"Yammacin duniya ta samu nasara a kan duniya ba saboda fifikon ra'ayoyinta, ko dabi'unta, ko addininta ba, a maimakon haka saboda fifikonta wajen amfani da tashin hankali da aka tsara. Turawan yamma sau da yawa suna manta wannan gaskiyar, amma wadanda ba turawan yamma ba basa mantawa da ita." -- Samuel P. Huntington A lokacin ziyararsa zuwa Turai, George Bush ya jaddada wa masu masaukinsa na Turai cewa yada 'yanci da dimokuradiyya ita ce kadai hanyar cin nasara a kan ta'addanci a Gabas ta Tsakiya da kuma duniyar Musulunci baki daya. Kalamansa sun yi daidai da wata ka'ida da aka saba da ita a mulkinsa - cewa 'yanci yana cin nasara a kan ta'addanci.

“The West won the world not by the superiority of its ideas or values or religion but rather by its superiority in applying organized violence. Westerners often forget this fact, non-Westerners never do.” -- Samuel P. Huntington During his visit to Europe, George Bush emphasised to his European hosts that spreading freedom and democracy was the only way of defeating terrorism in the Middle East and the wider Muslim world. His remarks echo a familiar tenet of his presidency - freedom triumphing over terrorism.

Amma, ta hanyar kiran wannan gwagwarmaya da sunan 'yanci da ta'addanci, gwamnatin Bush ta guje wa amsa wasu muhimman tambayoyi, kamar su: Menene ta'addanci? Su wane ne 'yan ta'adda?

But, by coining the struggle as freedom versus terrorism, the Bush administration has avoided answering some pertinent questions like - What is terrorism? Who are the terrorists?

Wane ne abokin gaba a idon Bush da magoya bayansa na neo-conservatives?

Who is the enemy in the eyes of Bush and his acolytes the neo-conservatives?

Hukumar 9/11 (ba ita ce ta farko ba, ko kaɗan ba) ta jaddada cewa kalmar "yaƙi da ta'addanci" tana yaudara, kuma ta ba da shawarar a sake sunanta domin a sa ƙarin fifiko a kan akida a kan Musulunci. A watan Oktoban 2001, Janar Wesley Clark na Amurka ya ce yaƙin da Amurka ke yi da ta'addanci "yaƙi ne a kan Musulunci" wanda zai bayyana Musulunci "a matsayin ƙarfi mai zaman lafiya ko mai tsattsauran ra'ayi" a cikin al'umma.xxvii Duk da haka wasu sun yi jayayya cewa ya kamata a kira shi da suna mai dacewa, yaƙi da Musulunci na siyasa.

The 9/11 Commission (by no means the first) stressed that the term war on terrorism was misleading and recommended that it should be renamed to place greater ideological emphasis against Islam. In October 2001 US General Wesley Clark, said that the US war against terrorism "was a war over Islam" that would define Islam "as either a peaceful or militant" force in societyxxvii. Yet others have argued that it should be appropriately labelled war against political Islam.

Duk wani sabani da ke tsakanin manyan 'yan siyasar Amurka game da yadda ya kamata a sanya wa yakin suna, ba a cika samun irin wannan sabani a tsakanin talakawan Amurkawa ba. Saboda kafofin watsa labarai na kamfanoni masu nuna kyama ga Musulunci, yawancin Amurkawa, ko da wane irin ra'ayin siyasa suke da shi, suna kallon yakin ta'addanci a matsayin yaki da Musulunci.

Whatever differences exist amongst America’ s political elite over the naming of the war there are few to be found amongst ordinary Americans. Thanks to the Islamophobic corporate media, most Americans irrespective of their political orientation view the war on terror as a fight against Islam.

Irin wannan yanayi yana nan a Turai ma. Rashin ƙarfin halin ɓangaren siyasar Turai wajen fuskantar Bush kan waɗannan batutuwa, tare da kafofin watsa labarai masu nuna ƙiyayyar Musulunci, ya sa talakawan Turawa sun yi imani cewa sabon maƙiyinsu shi ne Musulunci da Musulmi waɗanda ke zaune a tsakiyarsu.

The same milieu exits in Europe. The lack of boldness on part of Europe’ s political class to confront Bush on these questions together with the Islamophobic media has convinced ordinary Europeans that their new enemy is Islam and Muslims who live in their midst.

