jurhum, wadda ta riƙe matsayi mai daraja, amma kaɗan ne ikon da 'ya'yan Ismail suka samu, saboda abin da mahaifinsu ya yi wajen gina Masallacin Harami. Sun riƙe wannan matsayi har zuwa lokacin da kabilar Jurhum ta fara raguwa, jim kaɗan kafin tashin Bukhtanassar.

Ishmael (Peace be upon him) administered authority over Makkah as well as custodianship of the Holy Sanctuary throughout his lifetime. Upon his death, at the age of 137, two of his sons, Nabet and Qidar, succeeded him. Later on, their maternal grandfather, Mudad bin ‘Amr Al-Jurhumi took over, thus transferring rulership over Makkah to the tribe of Jurhum, preserving a venerable position, though very little authority for Ishmael’s sons due to their father’s exploits in building the Holy Sanctuary, a position they held until the decline of the tribe of Jurhum shortly before the rise of Bukhtanassar.

ولقد بدأ الدور السياسي للعدنانيين يكتسب أرضية أقوى في مكة، ويتضح ذلك جلياً من أن قائد العرب في غزوة بختنصر الأولى للعرب في "ذات عرق" لم يكن من جرهم. أما في غزوته الثانية سنة 587 قبل الميلاد، فقد خاف العدنانيون وفروا إلى اليمن، بينما هرب برميا النبي إلى الشام مع معد، لكن لما خفّ ضغط بختنصر عاد معد إلى مكة فلم يجد من قبيلة جرهم إلا جرشم بن جلهمة، فزوّجه ابنته معانة، التي أنجبت له لاحقاً ابنه نزاراً.

The political role of the ‘Adnanides had begun to gain firmer grounds in Makkah, which could be clearly attested by the fact that upon Bukhtanassar’s first invasion of the Arabs in ‘Dhati ‘Irq’, the leader of the Arabs was not from Jurhum. Upon Bukhtanassar’s second invasion in 587 B.C., however, the ‘Adnanides were frightened out to Yemen, while Burmia An-Nabi fled to Syria with Ma‘ad, but when Bukhtanassar’s pressure lessened, Ma‘ad returned to Makkah to find none of the tribe of Jurhum except Jursham bin Jalhamah, whose daughter, Mu‘ana, was given to Ma‘ad as wife who, later, had a son by him named Nizar.

Saboda mawuyacin yanayin rayuwa da talauci da suka yi yawa a Makkah, kabilar Jurhum ta fara cin zarafin baƙi na Haramin Allah da kwace kuɗaɗen sa. Hakan ya haifar da fushi da ƙiyayya ga Adnanawa (’ya’yan Bakr bin ‘Abd Manaf bin Kinana), waɗanda, tare da taimakon kabilar Khuza‘a wadda ta zo ta zauna a wani yanki makwabci mai suna Marr Az-Zahran, suka kai wa Jurhum hari, suka tsoratar da su har suka fice daga Makkah, suka bar mulki ga Quda‘a a tsakiyar karni na biyu bayan haihuwar Annabi Isa.

On account of difficult living conditions and destitution prevalent in Makkah, the tribe of Jurhum began to ill-treat visitors of the Holy Sanctuary and extort its funds, which aroused resentment and hatred of the ‘Adnanides (sons of Bakr bin ‘Abd Munaf bin Kinana) who, with the help of the tribe of Khuza‘a that had come to settle in a neighbouring area called Marr Az-Zahran, invaded Jurhum and frightened them out of Makkah leaving rulership to Quda‘a in the middle of the second century A.D.

Na farko: Jagorantar mahajjata daga ‘Arafat zuwa Muzdalifah, sannan daga Mina zuwa Jamrat Al-‘Aqabah. Wannan hakki ne na iyalan Al-Ghawth bin Murra, daya daga cikin rassan Ilyas bin Mudar, wadanda ake kira ‘Sofa’. Wannan fifiko yana nufin cewa mahajjata ba su da izinin jefa duwatsu a Al-‘Aqabah sai dayan mutanen ‘Sofa’ ya yi hakan. Idan sun gama jifa suka so barin kwarin Mina, mutanen ‘Sofa’ sukan tsaya a bangarori biyu na Al-‘Aqabah, kuma babu wanda zai wuce wurin har sai mutanen ‘Sofa’ sun wuce sun share hanya ga mahajjata. Lokacin da ‘Sofa’ suka halaka, iyalan Sa‘d bin Zaid Manat daga kabilar Tamim suka karbi wannan aiki.

