"Al'umma ce ke shirya laifi; mai laifi ne ke aikata shi." -- Henry Thomas Buckle Kisan da aka yi wa Pc Sharon Beshenivsky a Bradfordxvi, Briton, ya sa wasu suka yi kira da a ba jami'an 'yan sanda na Birtaniya makamai, yayin da wasu suka nemi a kafa dokoki masu tsauri don dakile laifukan bindiga. Yayin da yake magana a shirin Today na BBC Radio 4, Tom McGhie, shugaban Ƙungiyar 'Yan Sanda ta West Yorkshire, ya yi kira da a sake duba batun ba jami'ai makamai a kai a kai.

“Society prepares the crime; the criminal commits it.” -- Henry Thomas Buckle The killing of Pc Sharon Beshenivsky in Bradfordxvi, Briton spurred some to call for the arming of the British police force, while others demanded stiffer laws in curbing gun crime. Speaking on BBC Radio 4's Today programme, Tom McGhie the chairman of the West Yorkshire Police Federation called for a rethink on routinely arming officers.

Bisa ga bayanin Ofishin Cikin Gida, adadin laifuffukan da suka shafi makamai a Ingila da Wales yana ƙaruwa kowace shekara tun daga shekarar 1997. Abubuwan da 'yan sanda suka rubuta na tashin makamai sun ninka kusan sau uku cikin shekara takwas. Wannan ya faru duk da ƙoƙarin gwamnati na dakile laifukan tashin hankali da ake aikatawa da bindiga. A shekarar 2003, sakataren cikin gida na lokacin, David Blunkett, ya gabatar da jerin matakai da suka haɗa da sabuwar afuwa ta bindiga, hukuncin ɗaurin shekara biyar a gidan yari saboda mallakar makamai ba bisa ƙa'ida ba, da ƙarin kariya ga shaidu waɗanda ke bayar da shaida a shari'o'in laifukan bindiga. Waɗannan matakai sun zo ne a matsayin martani ga kisan gilla da aka yi wa 'yan mata biyu a Birmingham. Duk da haka, wannan matakai ba su taimaka sosai wajen yaƙar tashin hankali ba, ko magance tushen matsalar.

The number of offences involving firearms in England and Wales has been increasing each year since 1997, according to the Home Office. Firearms incidents recorded by the police have nearly trebled in eight years. This is despite the government's efforts to curb violent crime involving guns. In 2003, the then Home Secretary David Blunkett introduced a host of measures which included a new gun amnesty, a five year prison sentence for illegal possession of firearms and greater protection to witnesses who testify in gun crime cases. The measures were in response to the brutal killing of two young girls in Birmingham. The initiatives did little to combat violent crime or address its root cause.

A cikin 'yan watannin nan, al'ummar Birtaniya sun shaida adadi mai yawa na manyan laifuffuka da suka shafi kisan kai, caka wa mutane wuka, sace yara, fyade da fashi. Duk wanda ya kunna talabijin ko ya saurari rediyo ba zai rasa lura da cewa mafi yawan wadannan laifuffuka ba sa amfani da bindiga. Akwai abubuwan da suka faru marasa adadi, inda wuka ce babbar hanyar aikata laifin tashin hankali, amma duk da haka ministoci, 'yan siyasa, ma'aikatan zamantakewa da jami'an 'yan sanda suna mayar da hankali kan sarrafa bindigogi a matsayin hanyar rage laifuffukan tashin hankali.

Over the past few months the British public has witnessed a large number of high profile crimes involving murders, stabbings, child abductions, rapes and robberies. Anyone turning on the television or listening to the radio will not fail to notice that a fair proportion of these crimes do not involve the use of firearms. There are countless incidents, where knives are the primary means of perpetrating violent crime and still ministers, politicians, social workers, and police officers choose to focus on gun control as a means of reducing violent crime.