Kafin harin 11 ga Satumba, Musulmai sun daɗe suna riƙe da ra'ayin cewa shiga tsakanin Amurka a ƙasashensu wani ɓangare ne na ci gaba da gwagwarmaya tsakanin Musulunci da Yamma. Abin da ya biyo bayan 11 ga Satumba ya ƙara ƙarfafa wannan ra'ayi kawai. A yau, galibin Musulmai sun yarda ba tare da shakka ba cewa yakin da ake yi da ta'addanci yaƙi ne da Musulunci da Musulmai.

Before 9/11 Muslims long held the view that American intervention in their lands is part of the ongoing struggle between Islam and the West. The aftermath of 9/11 only served to reinforce this view. Today an overwhelming majority of Muslims believe unequivocally that the war on terrorism is a war against Islam and Muslims.

Saboda haka, a bayan kamun da Bush yake yi na yaƙi da ta'addanci, rikici tsakanin Musulunci da Yamma ya riga ya fara gudana sosai. Wannan gwagwarmaya tana gudana a matakai da dama. Mafi muhimmanci daga cikinsu shi ne gwagwarmayar akida. Wanda zai yi nasara a wannan yaƙi shi ne zai tantance ko makomar duniya za ta kasance ta Musulunci ko ta akidar sassaucin boko ta Yamma wadda ba ta haɗa da addini ba.

Hence, behind Bush’ s charade of fighting terrorism the clash between Islam and the West is well and truly under way. This struggle is being fought at several levels. The most important of all is the ideological struggle. The winner of this battle will decide whether the future belongs to Islam or Western secular liberalism.

Don'an tambaya da yanzu ta taso ita ce: wane ne ke cin nasara a yakin ra'ayoyi? Amsar ita ce yammacin duniya ta yi rashin nasara a yakin akida da Musulunci tun dadewa. Wannan ya faru ne saboda dalilai masu zuwa:

So the question that now arises is who is winning the battle of ideas? The answer is that the West lost the ideological war against Islam long ago. This is due to the following reasons:

1. Yamma ta kwashe shekaru dari biyu da suka wuce tana yaki da tunanin Musulunci, da fatan karkatar da Musulmi daga Musulunci. Wannan yakin ya fara ne daga masana gabas (orientalists) da suka yi nazarin Musulunci suka kai hari kan akidunsa da hukunce-hukuncensa.

1. The West has spent the last two hundred years combating Islamic thoughts in the hope of dissuading Muslims from Islam. This campaign began with the orientalists who studied Islam and attacked its beliefs and rules.

Misali, sun kai hari kan tsarkin Alkur'ani, jihadi, auren mata fiye da ɗaya, tsarin hukunce-hukuncen Musulunci, da kuma Khilafah. Amma duk da wannan gagarumin shiri na raba Musulmi da Musulunci, Yamma na fuskantar sabon farfaɗowar Musulunci, a cikin gida da kuma a ƙasashen waje. A Yamma, Musulunci shi ne addinin da ya fi saurin yaɗuwa, duka a tsakanin baƙi da kuma 'yan asalin ƙasar.

For instance they attacked the divinity of the Quran, jihad, polygamy, the Islamic punishment system and the Caliphate. But despite this organised effort to alienate Muslims from Islam, the West is facing a resurgent Islam both at home and abroad. In the West, Islam is the fastest growing religion both amongst immigrants and the indigenous community.

Tsakanin 1989 zuwa 1998 yawan Musulmai a Turai ya karu da sama da kashi 100 cikin dari, zuwa miliyan 14 (kimanin 2

Between 1989 and 1998 the Islamic population in Europe grew by over 100 percent, to 14 million (approximately 2

percent na yawan jama'a), a cewar kididdigar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya.xxviii "Cikin shekaru 20 masu zuwa adadin Musulmi 'yan Birtaniya da suka karɓi addinin zai kai ko ya zarce al'ummar Musulmi baƙi wadanda suka kawo addinin nan," in ji Rose Kendrick, marubuciyar wani littafin jagora kan Alƙur'anixxix. Amurka ma ba ta tsira daga wannan lamari ba. Wani masani ya kiyasta cewa mutum 25,000 a kowace shekara suna zama Musulmi a Amurka; wasu malamai sun ce sun ga adadin masu karɓar addinin ya ninka sau huɗu tun bayan 11 ga Satumba.xxx

percent of the population), according to United Nations statistics.xxviii "Within the next 20 years the number of British converts will equal or overtake the immigrant Muslim community that brought the faith here", says Rose Kendrick the author of a textbook guide to the Koranxxix. America is not immune from this phenomenon. One expert estimates that 25,000 people a year become Muslims in the US; some clerics say they have seen conversion rates quadruple since Sept. 11xxx.