• The First: Leading pilgrims from ‘Arafat to Muzdalifah and then from Mina to the ‘Aqabah Stoning Pillar. This was the authority of the family of Al-Ghawth bin Murra, one of the septs of Elias bin Mudar, who were called ‘Sofa’. This privilege meant that the pilgrims were not allowed to throw stones at Al-‘Aqabah until one of the ‘Sofa’ men did that. When they had finished stoning and wanted to leave the valley of Mina, ‘Sofa’ men stood on the two sides of Al-‘Aqabah and nobody would pass that position until the men of ‘Sofa’ passed and cleared the way for the pilgrims. When Sofa perished, the family of Sa‘d bin Zaid Manat from Tamim tribe took over.

Na biyu: Al-Ifadah (tafiya zuwa Mina bayan Muzdalifah) a safiyar ranar layya, kuma wannan nauyi ne na iyalan Adwan.

The Second: Al-Ifadah (leaving for Mina after Muzdalifah) on sacrifice morning, and this was the responsibility of the family of Adwan.

Na uku: Jinkirta watanni masu tsarki, kuma wannan aiki ya kasance a hannun iyalin Tamim bin ‘Adi daga Bani Kinana.

The Third: Deferment of the sacred months, and this was the responsibility of the family of Tamim bin ‘Adi from Bani Kinana.

Mulkin Khuza‘a a Makkah ya ɗauki shekaru ɗari uku, a lokacin ne ‘Adnanawa suka bazu ko'ina a Najd da gefunan Bahrain da Iraqi, yayin da ƙananan rassan Quraish suka zauna a gefunan Makkah; su ne Haloul, Harum da wasu iyalai na Kinana. Ba su da wani matsayi na musamman a Makkah ko a Ka'aba ba, har zuwa lokacin bayyanar Qusai bin Kilab, wanda aka ce mahaifinsa ya rasu yana jariri, sannan mahaifiyarsa ta auri Rabi‘a bin Haram, daga kabilar Bani ‘Udhra. Rabi‘a ya ɗauki matarsa da jaririnta zuwa ƙasarsa a kan iyakar Sham. Sa'ad da Qusai ya girma, ya koma Makkah, wadda Halil bin Habsha daga Khuza‘a ke mulki, wanda ya ba Qusai 'yarsa Hobba a matsayin mata. Bayan rasuwar Halil, yaƙi ya tashi tsakanin Khuza‘a da Quraish, kuma sakamakon haka Qusai ya karɓi mulkin Makkah da Ka'aba.

Khuza‘a’s reign in Makkah lasted for three hundred years, during which, the ‘Adnanides spread all over Najd and the sides of Bahrain and Iraq, while small septs of Quraish remained on the sides of Makkah; they were Haloul, Harum and some families of Kinana. They enjoyed no privileges in Makkah or in the Sacred House until the appearance of Qusai bin Kilab, whose father is said to have died when he was still a baby, and whose mother was subsequently married to Rabi‘a bin Haram, from the tribe of Bani ‘Udhra. Rabi‘a took his wife and her baby to his homeland on the borders of Syria. When Qusai became a young man, he returned to Makkah, which was ruled by Halil bin Habsha from Khuza‘a, who gave Qusai his daughter, Hobba, as wife. After Halil’s death, a war between Khuza‘a and Quraish broke out and resulted in Qusai’s taking hold of Makkah and the Sacred House.

• Na Farko: Bayan ya lura da yaduwar zuriyarsa, karuwar dukiyarsa, da girman darajarsa bayan mutuwar Halil, Qusai ya ga cewa ya fi cancanta da ɗaukar nauyin mulkin Makka da kula da Ɗakin Allah fiye da kabilun Khuza‘a da Bani Bakr. Ya kuma nace cewa Quraish su ne shugabannin zuriyar Isma‘il. Saboda haka ya tuntuɓi wasu mutane daga Quraish da Kinana game da burinsa na korar Khuza‘a da Bani Bakr daga Makka. Sun yi na'am da ra'ayinsa, suka goyi bayansa. Na Biyu: Khuza‘a sun yi iƙirarin cewa Halil ya roƙi Qusai ya riƙe kula da Al-Ka‘bah da mulkin Makka bayan mutuwarsa.

• The First: Having noticed the spread of his offspring, increase of his property and exalt of his honour after Halil’s death, Qusai found himself more entitled to shoulder responsibility of rulership over Makkah and custodianship of the Sacred House than the tribes of Khuza‘a and Bani Bakr. He also advocated that Quraish were the chiefs of Ishmael’s descendants. Therefore he consulted some men from Quraish and Kinana concerning his desire to evacuate Khuza‘a and Bani Bakr from Makkah. They took a liking to his opinion and supported him. The Second: Khuza‘a claimed that Halil requested Qusai to hold custodianship of Al-Ka‘bah and rulership over Makkah after his death.

