Dunyoning ko'plab joylarida odamlar Isroilga hayrat bilan qarashadi: bu atigi 60 yoshli davlat bo'lib, uni asrlar davomida ta'qib qilingan xalq barpo etgan va u dunyodagi eng kuchli harbiy kuchlardan biriga ega. Isroil o'z mavjudligining boshidan beri qo'shni davlatlarni to'rtta urushda mag'lub etishga muvaffaq bo'lgan, holbuki uning aholisi kichik orol aholisi darajasida. Aynan shunday voqeliklar ko'pchilikni Isroil dunyo miqyosida ipni tortadi, hatto AQSh tashqi siyosatini ham boshqaradi, degan fikrga olib kelgan. Tekshirilishi lozim bo'lgan narsa: kim kimni va qay darajada nazorat qiladi?

Many people around the world look in awe towards Israel, a nation only 60 years old, built by a people who were persecuted for centuries and have one of the most advanced militaries in the world. Israel has managed, from its inception, to defeat its neighbouring nations in four wars, even though its population is that of a small island. It is such realities that have led to many believing it is Israel that pulls the strings around the world even controlling US foreign policy. What needs to be explored is who controls who and to what extent?

AQSh va Isroil o'rtasidagi yaqin munosabatlar qariyb uch yarim o'n yillik davomida AQSh tashqi siyosatining eng ko'zga tashlanadigan xususiyatlaridan biri bo'lib kelmoqda. Vashington tomonidan Isroilga har yili yuboriladigan 3 milliard dollarlik harbiy va iqtisodiy yordam Kongressda deyarli hech qachon shubha ostiga olinmaydi, hatto odatda inson huquqlarining keng miqyosda buzilishida ayblanadigan hukumatlarga AQSh yordamiga qarshi chiqadigan liberallar tomonidan ham, odatda umuman chet el yordamiga qarshi bo'ladigan konservatorlar tomonidan ham. Deyarli barcha G'arb davlatlari Isroilning tinchlik va xavfsizlikda mavjud bo'lish huquqini qo'llab-quvvatlashda AQSh bilan birdek. Isroilning davom etayotgan xalqaro huquq buzilishlari va bog'liq masalalar yuzasidan e'tirozlar bildirilganda, AQSh ko'pincha Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotida va boshqa xalqaro forumlarda Isroil bilan birga yakka qoladi.

The close relationship between the US and Israel has been one of the most salient features in US foreign policy for nearly three and a half decades. The $3 billion in military and economic aid sent annually to Israel by Washington is rarely questioned in Congress, even by liberals who normally challenge US aid to governments that engage in widespread violations of human rights, or by conservatives who usually oppose foreign aid in general. Virtually all Western countries share the United States strong support for Israel’s right to exist in peace and security. The US often stands alone with Israel at the United Nations and other international forums when objections are raised over ongoing Israeli violations of international law and related concerns.

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Ikkinchi jahon urushidan keyin Yaqin Sharq bilan qiziqa boshladi, chunki u Fors ko'rfazi neftining foydasini his qilgach, endi izolyatsiyada qolishi mumkin emasligini anglab yetdi va mintaqada harakat qila boshladi. 1944 yilda Davlat departamenti Arabiston yarimorolini quyidagicha ta'riflagan: "Strategik kuchning ulkan manbai va jahon tarixidagi eng katta moddiy boylik". Qo'shma Shtatlar mintaqa neft ta'minotini nazorat qilish dunyoni boshqarish vositasi ekanini bilar edi. Sovet Ittifoqini cheklash rejasining nufuzli muallifi Jorj Kennan 1949 yilda shunday degan: "Agar AQSh neftni nazorat qilsa, u Germaniya va Yaponiya kabi raqiblarning kelajakdagi harakatlari ustidan veto huquqiga ega bo'ladi". Yaqin Sharqning salohiyatini anglab yetgan AQSh uni nazorat qilish uchun bir necha reja va strategiyalarni ishlab chiqdi.