Baya ga adadin masu musulunci, halayen Musulman da ke zaune a Yamma game da sassaucin ra'ayi na boko ma abin takaici ne. Wani bincike na baya-bayan nan da ICM ya gudanar kan halayen Musulmi a Birtaniya ya bayyana sakamako kamar haka: kashi 81% na ganin 'yancin fadin albarkacin baki a matsayin hanyar cin mutuncin Musulunci, kashi 61% na goyon bayan Shari'a, kashi 88% na son a koyar da Musulunci a makarantu, kuma kashi 60% ba sa ganin bukatar hadewa da al'umma.

Conversion figures aside, the attitudes of Muslims living in the West towards secular liberalism is equally damning. A recent ICM poll surveying Muslim attitudes in Britain published the following results: 81% view freedom of speech as a means of insulting Islam, 61% support the Sharia, 88% want Islam in schools, and 60% do not think they need to integrate.

Idan wannan ra'ayin Musulmi ne a daya daga cikin manyan cibiyoyin ilimi da wayewa, to ana iya tsammanin matsayin al'ummar Musulmi gaba daya game da dabi'un sakulare da na 'yanci. A takaice dai, kasashen Yamma sun kasa shawo kan talakawan Musulmi cewa al'adun Yamma sun fi Musulunci.

If this is the outlook of Muslims in one of the main citadels of enlightenment then one can only guess the stance of Muslim world towards secular liberal values. Suffice to say that the West has failed to convince the Muslim masses that Western culture is better than Islam.

2. A baya Yammacin duniya ta yi amfani da ayyukan masu kawo sauyi irin su Rifa'a At-Tahtawi (1801-1873), Jamal Ad-Din Al-Afghani (1838-1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), Taha Hussein (1889-1973), Rashid Rida (1865-1935) da Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) domin su jagoranci yakin neman sauyinta na gabatar da al'adun Yammacin duniya a karkashin sunan Musulunci. Tasirin wadannan masu gyara ba wai kawai an kawar da shi ba ne, har ma an juya shi.

2. In the past the West employed the services of modernists such as Rifa’a At-Tahtawi (1801-1873), Jamal Ad-Din Al- Afghani (1838-1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), Taha Hussein (1889,1973), Rashid Rida (1865-1935) and Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) to spear head their campaign of introducing Western culture under the guise of Islam. The impact of these reformists has not only been nullified but also reversed.

Masu kishin zamani na yau sun tsinci kansu a cikin wani hali mai ban tsoro.

Today’ s modernists find themselves in a precarious situation.

An ana ƙyamarsu daga Musulmi, kuma ana ganin su a matsayin kayan aikin mamayar al'adu da ke aiwatar da umarnin Yammacin duniya don bata sunan Musulunci.

They are despised by Muslims and are seen as instruments of the cultural imperialism undertaking the West’ s bidding to defame Islam.

A yamma ana kallon su a matsayin masu tsananin addini, don haka ba a ƙara amincewa da su da alhakin juyar da Musulmi daga Musulunci ba. Shawarar Amurka ta soke biza ta Tariq Ramadan da fushin kafofin watsa labarai game da ziyarar Al-Qardawi zuwa Birtaniya sun nuna irin rashin amincewar da Yammacin duniya ke yi wa masu zamani. Gabaɗaya, an rasa daraja a idanunsu, kuma sun zama marasa muhimmanci a fagen yaƙin ra'ayoyi tsakanin Yamma da Musulunci.

In Western eyes they are viewed as being too Islamic and are no longer entrusted with the responsibility of turning Muslims away from Islam. America’ s decision to revoke Tariq Ramadan’ s visa and the media outrage at Al- Qardawi’ s visit to the UK epitomises the West’ s mistrust of modernists. On the whole they are discredited and have become irrelevant in the battle of ideas between the West and Islam.