Wannan hanya ta mayar da martani ga laifuffuka ba ta iyakance ga laifuffukan tashin hankali kawai ba, tana shafar dukkan nau'ikan laifi. Maimakon warware matsalar, wannan hanyar tana haifar da ƙarin laifuffuka, ƙarin dokoki, ƙarin nauyi a kan gidajen yari da suka cika fiye da kima, ƙarin nauyi a kan alƙalai, rundunar 'yan sanda da ta karaya, al'umma mai rauni, da kuma babban asarar albarkatu wanda aka kiyasta ya kai kusan fam biliyan 60.

This reactionary approach towards tackling crime is not only limited to violent offences, but extends to all forms of crime. Instead of solving the problem the current approach leads to more crime, extra legislation and further strain on the over populated prison system as well as a greater burden on the judiciary, a demoralised police force, a vulnerable public and a huge drain on resources estimated to be in the region of £60 billion.

Irin wannan yanayi ana iya ganinsa a dukkan sauran al'ummomin Yamma.

A similar trend can be found in all other Western societies.

A cikin waɗannan al'ummomi, jama'a sun yarda da cewa laifuffuka suna ƙara yawaita kuma ba a iya yin abin da zai rage su ba. Hakan ba dole ba ne ya kasance haka. Maimakon haka, tushen matsalar shi ne rashin fahimtar al'ummomin Yamma game da laifi da abubuwan da ke haifar da shi; wannan ya sa gwamnatocin Yamma suka aiwatar da mafita marasa tasiri don yaƙi da laifi.

In these societies the public is resigned to accept that crime is on the increase and very little can be done to reduce it. This does not need to be the case. Rather, what lies at the heart of the issue is the incorrect understanding in Western societies of crime and its causes; this has led to Western governments implementing ineffective solutions to combat crime.

Ko tsananin hukunci ba ya hana mutane aikata laifi. Saboda haka, tsawon shekaru, gwamnatocin Yammacin duniya sun yi ta kokarin rage yawan masu lalata da yara, masu fyade, masu shan miyagun kwayoyi, masu tuki cikin gudu ba gaira ba dalili, barayin gidaje, masu damfara da makamantansu, duk da yawan dokokin da suke kafawa ko kuɗi da lokacin da suke kashewa a kan tsaro. Burin tattalin arzikin jari-hujja na rayuwa ya yi tasiri sosai a kan halin jama'a game da hana aikata laifi. Jama'a a cikin al'ummomin jari-hujja sun fi damuwa da kiyaye ikonsu na neman jin dadin sha'awa har ta kai ba sa shiga tsakani don taimaka wa wasu su ji dadin hakkinsu na neman jin dadi, musamman idan irin wannan shiga tsakani na tattare da wahala ko hadari.

Even the severity of the law does not deter people from committing crime. Thus for many years, Western governments have struggled to reduce the growing number of paedophiles, rapists, drug addicts, joy riders, burglars, fraudsters and the like - no matter how many laws they enact or how much time and money they spend on policing. The capitalist goal in life has greatly affected the public's attitude towards preventing crime. The public in capitalist societies are more concerned about preserving their ability to pursue sensual pleasure to the extent that they would not intervene to help other people enjoy their right to pursue pleasure, particularly if such intervention was associated with difficulty or danger.

Sai dai idan abu ne da ke barazana ga burinsu na jin daɗi tare, jama'a ba sa cika shiga tsakani don hana laifuffukan da ake aikatawa a gabansu. Wannan halin ya siffanta jama'a a al'ummomin Yamma har suka zama marasa damuwa game da laifi, lamarin da ya bai wa masu laifi damar yin rayuwa cikin walwala a tsakaninsu.

Unless it is something that threatens their collective pursuit of enjoyment, the public rarely intervenes to stop crimes committed in front of them. This mindset has moulded the public in Western societies to become apathetic towards crime, thereby allowing criminals to thrive amongst them.