The US took an interest in the Middle East after World War 2 when it tasted the benefits of Gulf oil and decided that it could no longer remain isolated and began manoeuvring in the region. In 1944 the State Department described the Arabian Peninsula as constituting: ‘A stupendous source of strategic power and the greatest material prize in the world’s history.’ The United States was aware that control of the region’s oil supply was a lever to control the world. As George Kennan, the influential planner of the containment of the Soviet Union put it in 1949: ‘If the US controlled the oil, it would have veto power over the potential actions in the future of rivals like Germany and Japan’ Realising the potential of the Middle East, the US set forward multiple plans and strategies to control the region.

Yahudiylar vatanini barpo etish g'oyasini 1906-yilda Britaniya Bosh vaziri Genri Bannerman ilgari surgan edi: "Shunday xalqlar (musulmonlar) borki, ular ochiq va yashirin boyliklarga to'la keng hududlarni nazorat qiladi. Ular dunyo yo'llarining kesishgan joylarini egallaydi. Ularning yerlari insoniyat sivilizatsiyalari va dinlarining beshigi bo'lgan. Bu xalqlarning bitta e'tiqodi, bitta tili, bitta tarixi va bir xil intilishlari bor. Ularni bir-biridan ajratib turadigan tabiiy to'siqlar yo'q... agar bu xalq tasodifan bitta davlat bo'lib birlashsa, u dunyo taqdirini o'z qo'liga oladi va Yevropani dunyoning qolgan qismidan ajratib qo'yadi. Ushbu mulohazalarni jiddiy hisobga olib, bu xalqning yuragiga begona tana joylashtirilishi kerak, toki uning qanotlari birlashmasin va u tugamas urushlarda kuchini sarflasin. Bu, shuningdek, G'arbning orzu qilgan maqsadlariga erishishi uchun trampolin vazifasini o'tashi mumkin."

The establishment of a Jewish homeland had been proposed by British Prime Minister Henry Bannerman in 1906: ‘There are people (the Muslims) who control spacious territories teeming with manifest and hidden resources. They dominate the intersections of world routes. Their lands were the cradles of human civilizations and religions. These people have one faith, one language, one history and the same aspirations. No natural barriers can isolate these people from one another ... if, per chance, this nation were to be unified into one state; it would then take the fate of the world into its hands and would separate Europe from the rest of the world. Taking these considerations seriously, a foreign body should be planted in the heart of this nation to prevent the convergence of its wings in such a way that it could exhaust its powers in never-ending wars. It could also serve as a springboard for the West to gain its coveted objects.

Isroil Britaniyaning manfaatini amalga oshirish asosida, ya'ni musulmon dunyosining o'rtasiga joylashtirilish orqali tashkil etilgan; biroq Ikkinchi jahon urushidan keyin Britaniyaning zaiflashishi AQSHning mintaqani qayta tashkil etishiga olib keldi.

Israel was created on the basis of fulfilling a British interest by being placed in the middle of the Muslim world; however British weakness after World War 2 led to the US reorganising the region.

AQSh Isroilga chegaralari aniq belgilangan va xavfsiz bo'lgan holda qaradi, garchi u Eretz Isroil (kattaroq Isroil) orzulari bilan tashkil etilgan bo'lsa ham. Bu AQSh bilan Isroil o'rtasidagi birinchi farq edi. Isroilning pozitsiyasi juda aniq, chunki u boshidanoq o'z chegaralarini belgilashdan bosh tortdi. Bu esa Isroil AQShning mustamlakasi emasligini va ikki davlat o'rtasida manfaatlar ziddiyati mavjudligini ochib berdi.

The US looked towards Israel, within defined and secure boundaries, even though it was established with dreams of Eretz Israel (a greater Israel). This was the first difference between the US and Israel. The position of Israel is very clear since it has refused to define its borders from the very beginning. This exposed the fact that Israel was not a colony of the US and there were conflicting interests between the two.