Na uku: Halil ya ba 'yarsa Hobba hakkin hidimar Ka'aba, ya kuma naɗa Abu Ghabshan Al-Khuza'i ya zama wakilinta a kan haka. Bayan rasuwar Halil, Qusai ya sayi wannan hakki da jakar giya ɗaya, lamarin da ya jawo ɓacin rai a tsakanin mutanen Khuza'a, suka kuma yi ƙoƙarin hana Qusai riƙe mukamin kula da Gida Mai Tsarki. Amma shi, da taimakon Quraish da Kinana, ya yi nasarar karɓe shi, har ma ya kori Khuza'a gaba ɗaya daga Makka.

The Third: Halil gave the right of Al-Ka‘bah service to his daughter Hobba and appointed Abu Ghabshan Al-Khuza‘i to function as her agent whereof. Upon Halil’s death, Qusai bought this right for a leather bag of wine, which aroused dissatisfaction among the men of Khuza‘a and they tried to keep the custodianship of the Sacred House away from Qusai. The latter, however, with the help of Quraish and Kinana, managed to take over and even to expel Khuza‘a completely from Makkah.

Duk abin da gaskiyar lamarin ta kasance, al'amarin gaba daya ya kai ga hana Sofa hakkokinsu na baya da aka ambata, da korar Khuza‘a da Bakr daga Makkah, da mika mulkin Makkah da riƙon Masallaci Mai Alfarma ga Qusai, bayan yaƙe-yaƙe masu tsanani tsakanin Qusai da Khuza‘a waɗanda suka haddasa asarar rayuka masu yawa a bangarorin biyu, sannan sulhu, sannan sasanci na Ya‘mur bin ‘Awf, daga kabilar Bakr, wanda hukuncinsa ya tabbatar da cancantar Qusai ga mulkin Makkah da riƙon Dakin Allah, da kuma rashin alhakin Qusai na zubar da jinin Khuza‘a, da kuma sanya diyya a kan Khuza‘a. Mulkin Qusai a kan Makkah da Dakin Allah ya fara ne a shekara ta 440 miladiyya, kuma hakan ya ba shi, da Quraish bayansa, cikakken iko a kan Makkah da riƙon Dakin Allah ba tare da jayayya ba, wanda Larabawa daga ko'ina a Larabawa ke zuwa su yi masa girmamawa.

Qusai ya kawo danginsa zuwa Makkah ya ba su wurin zama a cikinta, sannan ya ba Quraish wasu gidaje a can. An-Nus'a, iyalan Safwan, Adwan, da Murra bin 'Awf sun ci gaba da riƙe irin haƙƙoƙin da suke morewa kafin zuwansa.

Qusai brought his kinspeople to Makkah and allocated it to them, allowing Quraish some dwellings there. An-Nus’a, the families of Safwan, Adwan, Murra bin ‘Awf preserved the same rights they used to enjoy before his arrival.

Wata babbar nasara da aka danganta ga Qusai ita ce kafa Dar An-Nadwa (gidan taro) a gefen arewa na Masallacin Al-Ka'aba, don ya zama wurin taron Quraish. Wannan gida ya amfani Quraish sosai, domin ya tabbatar da haɗin kan ra'ayoyinsu da kuma samun mafita cikin sulhu ga matsalolinsu.

A significant achievement credited to Qusai was the establishment of An-Nadwa House (an assembly house) on the northern side of Al-Ka‘bah Mosque, to serve as a meeting place for Quraish. This very house had benefited Quraish a lot because it secured unity of opinions amongst them and cordial solution to their problem.

1. Shugabanci a taron Dakin An-Nadwa, inda ake gudanar da shawarwari game da al'amura masu muhimmanci, kuma ake sanar da yarjejeniyoyin aure.

1. Presiding over An-Nadwa House meetings where consultations relating to serious issues were conducted, and marriage contracts were announced.

2. Ma'auni: Ya mallaki ikon al'amuran da suka shafi fara yaƙi a hannunsa.

2. The Standard: He monopolized in his hand issues relevant to war launching.

3. Tsaron Ka'aba (Doorkeeping of Al-Ka‘bah): Shi kaɗai ne yake da cancantar buɗe ƙofarta, kuma shi ne yake da alhakin hidimarta da kare ta.

3. Doorkeeping of Al-Ka‘bah: He was the only one eligible to open its gate, and was responsible for its service and protection.

