"Kamar lokacin da ake kai wa yakin duniya na farko, ƙungiyoyi da haɗin gwiwar yankuna za su iya tasowa don ƙalubalantar ikon Amurka. Idan ɗaya daga cikin waɗannan ƙungiyoyi zai iya ƙarfafa ikonsa cikin sauri, sabuwar duniya mai ƙarfi biyu na iya bayyana. Zai yiwu China, haɗin gwiwar ƙasashen Larabawa, ko Tarayyar Turai (EU) mai haɗin kai za su zama wannan sabon babban ƙarfi." – Robert DeYeso Kusan shekara shida ne kawai suka wuce tun bayan da Shugaba Bush ya hau mulki, kuma karni na 21 mai ɗaukar hankali wanda ake ganin na Amurka ne yana shirin ƙarewa ba zato ba tsammani. Matsayin Amurka na gaba da sauran ƙasashe a sassa huɗu na duniya yana fuskantar ƙalubale daga abokai da abokan gaba.

“Much like the time leading up to World War I, coalitions and regional blocs could form to contest American supremacy. If one of these entities could consolidate its power quickly enough, a new bipolar world could emerge. Potentially, China, a pan-Arab coalition, or a unified European Union (EU) could become this new superpower.” -- Robert DeYeso Barely six years have elapsed since President Bush took office and the much coveted 21st century belongs to America is about to come to an abrupt end. America’ s pre-eminence in four corners of the world is being challenged by friends and foes alike.

A cikin bayan gidan Amurka kanta— Latin Amurka— Shugaban Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, yana jagorantar wani gangami na kawo cikas ga muradun Amurka a yankin. Ya sami goyon bayan shugabannin Cuba, Bolivia da Ecuador don yada manufarsa. Tare suka kalubalanci ikon Amurka ta hanyar fara yakin neman kwato filayen mai da iskar gas daga hannun kamfanonin Yamma, da sanya su kai tsaye karkashin ikon gwamnati.

In America’ s own backyard— Latin America— Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez is spearheading a crusade to undermine US interests across the region. He has successfully garnered the support of the leaders of Cuba, Bolivia and Ecuador to propagate his cause. Together they have challenged American supremacy by embarking on a campaign to reclaim oil and gas fields from western companies and put them directly under state control.

A faɗin Tekun Atlantika, Turai da yaƙin Iraƙi ya ɗaure wa rai kuma take ƙin tsarin aiki na kai kaɗai da gwamnatin Bush ke bi, ta bayar da taimako kaɗan kawai, idan ma an ce ta bayar da shi.

Across the Atlantic, Europe smitten by the Iraq war and deeply hostile to the unilateralist agenda of the Bush administration has at best offered nominal assistance.

Maimakon haka, idan aka ba su damar, Turawa—musamman Faransawa, Jamusawa da Burtaniya—sun fi nuna kansu a matsayin abokan gaba fiye da abokan kawancen Amurka. Taurin kan Faransa a Lebanon, kin amincewar Turai na tura sojoji masu yawa zuwa Iraki da Afganistan, tsoma baki da Burtaniya ta yi a Falasdinu, da kuma adawar Faransa da Burtaniya ga sulhun Darfur, duk sun lalata martabar Amurka a duniya tare da raunana halaccinta.

Rather, given the opportunity the Europeans—notably the French, the Germans and the British have behaved more as foes than American allies. French intransigence in Lebanon, Europe’ s refusal to commit significant troops to Iraq and Afghanistan, Britain’ s interference in Palestine, and French and British hostility towards a Darfur settlement have damaged America’ s standing in the world and eroded her legitimacy.

Rasha da China, waɗanda shekaru ashirin da suka wuce ƙarfin Amurka ya danne su, sun farka domin yin adawa da juyin-juya-halin da Amurka ke tallafawa a Asiya ta Tsakiya. Uzbekistan ta koma cikin ikon Moscow, Kyrgyzstan da Belarus kuma sun yi nasarar dakile tashe-tashen hankula da Amurka ke goyon baya; Amurka ta kasa cimma nasarorin siyasa da ta samu a Ukraine, yayin da Georgia ta fuskanci mummunan martani daga Rasha saboda dangantakarta da Washington.

Russia and China subdued by twenty or so years of American power have reawakened to counter American inspired revolutions sweeping Central Asia. Uzbekistan returned to Moscow’ s sphere of influence, Kyrgyzstan and Belarus successfully thwarted US backed uprisings; America failed to press home the political gains made in Ukraine, and Georgia witnessed a severe backlash from Russia over its ties with Washington.

Haka kuma, Kyrgyzstan da Tajikistan, ƙananan ƙasashe membobin Ƙungiyar Haɗin Kan Shanghai (SCO), sun sami ƙarfin gwiwa har sun buƙaci a janye sansanonin Amurka. Ribar da Amurka ta samu a wannan yanki kusan ba ta da wani amfani.

Furthermore, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan the minnow states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) have become emboldened enough to demand withdrawal of American bases. America’ s gains in this region almost stand to naught.

Abin da ya fi muni shi ne yadda yakin da ake yi da ta'addanci ya kara karfafa alakar China da Rasha ba tare da son ransa ba, lamarin da ya rushe shekaru na tsare-tsaren dabarun Amurka na raba kasashen biyu, wadanda a baya abokan gaba ne. Kawancen China da Rasha, wanda ci gaban tattalin arziki da burin ganin duniya ta koma tsarin kasashe biyu masu karfi ya sake farfado da shi, ya bazu zuwa sassan duniya daban-daban, lamarin da ke cutar da muradun Amurka.