Zionist harakatining tashkil topganidan beri yahudiylar mintaqada iqtisodiy va siyosiy hukmronlikka erishishni maqsad qilib kelmoqdalar. Amerika Yevropa ta'sirini yahudiy ta'siri bilan almashtirish g'oyasini rad etadi, shuningdek, hokimiyatni boshqa biron-bir davlat bilan bo'lishish g'oyasini ham rad etadi. Amerika Isroilni himoya qilishga, uning xavfsizligini ta'minlashga va u yerda yashovchi yahudiylar uchun farovon turmush darajasini ta'minlashga sodiqdir. Biroq u Isroilga o'zi bilan ta'sirni bo'lishishga ruxsat berishni rad etadi. Isroilning kengayishi va mintaqada uning ta'sirining yoyilishini oldini olish maqsadida Amerika siyosati Isroilni mintaqaning qolgan qismidan ajratib qo'yish, uni cheklash va Falastin masalasi hamda Yaqin Sharq masalasini hal qilish yo'lidagi rolini kamaytirishga asoslangan. Amerika siyosati Falastin davlatini tashkil etishga qaratilgan bo'lib, u cheklash vositasi vazifasini o'tashi kerak; bunda ko'plab xalqaro kafolatlar o'rnatiladi va Isroil bilan qo'shni arab davlatlari — Iordaniya, Suriya, Misr hamda kelajakdagi Falastin davlati o'rtasidagi chegaralarga ko'p tomonlama kuchlar joylashtiriladi. Amerika siyosati shuningdek Quddusni xalqarolashtirishga qaratilgan, chunki Amerika bu xalqarolashtirishni Quddus inqirozining nozik masalasiga yechim deb biladi, bu esa nasroniylarni xursand qiladi hamda Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti ishtiroki orqali Amerikaning kuchli mavjudligini kafolatlaydi.

Ever since the establishment of the Zionist movement, the Jews have been aiming to achieve economic and political domination over the region. America rejects the idea of substituting European influence with Jewish influence, and she also rejects the idea of sharing power with any other country. America is committed to protecting Israel, guaranteeing her security and securing a prosperous standard of living for the Jews living there. However, she refuses to allow Israel to share the influence with her. In order to prevent Israeli expansion and the spread of Israeli influence in the region, American policy has been based on isolating Israel from the rest of the region in an attempt to curtail her and minimise her role in the quest to solve the Palestinian issue and the Middle Eastern issue. US policy is centred around establishing a Palestinian state to act as an instrument of containment; by establishing a host of international guarantees and by bringing multinational forces to be deployed along the borders between Israel and the neighbouring Arab countries - Jordan, Syria, Egypt and the future Palestinian State. The American policy has also been based on working towards the internationalisation of Jerusalem, as America sees this internationalisation as a solution to the sensitive crisis of Jerusalem that would please the Christians and guarantee a strong American presence through the presence of the United Nations.

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari va Isroil tashqi siyosatining bugungi darajaga yetib kelishiga olib kelgan omillar juda ko'p.

There are a whole host of factors which has led the US and Israeli foreign policies to reach the extent they have today:

Ko'plab AQSh fuqarolari Isroil bilan hissiy yaqinlikni his qiladi, ayniqsa liberallar, xususan urushdan keyingi avlodga mansub hukumat va ommaviy axborot vositalaridagi rahbarlar orasida. Ko'plab amerikaliklar Isroilning tarixiy kurashi, uning ichki demokratiyasi, nisbatan yuqori turmush darajasi hamda asrlar davomida diasporada yashagan zulm ostidagi ozchilik uchun boshpana bo'lgan roli bilan o'zlarini bog'laydilar.