3. Babbar naƙasa da Yamma ta yi wa duniyar Musulunci ta faru ne a ranar 3 ga Maris, 1924, lokacin da Birtaniya, ta hannun ɗan amshin shatanta Mustafa Kamal, ta rushe Khalifanci. Lord Curzon, yana magana a Majalisar Commons, ya ce: "Abin da ake magana a kai shi ne cewa an lalata Turkiyya, kuma ba za ta sake tashi ba, domin mun lalata ikonta na ruhaniya:

3. The biggest blow dealt by the West against the Islamic world came on March 3rd, 1924, when Britain through her stooge Mustafa Kamal destroyed the Caliphate. Lord Curzon speaking in the House of Commons said, "The point at issue is that Turkey has been destroyed and shall never rise again, because we have destroyed her spiritual power:

da Khalifanci da Musulunci. Daga baya, ƙasashen Turai sun raba ƙasashen Musulmi a tsakaninsu, suka kafa mulkin mallaka kai tsaye a kan al'ummar Musulmi.

the Caliphate and Islam.“ Subsequently, the European powers carved up the Islamic lands between them, establishing direct colonial rule over the Muslim people.

Al'ummar Musulmi a karon farko sun fuskanci mafita ta Yammaci, tun daga mafitun tattalin arziki da suka kwashe dukiyarsu, zuwa tsarin karatu wanda ya raba su da tarihinsu, ya mayar da Musulunci saitin ibadoji kawai, kuma ya koya musu yadda za su yi tunani irin na Yammaci.

The Muslim masses for the first time were exposed to Western solutions ranging from economic solutions which plundered their wealth to an educational syllabus which disconnected them from their history, reduced Islam to a mere set of rituals and taught them how to think like Westerners.

Haka kuma, an kawar da Musulunci daga rayuwar duniya ne kawai sai aka maye gurbinsa da mulkin boko. Daga baya ne Yammacin duniya ya bai wa ƙasashen Musulmi da ta ƙirƙira ’yancin kai na bogi, ya kuma naɗa bayinsa masu biyayya don kare muradun Yammaci da mulkar al’ummar Musulmi a madadinsa.

Moreover, Islam was effaced from temporal life only to be replaced by a secular rule. Later the West granted pseudo independence to the Muslim countries they had invented and appointed loyal servants to safeguard Western interests and to rule over Muslim people on their behalf.

Idan Yammacin duniya sun yi tunanin cewa shekaru takwas na mulkin boko da akida ta sakularizim za su isa su hana taro musulmi nesa da siyasar Musulunci, to sun yi kuskure mai girma. Karfi da alkiblar sabuwar farkawar Musulunci a yau sun jawo hankalin shugabannin Yammacin duniya. Vladimir Putin, Tony Blair da Donald Rumsfeld sun shiga cikin dogon kiran da shugabannin Yammacin duniya suka yi a shekara ta 2004, suna gargadi game da hadarin dawowar Khalifanci mai karfi. Kissinger ya taƙaita wannan sosai a lokacin da ya ce: "…abin da muke kira ta'addanci a Amurka, amma a gaskiya tashin radical Islam ne a kan duniyar sakulare, da kuma duniyar dimokuradiyya, don maido da wani irin Khalifanci xxxi".

If the West had thought that eight years of subjugation to secularism would have been enough to deter the Muslim masses from political Islam then they were gravely mistaken. The ferocity and direction of today’ s Islamic revival has seized the attention of Western leaders. Vladimir Putin, Tony Blair and Donald Rumsfeld have joined a long chorus of Western leaders in 2004 warning about the dangers of a resurgent Caliphate. This was aptly summed up by Kissinger who said,”…what we call terrorism in the United States, but which is really the uprising of radical Islam against the secular world, and against the democratic world, on behalf of re-establishing a sort of Caliphate xxxi”.

