"Waɗanda suke iya bayar da 'yanci mai muhimmanci domin samun ɗan ɗan lokaci na tsaro, ba su cancanci 'yanci ko tsaro ba." — Benjamin Franklin A ranar 8 ga Maris, 2005, Shugaba George Bush, yana ambaton ci gaba a Afghanistan, Iraq da Falasɗin, ya ce dimokuraɗiyya tana fara yaɗuwa a faɗin Gabas ta Tsakiya, kuma "mulkin kama-karya shi ne numfashin ƙarshe na wani tsohon abu da aka ƙi." Gwamnatin Bush da masu goyon bayanta sun yi amfani da abubuwan da suka faru a Gabas ta Tsakiya wajen ba da kyakkyawan hasashe game da sauye-sauyen dimokuraɗiyya da matsayin Amurka a yankin.

“Those that can give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.” -- Benjamin Franklin On the 8th of March 2005, President George Bush citing progress in Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine said that democracy was beginning to spread across the Middle East and that “the authoritarian rule is the last gasp of a discredited past.” The Bush administration and its supporters have seized upon the events in the Middle East to give an upbeat assessment of democratic reform and America’ s standing in the region.

Wasu ma sun kai har ga kwatanta faduwar Labulen Ƙarfe, yayin da wasu kuma ke nuna cewa wannan ya tabbatar da daidaiton manufofin ƙasashen waje na Bush tun harin 11 ga Satumba.

Some have even gone far as making comparisons with the fall of the iron curtain, while others are pointing to a vindication of Bush’ s foreign policy since 9/11.

Sai dai, a bayan kalaman da ake yi, hangen nesa na Bush na yada dimokuradiyya zuwa Gabas ta Tsakiya da sauran sassan duniya bai kai ma'aunin dimokuradiyya iri ɗaya da Amurka ke amfani da shi akai-akai wajen yin watsi da sakamakon zabe, sukar shugabannin kama-karya, da kuma sanya gwamnatoci a gargaɗi ba.

However, behind the rhetoric, Bush’ s vision of exporting democracy to the Middle East and other parts of the world falls way short of the very same democracy standard America routinely employs to dismiss election results, castigate despots, and put states on notice.

Babban ginshiƙin dimokuraɗiyya yana buƙatar mutane su zaɓi wakilci na halal a cikin yanayi mai adalci, wanda babu tsoratarwa daga cikin gida ko shiga tsakanin ƙasashen waje. Bush ya yi saurin amfani da wannan ma'auni a kan Ukraine, kuma kwanan nan a kan Lebanon.

A central tenet of democracy requires people to choose legitimate representation in an environment that is impartial, free from local intimidation and foreign intervention. Bush was quick to apply this standard to Ukraine and more recently to Lebanon.

A cikin lamarin Ukraine, Bush ya saba wannan ma'auni, domin an fito da shaida cewa ofishin jakadancin Amurka ne ya jagoranci "Juyin Juya Halin Lemu" na Yushchenko.

In the case of Ukraine, Bush contravened this standard, as evidence emerged that the US embassy was responsible for spearheading Yushchenko’ s “Orange Revolution”.

A Lebanon, kalaman Washington na bayyana karara na goyon baya da kuma ƙarfafa "Juyin Juya Halin Itacen Al'ul", da kuma buƙatarta cewa zaɓen da ke tafe ba zai zama mai adalci da 'yanci ba, sai idan Lebanon ta kuɓuta gaba ɗaya daga mamayar Syria, lamarin yana wari da munafunci.

In Lebanon, Washington’ s open incitement and support for the “Cedar Revolution” and its demand that forthcoming elections cannot be fair and free, unless Lebanon is completely free of Syrian occupation stinks of hypocrisy.