Misali, idan barawo ya fito daga wani shago a cibiyar siyayya mai cunkoso, yawancin masu siyayya za su yi jinkiri wajen bin sa. Idan wata gungun mutane sun far wa wani mutum a cikin bas, yawancin mutane za su yi shiru a zaunen su. Idan ana kwace wa wani dattijo jaka a titi, yawancin mutane za su yi banza da al'amarin.

For instance if a thief ran out of a shop in a crowded shopping centre, the majority of the shoppers would be hesitant to give chase. If a group of people were attacking an individual on the bus, most people would remain quiet in their seats. If a pensioner was being mugged in the street, most people will ignore it.

Burin jari-hujjar masu jari-hujjar kishin duniya ya kuma raunana ikon ƙasashen jari-hujjar na yaƙi da laifuffuka. Wannan saboda aikin gwamnatocin Yamma shi ne yin dokoki da aiwatar da manufofi waɗanda ke baiwa mutane damar cimma mafi girman matakin biyan buƙatun jiki. Sau da yawa, waɗanda ke amfana da gaske ƙaramin rukuni ne na mutane waɗanda ke iya yin tasiri ga gwamnatoci.

The capitalist goal in life has also undermined the ability of capitalist states to fight crime. This is because the role of Western governments is to pass laws and implement policies which enable individuals to realise their optimal level of sensual fulfilment. All too often, the true benefactors are a small minority of people who are able to influence governments.

Suka kafa dokoki da za su kare haqqinsu na neman jin daɗi a kan kuɗin mafi yawan jama'a. Saboda haka, wannan mafi yawan jama'a suna ganin cewa waɗannan dokoki suna hana su haqqinsu na bin manufar jari-hujja ba tare da adalci ba, kuma don haka da yawa daga cikinsu suna karya dokar. Misali, mafi yawan al'ummar Birtaniya suna ƙyamar bindigogi, amma ba su fahimci dalilin da ya sa gwamnati ta ci gaba da ƙin ɗaukar mataki a kan kamfanonin watsa labarai da ke ɗaukaka tashin hankalin bindiga a matsayin hanya mafi sauri ta samun farin ciki ta hanyar fina-finai, waƙoƙi, littattafai da wasannin bidiyo ba. Haka kuma a Amurka, buƙatar jama'a ta haramta sayar da bindigogi ba ta samun amsa daga gwamnati. A ƙasashen biyu, gwamnatoci sun fi damuwa da barin attajiran kafofin watsa labarai da kamfanonin bindiga su ƙara riba a kan kuɗin jama'a.

They pass laws that protect their right to pursue enjoyment at the expense of the vast majority of the people. In turn, this vast majority feel that these laws unfairly impinge on their right to pursue the capitalist goal and hence many resort to breaking the law. For instance, the majority of the British public abhors firearms, but fails to understand why the government has repeatedly taken no action against the media companies that glorify gun violence as the quickest way of attaining happiness through films, music, books and video games. Equally in America, the public's demand to ban the selling of guns is met with government silence. In both cases governments are more interested in allowing the media moguls and gun companies to maximise profits at the cost of the public.

Haka ma ya shafi sake gina yankunan cikin birni da suka talauce, waɗanda gwamnatoci da attajirai masu jari-hujja ke ganganci wajen yin watsi da su saboda ana ganin ba su da riba ta kasuwanci. Abin fahimta ne cewa mutanen da ke zaune a irin waɗannan yankuna za su koma aikata laifi. Har ma hukuncin masu laifi yana bisa manufar jari-hujja; maimakon a tsara hukunce-hukunce don hana masu yuwuwar aikata laifi a cikin al'umma, hukunce-hukunce suna wanzuwa ne kawai don takaita hanyar mai laifin da aka yanke wa hukunci wajen neman jin daɗi. Misali, attajirin nan Geoffrey Archer ya iya ci gaba da rayuwarsa ta alfarma, duk da cewa yana zaman ɗaurin shekaru a gidan yari. Saboda haka, a dukkan matakan halayyar ɗan adam, manufar jari-hujja a rayuwa ita ce babbar ƙarfin da ke jagorantar aikata laifi a al'ummomin Yamma.