Worse still is that the war on terror has inadvertently solidified China’ s relationship with Russia—undoing years of American strategic planning to keep the two erstwhile enemies apart. The China-Russian alliance reinvigorated with economic growth and a common desire to see a bipolar world has spread its tentacles across the globe harming US interests.

Rasha, ba ta jin tsoron barazanar Amurka ba, tana samar wa Venezuela da Iran makamai na zamani.xxv. Kamfanonin makamashi na China suna sanya hannu kan yarjejeniyoyin mai a wuraren da a al'ada manyan kamfanonin man Amurka ke da iko da su.xxvi. A Gabas ta Tsakiya, Rasha da China duk sun nuna adawa mai karfi da matsayin Amurka game da Iran. A tsibirin Koriya, goyon bayan Beijing ba tare da iyaka ga Pyongyang ya fallasa rashin iyawar Washington wajen hana Koriya ta Arewa zama mai makamin nukiliya.

Russia unfazed by American threats is equipping Venezuela and Iran with modern weaponryxxv. Chinese energy companies are signing oil deals in places that have traditionally been the preserve of American oil giantsxxvi. In the Middle East, both Russian and China have taken strong objection to America’ s position over Iran. On the Korean peninsula, Beijing’ s unfettered support for Pyongyang has exposed Washington’ s inability to prevent North Korea from becoming nuclear.

A duniyar Musulunci gaba ɗaya, martabar Amurka ta fāɗi zuwa matsayi mafi ƙasƙanci da ta taɓa kaiwa. Tsananin juriyar da ake yi a Iraki da Afghanistan ya karya bayan sojojin Amurka, ya kuma tilasta Shugaba Bush ya watsar da shirinsa na yaɗa dimokuraɗiyya. Bush, wanda ya kasa fitar da Amurka daga Iraki da Afghanistan, ya koma ga "Akidar Truman" ya kuma nemi taimakon mulkin kama-karya na boko kamar Siriya, Iran da Pakistan. Maimakon sake fasalin duniyar Musulunci bisa surar Amurka, munanan manufofin gwamnatin Bush sun sa yankin ya koma kan Musulunci, sun tada al'ummar Musulmai daga barcin ruhi, kuma sun haɗa kan masana Musulmai zuwa ƙarfi mai ƙarfi na siyasar Musulunci. A taƙaice, cikin shekaru shida da suka wuce, ana iya cewa Amurka tana hanzarta haihuwar Khilafa.

Throughout the Muslim world America’ s credibility has plummeted to an all-time low. The ferocity of the resistance in Iraq and Afghanistan has broken the back of the US army and forced President Bush to abandon his plans to advance democracy. Bush unable to extricate America from Iraq and Afghanistan has had to revert to the ‘Truman Doctrine’ and seek the help of secular autocracies like Syria, Iran and Pakistan. Instead of reshaping the Muslim world in America’ s image, the nefarious policies of the Bush administration has Islamised the region, politicized the Muslim masses to awaken from their spiritual slumber and galvanized the Muslim intelligentsia into a powerful force or political Islam— to sum up the last six years— it is suffice to say that America is precipitating the birth of the Caliphate.

Bayan shekaru biyu na mamaye al'amuran duniya, Amurka ta tsinci kanta a hannun abokanta da abokan gābanta. Graham Fuller, tsohon mataimakin shugaban Majalisar Leken Asirin Ƙasa, ya bayyana halin da Amurka take ciki daidai lokacin da ya rubuta a cikin sabon fitowar mujallar National Interest cewa: "ƙasashe daban-daban sun yi amfani da dabaru da hanyoyi iri-iri da aka tsara don raunana, karkatar da, sauya, sarkafa, takaitawa, jinkirtawa ko toshe ajandar Bush ta hanyar mutuwa a hankali, yanka ɗaya bayan ɗaya." To me zai faru bayan Amurka ta fāɗi daga matsayinta na kaɗai babbar ƙasa a duniya? Turai ta rabu sosai har ba za ta iya ɗaukar jagorancin ƙasashen duniya ba. Rasha kuma ba ta riga ta mayar da ƙarfin tattalin arzikinta zuwa ƙarfin siyasa da zai sanya ta a matsayin ƙasa mafi girma ba. Haka kuma China da Indiya ba su da ƙudirin siyasa da gogewar da za su iya amfani da shi wajen tasiri a siyasar duniya. Saboda haka, a nan gaba da ake iya gani, ƙasashen biyu za su kasance cikin iyakokin yankunan tasirinsu.

After two decades of dominating world affairs, America finds itself at the mercy of her friends and enemies. Graham Fuller, former vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council, described America’ s predicament correctly when he wrote in the latest issue of the National Interest, “diverse countries have deployed a multiplicity of strategies and tactics designed to weaken, divert, alter, complicate, limit, delay or block the Bush agenda through death by a thousand cuts.” So what happens after America has fallen from its perch as the world’ s sole super power? Europe is too divided to take up the mantle of the leading state. Russia has yet to translate her economic strength into political capital to position herself as the pre-eminent power. Both China and India lack the political will and the experience to affect world politics. For the foreseeable future, both countries will be confined to their respective spheres of influence.

Ƙasar da take son ta maye gurbin Amurka dole ne ta mallaki babban yawan jama'a, albarkatu masu yawa, akida ta duniya baki ɗaya, da kuma ƙudurin siyasa na samun nasara. Mafi bayyanannen ɗan takara shi ne duniyar Musulunci a ƙarƙashin Khilafah, wadda Bush ya sha magana a kanta.

The country that wishes to supplant America must possess a huge population, abundant resources, a universal ideology and the political will to succeed. The most obvious candidate is the Muslim world under the Caliphate, which Bush has often spoken about.

Disamba 4, 2006

December 4, 2006