Ba a gudanar da zabukan Afghanistan, Iraqi da Falasdinu ne a karkashin mamayar Amurka da Isra'ila ba? Ba Amurka ce ta tantance 'yan takara ba? Ba yanayin kafin zabe da ranar zabe ya kasance na rashin tsaro da tsoro ba? Ba a murde sakamakon zabe ba, kuma ba a shirya tare da sarrafa tsarin zaben ba? Bayyanannen amsar dukkan wadannan tambayoyi shi ne "eh" mai karfi. Saboda haka, zabukan a wadannan kasashe ba za a iya kwatanta su da cewa ba su da adalci, ba su bisa doka ba, kuma an dora su a kan jama'a.

Were not the elections in Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine held under American and Israeli occupation? Were not the candidates vetted by America? Was not the atmosphere prior to and on the day of the elections one of insecurity and fear? Were not the election results manipulated and the electoral process staged and managed? Clearly the answer to all of these questions is a defiant “yes”. Hence the elections in these countries can only be described as unfair, illegal and imposed on the people.

Amma bisa ga ma'aunin dimokuraɗiyya na Bush, zaɓukan da ba su da tabbas a Afghanistan, Iraq da Palestine an ɗauke su a matsayin nasara mai girma. Ko da bisa ma'aunin ƙasashen duniya na uku, irin waɗannan zaɓuka da an ayyana su a matsayin marasa inganci kuma babu hujja a kansu.

But according to Bush’ s democracy yardstick the dodgy elections in Afghanistan, Iraq and Palestine were a resounding success. Even by third world standards such elections would have been declared null and void.

Haka kuma, Bush ya kasa tantance Pakistan, Masar da Saudiyya bisa ma'aunin dimokuradiyya da ya kafa.

Likewise, Bush has failed to evaluate Pakistan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia against his benchmark for democracy.

Zaɓen raba gardama na bogi da Musharraf ya yi a shekarar 2002, zaɓen shugaban ƙasa na bogi da ake shirin yi a ƙarƙashin Mubarak, da zaɓen ƙananan hukumomi na Saudiyya wanda ya hana mata shiga, ba za a iya ɗaukar su ba face a matsayin tuhuma ga dimokuraɗiyya.

Musharraf’ s sham referendum in 2002, Mubarak’ s upcoming presidential façade and the Saudi municipal elections, which bars women from participating, can only be regarded as an indictment against democracy.

Maimakon hukunta waɗannan ƙasashe saboda ɓata dimokuraɗiyya, Bush ya ba su lada da biliyoyin daloli na taimako, sannan ya yi musu suka a ɓoye suna kāre su. Wannan ya fito fili musamman bayan jawabin bikin rantsar da shi.

Rather than punishing these states for subverting democracy, Bush has rewarded them with billions of dollars in aid and offered muted criticisms in their defence. This was particularly evident, after Bush’ s inauguration address.

Ma'aikatar Harkokin Wajen Amurka ta yi gaggawar tabbatar wa shugabannin Masar, Pakistan da Saudiyya cewa ba su ne abin da jawabinsa ya sanya a gaba ba.

The US State department scuttled to assure the rulers of Egypt, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia that they were not targets of his speech.

Abin mamaki, Iran, wacce ta fi Masar da Saudiyya haɗe dimokuraɗiyya kaɗan, an riga an ware ta don a canza gwamnatinta. Amma Amurka ta fi damuwa da tabbatar da manyan arzikin man fetur da iskar gas na Iran fiye da damuwa da bunƙasa dimokuraɗiyya a Iran. A shekarar 1953, Amurka, cikin damuwa game da mayar da man Iran ƙarƙashin mallakar ƙasa, ta cire Firayim Minista na lokacin da aka zaɓa, Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh, ta maye gurbinsa da Shah – wanda ya yi sarautar kama-karya.

Ironically, Iran, which is comparatively more democratic than Egypt and Saudi Arabia put together, has been earmarked for regime change. However, America is more concerned about securing Iran’ s huge oil and gas reserves than about nurturing democracy in Iran. In 1953, America worried about the nationalisation of Iranian oil removed the then elected Prime Minister, Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh and replaced him with the Shah – an absolute monarchist.