The same argument applies to the redevelopment of deprived inner city areas, which governments and wealthy capitalists intentionally ignore as they are deemed to be commercially unprofitable. Understandably, people living in such areas will resort to crime. Even the punishment of criminals is based upon the capitalist goal; instead of designing punishments to deter potential criminals in society, punishments exist merely to restrict the convicted criminal's pursuit of pleasure. For example the millionaire Geoffrey Archer was able to follow his lavish lifestyle, even though he is serving a custodial sentence. Therefore, at all levels of human behaviour the capitalist goal in life is the main driving force behind crime in Western societies.

A gefe guda kuma, Musulunci yana samar da al'umma inda laifi ba shi ne abin da aka saba ba, sai dai banda. Wannan kuwa saboda manufar Musulunci a rayuwa shi ne neman yardar Allah (SWT). Ta hanyar neman yardar Allah (SWT) ne Musulmi yake samun farin ciki.

On the other hand, Islam produces a society where crime is not the norm but an exception. This is because the Islamic goal in life is about seeking the pleasure of Allah (SWT). It is through seeking the pleasure of Allah (SWT) that a Muslim attains happiness.

Saboda haka Musulmi suna matuƙar kula wajen aikata ayyuka, manya ko ƙanana, domin sun san cewa a Lahira za a tambaye su game da su. Sakamakon hakan zai zama ko Aljanna ko Wuta, wanda ya dogara da yadda Musulmi ya bi umarnin Allah (SWT) da hanin Sa a rayuwar duniya. Wannan imani yana shigar da Musulmi wata zurfafa ji ta Taqwa (tsoron Allah (SWT)), hakki ga wasu da biyayya ga dokokin Musulunci da shugabanci. A matakin mutum, wannan yana zama babban hani ga aikata laifi, domin mutum yana sane koyaushe da sakamakon ayyukansa. Allah (SWT)

Therefore Muslims are extremely careful when undertaking actions, large or small because they know that in the hereafter they will be held accountable for them. The outcome of which will be either paradise or hellfire determined by the Muslim's compliance to Allah (SWT)'s commands and prohibitions in this life. This belief instils in Muslims a strong sense of Taqwa (fear of Allah (SWT)), responsibility towards others and obedience to Islamic laws and authority. At an individual level this becomes a very powerful deterrent against crime, as one is constantly aware of the consequences of one's actions. Allah (SWT)

… ya tunatar da mu a cikin Alkur'ani: "Kuma Mu ne mafi kusa da shi fiye da jijiyar wuyansa." [TMQ 50:16] Bayyanar wannan kula da kai zai nufin cewa, ba kamar kasashen jari-hujja ba, daular Musulunci ta gaba ba za ta bukaci kashe manyan albarkatu wajen yakar laifi ba, ko amfani da dimbin dabarun sa ido don kama masu laifi, ko daukar babbar rundunar 'yan sanda da aka keɓe don hana aikata laifi ba.

reminds us in the Quran: "And We are nearer to him than his jugular vein". [TMQ 50:16] The manifestation of this self policing would mean that unlike capitalist countries, the future Islamic state will not need to spend huge resources in fighting crime, use large numbers of surveillance techniques to catch criminals or employ a large police force dedicated to crime prevention.

Haka kuma, sha'awar al'ummar Musulunci ta neman yardar Allah (SWT) za ta haifar da wani tunani na gama-gari a tsakanin jama'a, inda kiyaye al'umma da dokokin Musulunci za a dauke su a matsayin mafi muhimmanci fiye da moriyar mutum. Wannan saboda ga Musulmi, keta umarni da hanin Allah (SWT) da masu laifi ke yi zunubi ne wanda dole ne a dakatar da shi. Musulunci ya wajabta wa Musulmi umarni da kyakkyawa (Ma'ruf) da hana mummuna (Munkar). Annabi ﷺ ya ce a cikin wani Hadisi da Abu Sa'id al-Khudri ya ruwaito:

Similarly, the Islamic society's yearning to seek the pleasure of Allah (SWT) will produce a collective mentality amongst the public where the preservation of society and Islamic laws will be regarded as more important than one's own interest. This is because for Muslims, the transgression of the commands and prohibitions of Allah (SWT) by offenders is a sin that must be stopped. Islam has obliged Muslims to enjoin Mar'uf (good) and forbid Munkar (evil). The Prophet (SAW) said in a Hadith narrated by Abu Sa'id al Khudri:

"Duk wanda ya ga Munkari (mugun abu ko abin da bai dace ba) to ya canza shi da hannunsa; idan bai iya ba, to da harshensa; idan bai iya ba, to da zuciyarsa, kuma wannan shi ne mafi raunin imani." [Muslim] A game da 'yan ƙasa waɗanda ba Musulmi ba, adalcin Musulunci ne zai zama abin da zai motsa rigakafin laifuffuka.

"Whosoever sees a Munkar (an evil or wrong) let him change it by his hand, if he could not let it be by his tongue. If he could not let it be by his heart, and this is the weakest of Iman". [Muslim] In the case of non-Muslim citizens it will be the justice of Islam that will be the motivating factor for crime prevention.

Wannan zai tada hankalin jama'a har ya zama hanya mai tasiri ta hana aikata laifi.

This will galvanise public opinion to become an effective deterrent against crime.

Duk da haka, koyaushe za a sami wata ƙaramar tsiraru da za su keta dokokin da Musulunci ya kafa. Gare su, Musulunci ya tanadi cikakken tsarin hukunci wanda gwamnati ke aiwatarwa. Hukunce-hukuncen Musulunci ba an nufin su ne su takura mai laifi ba, a'a, an nufe su ne domin hana wasu aikata laifi. Misali, game da barawo, Allah (SWT) ya ce: "Barawo namiji da barawuwa mace, ku yanke hannayensu. Wannan saka ce ga abin da suka aikata, da kuma azaba daga Allah. Allah Mai iko ne, Mai hikima." [TMQ 5:38] A Musulunci, mutum ta hanyar takawarsa, da al'umma ta hanyar damuwarsu game da kiyaye al'umma da gwamnati, duk suna aiki tare don tabbatar da cewa an aiwatar da dokoki kuma an rage laifuffuka. Tarihin Musulunci ya tabbatar da haka. Misali, lokacin da aka nada Imam Malik alkalin Madina, sai da ya jira kusan shekara guda kafin ya jagoranci shari'arsa ta farko. Haka kuma, bayanan kotunan da suka wanzu a manyan biranen Daular Musulunci suna nuna cewa shari'o'in da kotunan ke yi galibi batutuwan zamantakewa ne kamar saki, gado, da rikice-rikicen kasuwanci. Yawan shari'o'in da suka shafi kisan kai, fashi da makami, fyade da makamantansu bai kai kusan adadin da ake samu a al'ummomin Yamma a yau ba.

However, there will always be a minority that would violate the laws imposed by Islam. For them Islam has laid down a comprehensive punishment system which is administered by the state. The punishments in Islam are not intended to restrict the offender, but are meant to dissuade others from carrying out crime. For instance concerning the thief, Allah (SWT) says: "As to the thief, male or female, cut off his or her hand. It is the reward of their own deeds, an exemplary punishment from Allah. Allah is All Mighty, All Wise." [TMQ 5:38] In Islam the individual through his Taqwa, the public through their concern about the preservation of society and the state all act in unison to ensure that laws are implemented and that crime is minimised. Islamic history bears testimony to this fact. For example, when Imam Malik was appointed the judge of Madinah, he had to wait almost a year before he presided over his first case. Also the records of the courts that existed in the main cities in the Islamic State show that the types of cases dealt by courts were primarily social issues like divorce, inheritance and business related disputes. The number of cases involving murders, muggings, rapes and the like were nowhere near the figures that occur in Western societies today.

Nuwamba 20, 2005

November 20, 2005