- Many US citizens share a sentimental attachment with Israel especially many liberals - particularly among the post-war generation in leadership positions in government and the media. Many Americans identify with Israel’s historical struggle, internal democracy, relatively high standard of living and its role as a sanctuary for an oppressed minority group that spent centuries in diaspora.

- AQSHdagi Masih huquqi (Christian Right) tarafdorlari o'nlab million bo'lib, Respublikachilar partiyasining asosiy tayanchi hisoblanadi. Tarixan bu guruh o'zining ulkan ommaviy axborot vositalari va siyosiy ta'sirini Isroilga hamda boshqa o'ng qanot Isroil rahbarlarini qo'llab-quvvatlashga yo'naltirib kelgan. Ular yahudiylarning Muqaddas zaminga to'planishini Iso Masihning ikkinchi kelishiga tayyorgarlik deb biladigan ilohiyotga asoslangan holda, isroilliklar bilan falastinliklar o'rtasidagi kurashni ularning nazarida isroilliklar va filistiylar o'rtasidagi kurashning davomi deb qaraydi hamda God bu yerni faqat Isroilga tegishli deb belgilagan, deb hisoblaydi.

- The Christian Right in the US, with tens of millions of followers and a major base of support for the Republican Party, historically has thrown its immense media and political clout in support of Israel and other right-wing Israeli leaders. Based in part on a theology that sees the ingathering of Jews to the Holy Land as a precursor for the second coming of Christ, the battle between Israelis and Palestinians is, in their eyes, simply a continuation of the battle between the Israelites and the Philistines, with God having deemed that the land belongs to Israel alone.

- Asosiy va konservativ yahudiy tashkilotlari Isroil hukumatini qo‘llab-quvvatlash maqsadida katta lobbichilik resurslarini, yahudiy jamoasining moliyaviy hissalarini hamda ommaviy axborot vositalari va jamoatchilik muhokamasining boshqa maydonlariga fuqarolik bosimini safarbar qilishdi. Isroilni qo‘llab-quvvatlovchi lobbining vazifasi Isroil manfaatlariga mos muhit yaratish hamda AQSh siyosatini yumshatishga intilayotganlar, jumladan, tobora ko‘payib borayotgan progressiv yahudiylar orasida qo‘rqitish muhitini shakllantirishga yordam berishdir.

- Mainstream and conservative Jewish organisations have mobilised considerable lobbying resources, financial contributions from the Jewish community, and citizen pressure on the news media and other forums of public discourse in support of the Israeli government. The role of the pro-Israel lobby is to create a climate in line with Israeli interests and help in the creation of a climate of intimidation among those who seek to moderate US policy, including growing numbers of progressive Jews.

- Qurol-aslahalar sanoati Kongress saylov kampaniyalari va lobbichilik harakatlariga AIPAC (Amerika-Isroil jamoat ishlari qo‘mitasi) va boshqa Isroilni qo‘llovchi guruhlarning birgalikdagi sarfidan besh baravar ko‘proq pul ajratadi. Shunga qaramay, bu sanoat Isroilga va Qo‘shma Shtatlarning Yaqin Sharqdagi boshqa ittifoqchilariga yirik qurol yetkazib berishni qo‘llashda sezilarli manfaatdor. Masalan, Indoneziyaga 60 million dollarlik qurol bitimiga qarshi chiqish Kongress a’zosi uchun Isroilga 2 milliard dollarlik qurol yetkazib berishga qarshi chiqishdan ancha osonroq, ayniqsa ko‘plab saylov okruglarida shunday harbiy texnika ishlab chiqaradigan zavodlar joylashgan bo‘lsa. Isroil davlat qura olgan va keyin o‘z resurslarini safarbar qilib, uzoq muddatli maqsadlarining ko‘pchiligiga erisha olgan. Biroq G‘arb ko‘magisiz Isroil bugungi mavqeiga qanday yetishi mumkin edi, buni tasavvur qilish qiyin. Ammo Isroil qo‘shni yerlar bilan belgilangan chegaralarga ega davlat qurish, ya’ni u Xudo tomonidan va’da qilingan deb hisoblangan yerlarni o‘z ichiga oluvchi davlat tuzish bo‘yicha oxirgi maqsadiga erisha olmadi. Buning yagona sababi bor: bunday maqsad AQSh manfaatlariga mos kelmaydi.