Ƙasar Amurka tana da sha'awar yin manyan iƙirari game da yaɗa dimokuraɗiyya da 'yanci, a lokaci guda kuma tana goyon bayan gwamnatocin kama-karya, lamarin da tarihinsa ya shahara sosai. A ranar 12 ga Maris, 1947, Shugaba Truman ya ce: "Ɗaya daga cikin manyan manufofin manufar harkokin wajen Amurka shi ne samar da yanayin da mu da sauran al'ummomi za mu iya samun hanyar rayuwa ba tare da tilastawa ba… gwamnatocin kama-karya da ake ɗorawa kan al'ummomi masu 'yanci, ta hanyar mamaya kai tsaye ko a kaikaice, suna lalata harsashin zaman lafiya na duniya, saboda haka suna lalata tsaron Amurka." vii Daga nan, Amurka ta yi amfani da "Akidar Truman" ta ci gaba da lalata dimokuraɗiyya da 'yanci a ko'ina a duniyar Musulmi, domin samun damar cin moriyar albarkatun kamfanoninta na ƙasashe da yawa da kuma kare muradanta na dabarun siyasa. Ta yi haka ta hanyar goyon bayan kowane irin mulkin kama-karya na boko, sarautun gado da masarautun sheikhai.

America‘s obsession with making bold claims about spreading democracy and liberty, while simultaneously propping up despotic regimes has a notorious history. On March 12 1947, President Truman said, “One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion…totalitarian regimes imposed on free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace and hence the security of the United States.” vii Henceforth, America armed with the “Truman Doctrine” proceeded to sabotage democracy and freedom throughout the Muslim world in return for exploiting resources for her multinational corporations and safeguarding her strategic interests. America did this by supporting all manners of secular autocracies, monarchies and sheikhdoms.

Hangen Bush game da hangen nesansa na duniyar Musulmi mai dimokuradiyya yana daidai da Koyarwar Truman. A cikin duka biyun, yada dimokuradiyya da 'yanci, haka kuma goyon bayan mulkin kama-karya, duk suna biyayya gaba ɗaya ga muradun kamfanonin Amurka.

Bush’ s vision for a democratic Muslim world is the same as the Truman Doctrine. In both, the exporting of democracy and liberty, as well as the support for dictatorships is totally subservient to American corporate interests.

Amurka ba ita kaɗai ba ce wadda ke haɓaka muradan kamfanoninta a ƙarƙashin tutar ƙimomin Yammacin Duniya. Sauran manyan ƙasashen Yamma, musamman Birtaniya, Faransa da Tarayyar Turai, suna gogayya da Amurka wajen take waɗannan ƙimomi. Kawo ƙarshen bauta a ƙarni na sha tara da kuma yunƙurin ba mulkin mallaka 'yancin kai a ƙarni na ashirin, duk sun samo asali ne daga gasar da manyan ƙasashe ke yi don riƙe albarkatunsu masu daraja. Yada ƙimomin Yammacin Duniya ba shi ne abin da ya fi damunsu ba.

America is not alone in promoting its corporate interests dressed up in western values. Other western powers most notably Britain, France and the EU compete with the US in trouncing these values. The banishment of slavery in the 19th century and drive to grant independence to colonies in the 20th century were solely motivated by rivalry between great powers to hold onto their precious resources. Exporting western values was the least of their concerns.

A yau, akwai gwagwarmayar gaba mai zafi tsakanin Tarayyar Turai (EU) da Amurka game da albarkatun ƙasashen Musulmi, musamman arzikin makamashinsu. Bush, a ƙarƙashin inuwar 'yanci da dimokuraɗiyya, yana neman kawar da gwamnatocin da ke goyon bayan Turai ko kuma suke neman jagora da taimako daga Turai. Rikicin EU da Amurka game da man fetur da iskar gas ana iya gani a ƙasashen Musulmi irin su Sudan, Morocco (batun Yammacin Sahara), Iraki, Afghanistan, Iran, Libya, da masarautun Gabas ta Tsakiya.