4. Samar da ruwa ga alhazai: Wannan yana nufin cewa yana cika kwanuka da aka zaƙaƙa da dabino da zabibi don alhazai su sha.

4. Providing water for the Pilgrims: This means that he used to fill basins sweetened by dates and raisins for the pilgrims to drink.

5. Ciyar da Alhazai: Wannan yana nufin shirya abinci ga alhazan da ba su iya samun nasu ba. Har ma Qusai ya sanya wa Quraishawa haraji na shekara-shekara a kan filaye, wanda ake biya a lokacin aikin hajji, domin a samar da abinci.

5. Feeding Pilgrims: This means making food for pilgrims who could not afford it. Qusai even imposed on Quraish annual land tax, paid at the season of pilgrimage, for food.

Abin lura da cewa Qusai ya keɓe ‘Abd Manaf, ɗaya daga cikin 'ya'yansa, da girma da daraja, duk da cewa ba shi ne babban ɗansa ba (‘Abd Ad-Dar ne babban), ya kuma ba shi nauyin ayyuka kamar shugabancin Majalisar An-Nadwa, tuta, tsaron ƙofar Al-Ka‘bah, da samar da ruwa da abinci ga alhazai. Saboda ayyukan Qusai ana ɗaukar su marasa tambaya, umarninsa kuma ba a karya su ba, mutuwarsa ba ta haifar da rikici tsakanin 'ya'yansa ba, amma daga baya ya faru tsakanin jikokinsa. Ba da daɗewa ba bayan ‘Abd Munaf ya mutu, 'ya'yansa suka fara faɗa da 'yan uwansu — 'ya'yan ‘Abd Ad-Dar — wanda da zai haifar da rarrabuwa da yaƙi a dukkan kabilar Quraish, da ba don yarjejeniyar zaman lafiya ba, inda aka sake raba muƙamai domin a kiyaye ciyar da alhazai da samar musu ruwa ga 'ya'yan ‘Abd Munaf; yayin da aka ci gaba da riƙe Majalisar An-Nadwa, tutar da tsaron ƙofar Al-Ka‘bah ga 'ya'yan ‘Abd Ad-Dar. Amma 'ya'yan ‘Abd Munaf sun jefa ƙuri'a game da nauyinsu, saboda haka suka bar aikin ba da abinci da ruwa ga Hashim bin ‘Abd Munaf, wanda bayan mutuwarsa, ɗan'uwansa mai suna Al-Muttalib bin ‘Abd Manaf ya karɓi aikin, sannan daga baya ‘Abd Al-Muttalib bin Hashim, kakan Annabi ﷺ, wanda 'ya'yansa suka riƙe wannan matsayi har zuwa bayyanar Musulunci, a lokacin da ‘Abbas bin ‘Abdul-Muttalib ke kula da shi.

Mun riga mun ambaci hijirar Qahtanawa da ‘Adnanawa, da raba Larabawa tsakanin waɗannan kabilu biyu. Kabilun da ke zaune kusa da Heerah suna ƙarƙashin sarkin Larabawa na Heerah, yayin da waɗanda ke zaune a hamadar Siriya suke ƙarƙashin ikon sarkin Larabawa na Ghassaniyawa, wani irin dogaro wanda a zahiri ya fi kasancewa a sunanne maimakon a aikace. Sai dai waɗanda ke zaune a cikin hamadu masu nisa sun more cikakken 'yanci.

We have previously mentioned the Qahtanide and ‘Adnanide emigrations, and division of Arabia between these two tribes. Those tribes dwelling near Heerah were subordinate to the Arabian king of Heerah, while those dwelling in the Syrian semi-desert were under domain of the Arabian Ghassanide king, a sort of dependency that was in reality formal rather than actual. However, those living in the hinder deserts enjoyed full autonomy.

Waɗannan kabilu a zahiri suna da shugabanni da dukan kabilar ta zaɓa, wanda hakan ya zama wani irin ƙaramar gwamnati da ta dogara da haɗin kan kabila da muradun gama gari wajen kare ƙasa da dukiya. Shugabannin kabilu suna da gata irin ta sarakuna, ta mulkin kama-karya, kuma ana ba su cikakkiyar biyayya da ƙasƙanci a lokacin yaƙi da lokacin zaman lafiya. Duk da haka, gasar mulki tsakanin ’yan’uwan kaka sau da yawa takan sa su yi gogayya da juna wajen karrama baƙi, nuna karimci, hikima da jarumta, da manufar kawai su fi abokan hamayyarsu daraja, da samun suna a wurin mutane, musamman mawaƙa waɗanda su ne masu magana da yawun hukuma a lokacin.