- The arms industry, contributes five times more money to congressional campaigns and lobbying efforts than AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee) and other proIsrael groups combined. The industry however does have a considerable stake in supporting massive arms shipments to Israel and other Middle Eastern allies of the United States. It is far easier for a member of Congress to challenge a $60 million arms deal to Indonesia, for example, than the $2 billion of arms to Israel, particularly when so many congressional districts include factories that produce such military hardware. Israel has successfully managed to build a state and then mobilise its resources to achieve many of its long term aims. However, without Western support it is impossible to see how Israel could reach the position it is in today. Israel has however failed in its ultimate aim of establishing a state with fixed borders encompassing the lands it was supposedly promised by God and this is due only to one reason – such an aim is not in the interests of the US.

AQSh rejalashtirgan narsa Isroil chegaralarini aniq belgilash va ular Falastin davlati bilan birga bo‘lishi. Isroil tarixining ko‘p qismida hokimiyatda bo‘lgan Likud partiyasi esa aniq chegaralarni bir tomonlama belgilashga urindi: aholi punktlari qurish va musulmonlarni haydash yo‘li bilan. Shunga qaramay, Isroilga yakuniy kelishuv uchun hali ham AQSh kerak, shu sababli u AQShda va jahon ommaviy axborot vositalarida qulay natijaga erishish maqsadida lobbichilik faoliyatini tashkil qilgan. Erets Isroilga erishish intilishi esa murakkablashadi, chunki Isroildagi Mehnat partiyasi doimiy, aniq belgilangan chegaralar uchun yerdan voz kechishga ishonadi. U buni kerakli xavfsizlik uchun to‘lashga arziydigan narx deb hisoblaydi.

The US plans defined Israeli borders alongside a Palestinian state. The Likud party which has been the party of power for most of Israel’s history attempted to unilaterally define the borders by building settlements and expelling Muslims. However, Israel still needs the US for any final settlement and for these reasons it has organised lobbying in the US and the world’s media in order to achieve a favourable outcome. The endeavour to achieve Eratz Israel is complicated by the fact that the Labour party in Israel believes in giving up land for permanent defined borders. It believes this is a price worth paying for the security it needs.

Shunday qilib, Isroil AQShni nazorat qilmaydi, lekin AQSh siyosatiga juda samarali ta'sir o'tkazgan. AQSh Yaqin Sharqni tartibga solmoqda. Hukm yuritadigan ham aynan u. Ko'p masalalarda AQSh va Isroilning siyosati bir xil, ammo buni AQShning o'z manfaatlarini Isroil uchun qurbon qilgani sifatida ko'rmaslik kerak. AQShning Isroil hukumatini qo'llab-quvvatlashi, dunyodagi boshqa ittifoqchilarini qo'llab-quvvatlashi kabi, ob'ektiv xavfsizlik ehtiyojlari yoki mamlakatga nisbatan kuchli axloqiy majburiyat bilan belgilanmaydi. Aksincha, boshqa hollardagi kabi, AQSh tashqi siyosatini asosan o'zining sezilgan strategik manfaatlarini ilgari surish belgilaydi.

Hence Israel does not control the US but has been very efficient in influencing US policy. The US is organising the Middle East. It is the one that dictates, and on many issues the US and Israel have the same policy, however this should not been seen as the US abandoning its interests for Israel. US support for the Israeli government, like US support for its allies elsewhere in the world, is not motivated by objective security needs or a strong moral commitment to the country. Rather, as elsewhere, US foreign policy is motivated primarily to advance its own perceived strategic interests.