4. Akwai wani kuskure da ke cikin akidar sakularism, wanda hakan ya sa al'ummar Musulmi suka ki karbarta kamar yadda ake tsammani. Wannan saboda sakularism yana takaita rawar Musulunci a cikin al'umma ga ibada ta kashin kai kawai. Ana barin yanke shawarwarin siyasa game da tafiyar da al'umma ga mutane. Wannan ya saba kai tsaye da koyarwar Musulmi, wanda ke ganin siyasa a matsayin wani bangare da ba za a iya raba shi da Musulunci ba, watau ga Musulmi Musulunci shi ne siyasa. Bernard Lewis ya yi irin wannan tantancewa, ya ce: "Rashin sakularism na asali a Musulunci, da kuma yaduwar kin karbar sakularism da aka shigo da shi, wanda Kiristanci ya yi wahayi zuwa gare shi, ana iya danganta shi da wasu gagarumar bambance-bambance na imani da kwarewa tsakanin al'adun addinai biyu ta'alla xxxii".

4. There is an inherent flaw in the ideology of secularism, which has led to its predictable rejection by the Muslim world. This is because secularism insists on restricting the role of Islam in society to personal worship only. Political decisions about running the society are left to human beings. This directly contradicts the doctrine of Muslims, which considers politics an indivisible part of Islam i.e. to Muslims Islam is politics. Bernard Lewis gave a similar assessment and said, “The absence of native secularism in Islam and the wide spread rejection of an imported secularism inspired by Christian example, may be attributed to certain profound differences of belief and experience in the two religious cultures xxxii”.

Bugu da ƙari, sekularism koyaushe yana barin gibi na ruhaniya, musamman idan mutane suka fuskanci matsaloli waɗanda ba za su iya warwarewa ba. Raba Allah daga al'amuran duniya kawai yana ƙara wannan jin. Wannan rauni na hankali ne ya taimaka wajen tashin gwauron zabo na Musulunci na siyasa a ƙarƙashin mulkin kama-karya na sekular, wanda ya mamaye yawancin ƙasashen Musulmi.

Furthermore, secularism always leaves a spiritual void, especially when human beings are confronted by problems, which they are unable to solve. Separating God from temporal matters only accentuates this feeling. It is this intellectual weakness that has contributed to the dramatic rise of political Islam under the secular autocratic rule, which pervades much of the Muslim world.

Ya kamata Yammacin duniya ta yi koyi da yadda akidar gurguzu ta kasa sa Musulmi su bar Musulunci. Gurguzu, wacce ta fi zurfin akida fiye da sekularizim, ita ma ta gaza shawo kan talakawan Musulmi su yarda da kayan duniya da dokokin mutane.

The West should take heed from the inability of communism to dissuade Muslims from Islam. Communism a far deeper ideology than secularism also failed to convince the Muslim masses of materialism and man-made laws.

5. Yaudin Yammacin duniya wajen inganta dabi'un Yammacin duniya a fadin kasashen Musulunci ya rage matukar amincewa da ita. Musamman bayan 11 ga Satumba, lokacin da rashin daidaiton ma'auni na Yammacin duniya ya kai sabon matsayi. Abin da ya nuna ainihin girman munafunci da kiyayyar Yammacin duniya ga Musulmai shi ne al'amarin Abu Ghraib.

5. The duplicity of the West in promoting Western values across the Muslim world has greatly undermined its credibility. Especially, after September 11, when Western doubles standards reached new heights. It was the episode of Abu Ghraib that revealed the true extent of the Western hypocrisy and hatred towards Muslims.

Ra'ayoyin Yammacin Duniya kamar 'yanci, dimokuradiyya, da hakkokin dan Adam ba musulmai ne suka fi shafar su da mummunan koma-baya ba, sai dai Amurka, wacce ake kira mai kare 'yanci. Ko da shugabannin da suke wakilcinta a kasashen musulmi sun shake, ba su iya kare Amurka daga munanan laifukan da ta aikata ba.

Western ideas such as freedom, democracy, human rights were given a devastating blow not by Muslims, but by America the so-called defender of liberty. Even the agent rulers in the Muslim world were left gasping and could not shield America from the evil crimes she had committed.

A cikin lokaci guda, Amurka ta hannun aikinta ta lalata matsayinta a cikin duniyar Musulunci har abada, kuma ta raunana sosai ginshiƙan ra'ayoyin da suka zama tushen wayewar Yammacin duniya. Har ta kai ga cewa mutane da yawa da ba Musulmi ba suna tambayar ingancin waɗannan ra'ayoyi da rawar yaudara da gwamnatocinsu ke takawa a ƙasashen waje.