These tribes in fact had heads chosen by the whole tribe which was a demi-government based on tribal solidarity and collective interests in defence of land and property. Heads of tribes enjoyed dictatorial privileges similar to those of kings, and were rendered full obedience and subordination in both war and peace. Rivalry among cousins for rulership, however, often drove them to outdo one another in entertaining guests, affecting generosity, wisdom and chivalry for the sole purpose of outranking their rivals, and gaining fame among people especially poets who were the official spokesmen at the time.

Shugabannin kabilu da masu mulki suna da haƙƙoƙi na musamman a kan ganimar yaƙi, kamar kashi ɗaya cikin huɗu na ganimar, duk abin da ya zaɓa wa kansa, ko abin da ya samu a hanyar dawowarsa, ko ma ragowar ganimar da ba za a iya raba ta ba.

Heads of tribes and masters had special claims to spoils of war such as the quarter of the spoils, whatever he chose for himself, or found on his way back or even the remaining indivisible spoils.

Yankunan Larabawa uku da ke kusa da baki sun sha wahala mai tsanani da kasancewa cikin rauni da ƙasƙanci. Mutanen wurin ko dai shugabanni ne ko bayi, masu mulki ko masu biyayya. Shugabanni, musamman baƙi, suna da hakkin kowace fa'ida; bayi kuwa ba su da komai sai nauyin ayyuka da za su ɗauka. A takaice dai, mulkin kama-karya na son rai ya haifar da take hakkin masu ƙasa, da jahilci, zalunci, fasadi, rashin adalci da wahala, ya mayar da su mutane masu yin tuntuɓe cikin duhu da jahilci, wato ƙasa mai albarka da ta bayar da amfanin gonarta ga masu mulki da masu iko, don su ɓata shi cikin almubazzaranci a kan jin daɗinsu da nishaɗinsu, son ransu da sha'awarsu, azzalumci da zalunci. Kabilun da ke zaune kusa da waɗannan yankuna suna juyawa tsakanin Siriya da Iraƙi, yayin da waɗanda ke zaune cikin Larabawa sun rabu-rabu, kuma rikice-rikicen kabilanci da na launin fata da na addini ne ke mulkinsu. Ba su da sarki da zai kiyaye 'yancinsu, ko kuma mai goyon baya da za su nemi shawara daga gare shi, ko su dogara da shi, a lokacin wahala.

The three Arab regions adjacent to foreigners suffered great weakness and inferiority. The people there were either masters or slaves, rulers or subordinates. Masters, especially the foreigners, had claim to every advantage; slaves had nothing but responsibilities to shoulder. In other words, arbitrary autocratic rulership brought about encroachment on the rights of subordinates, ignorance, oppression, iniquity, injustice and hardship, and turning them into people groping in darkness and ignorance, viz., fertile land which rendered its fruits to the rulers and men of power to extravagantly dissipate on their pleasures and enjoyments, whims and desires, tyranny and aggression. The tribes living near these regions were fluctuating between Syria and Iraq, whereas those living inside Arabia were disunited and governed by tribal conflicts and racial and religious disputes. They had neither a king to sustain their independence nor a supporter to seek advice from, or depend upon, in hardships.

Duk da haka, sarakunan Hijaz suna da matuƙar daraja da girma a wurin Larabawa, kuma ana ɗaukar su a matsayin masu mulki da masu hidima ga cibiyar addini. Mulkin Hijaz, a gaskiya, gauraye ne na matsayin duniya da na hukuma, tare da shugabancin addini. Suna mulki a cikin Larabawa da sunan shugabancin addini, kuma koyaushe suna mallakar kula da Wurin Tsarki da yankinsa. Suna kula da muradun baƙin Ka'aba, kuma suna da alhakin aiwatar da dokar Ibrahim. Suna ma da ofisoshi da sassa irin na majalisun yau. Sai dai sun yi rauni sosai wajen ɗaukar wannan nauyi mai girma, kamar yadda hakan ya bayyana a fili a lokacin mamayar Habasha (Habasha).

The rulers of Hijaz, however, were greatly esteemed and respected by the Arabs, and were considered as rulers and servants of the religious centre. Rulership of Hijaz was, in fact, a mixture of secular and official precedence as well as religious leadership. They ruled among the Arabs in the name of religious leadership and always monopolized the custodianship of the Holy Sanctuary and its neighbourhood. They looked after the interests of Al-Ka‘bah visitors and were in charge of putting Abraham’s code into effect. They even had such offices and departments like those of the parliaments of today. However, they were too weak to carry the heavy burden, as this evidently came to light during the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) invasion.