Today, there is a bitter struggle between the EU and America over the resources of the Muslim world, in particular its energy reserves. Bush under the cover of freedom and democracy is seeking to remove those regimes that are either pro-European or look towards Europe for guidance and assistance. The EU-US conflict over oil and gas can be found in Muslim countries like Sudan, Morocco (Western Sahara issue), Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran, Libya, and the Gulf sheikhdoms.

Waɗancan ƙananan Musulmi waɗanda har yanzu dabi'un Yammaci ke burge su ya kamata su fahimci cewa ƙasashen Yamma ba su da sha'awar 'yantar da ƙasashen Musulunci. Haka kuma ba su da sha'awar ba Musulmi 'yanci da dimokuraɗiyya.

Those minority of Muslims who are still enchanted by western values need to realise that the western powers are not interested in the liberation of the Muslim world. Nor are they interested in granting Muslims freedom and democracy.

Ya kamata waɗannan Musulmi su ɗan duba al'amuran cikin gida na ƙasashen Yamma, kuma da sauri za su fahimci cewa ƙimomin Yammacin duniya tatsuniya ce kawai. Dokokin yaƙi da ta'addanci a Birtaniya, Dokar Patriot a Amurka, tsare Musulmi ba tare da ƙayyadadden lokaci ba a Guantanamo da Belmarsh (Birtaniya), da wulakanta fursunonin Musulmi a Abu Ghraib, Bagram da Basra, duk suna nuna a fili cewa ƙimomin nasu ba su da daraja.

These Muslims should take a quick look at the domestic affairs of western countries and they will quickly learn that western values are only a myth. The anti-terror laws in Britain, the Patriot Act in the US, the indefinite detention of Muslims in Guantanamo and Belmarsh (UK) and the humiliation of Muslim prisoners in Abu Ghraib, Bagram and Basra clearly belittle their values.

Dangane da Turawan Yamma, suna buƙatar su duba sosai yadda gwamnatocinsu ke amfani da yaƙi da ta'addanci a matsayin uzuri wajen ƙirƙirar dokoki masu tsanani waɗanda ke mayar da al'ummominsu masu 'yanci zuwa al'ummomin mulkin kama-karya.

As for westerners, they need to take a serious look at how their governments are using the war on terrorism as an excuse to enact draconian laws that are transforming their liberal societies into totalitarian ones.

Matakai irin su tsare mutane ba tare da shari'a ba, tsare 'yan ƙasa a sansani, azabtarwa a waje da tsarin shari'a, tattara iko a hannun zartarwa, masu ba da shawara ga gwamnati waɗanda ba a zaɓe su ba, ministoci suna soke hukuncin kotu, tsananta takunkumi a kan kafofin watsa labarai, labarai da aka shirya tun kafin a ruwaito su, ɓoye bayanai da kutsawa cikin sirrin mutane, duk suna kai hari ga zuciyar tsarin dimokuraɗiyya ta 'yanci.

Measures such as imprisonment without trial, internment of citizens, extra judicial torture, concentration of power in the hands of the executive, unelected government advisors, ministers over-ruling the judiciary, greater press restrictions, pre-packaged news stories, suppression of information and intrusion into personal privacy strike at the very heart of liberal democracies.

Yaya Amurka da Turai za su mayar da kansu katanga ta mulkin kama-karya ya dogara ne akan ko Amurkawa da Turawa suna daraja 'yanci da dimokuradiyya fiye da tsaro.

How soon America and Europe transform themselves into a fortress of totalitarianism depends upon whether Americans and Europeans value liberty and democracy above safety.

Maris 17, 2005

March 17, 2005