In one swoop, America by its own handiwork had permanently damaged its standing in the Muslim world and had gravely weakened the very ideas that represent the cornerstone of Western civilisation. So much so, that many non-Muslims are questioning the validity of these ideas and the deceitful role played by their governments abroad.

Saboda haka, a karon farko, gwamnatocin Yammacin duniya suna fuskantar kalubale na shawo kan 'yan kasarsu dalilin da ya sa wadannan dabi'u dole a takaita su a cikin gida, alhali kuma ana tilasta su a kan kasashen musulmi. Watakila ya kamata mutanen Yamma su nemi ta'aziyya a cikin kalmomin Oscar Wilde, wanda ya ce: "Dimokuradiyya kawai tana nufin dukan jama'a da jama'a ke yi wa jama'a don amfanin jama'a." Wadannan na daga cikin dalilan da suka taimaka wajen sa al'ummar musulmi su ki karbar al'adun Yamma da falsafar sassaucin ra'ayi ta boko.

Hence for the very first time, Western governments are faced with the challenge of convincing their own citizens why these values have to be curbed at home, while they are forcibly thrust upon the Muslim world. Perhaps Westerners should seek solace in the words of Oscar Wilde who said, “Democracy means simply the bludgeoning of the people by the people for the people.” These are some of the reasons, which have contributed to the Muslim world’ s rejection of Western culture and its secular liberal philosophy.

Babbar gaskiya da gwamnatocin Yammacin duniya ke fuskanta a yau ita ce al'ummar Musulmi ta ci nasara a yakin ra'ayoyi. Babin gwagwarmayar akida tsakanin al'ummar Musulmi da Yamma ya zama an rufe shi, fiye ko ƙasa da haka. Amma babin gwagwarmayar siyasa tsakanin al'ummar Musulmi da Yamma har yanzu a bude yake, ko da yake na ɗan lokaci kaɗan. Wannan saboda Yamma da waɗanda take amfani da su a matsayin wakilanta ba su da wani halascin siyasa a duniyar Musulunci. Waɗannan wakilai suna ci gaba da wanzuwa ne kawai saboda goyon bayan da manyan ƙasashen Yamma ke ba su ba tare da gajiyawa ba.

The stark reality facing Western governments today is that the Muslim Ummah has won the battle of ideas. The chapter of ideological struggle between the Muslim Ummah and the West is more or less closed. But the chapter of political struggle between the Ummah and the West is still open- albeit for limited period. This is because the West and their surrogates have no political legitimacy left in the Muslim world. These surrogates only survive because of dogged support from Western powers.

Don haka Yammacin duniya da 'yan amshin shatanta suna tsaye su kadai wajen tilasta wa Al'umma karbar dabi'un Yammaci. Alhali Al'umma na tsaye da karfi tana kin al'adun Yammaci tana kuma kira da a dawo da daular Musulunci ta duniya. Matsayin nan biyu ba su dace da juna ba, kuma rarrabuwar ra'ayi tsakanin gwamnatoci da al'ummarsu ba za ta ci gaba har abada ba.

Therefore the West and their puppets stand alone in coercing the Ummah to accept Western values. While the Ummah stands firm rejecting Western culture and calling for the return of a global Islamic state. The two positions are irreconcilable and polarisation in viewpoints between the regimes and its people cannot continue indefinitely.

Ba da daɗewa ba Musulmi za su kifar da tsarin sakulari, wanda aka ɗora musu ba bisa ƙa'ida ba.

It is only a matter of time before Muslims overthrow the secular order, which has been unjustly imposed upon them.

Yayin da Yammacin duniya ta fahimci gazawar wakilanta wajen dakile siyasar Musulunci, sai ta nemi, a karkashin uzurin yaki da ta'addanci, sake mamaye kasashen Musulmi cikin wani yunkuri na neman karfafa dabi'unta da kare moriyarta ta abin duniya.

Sensing the failure of its surrogates to contain political Islam, the West under the pretext of fighting terrorism has sought to re-occupy the Muslim lands in a desperate bid to reinforce its values and to safeguard its material interests.

Halayyar Yamma ga duniyar Musulunci za a iya kwatanta ta da na malamin makaranta da ya gaza. Malamin makaranta da ya gaza shi ne wanda ke ci gaba da dukan almajiransa cikin fatar banza na cusa musu dabi'un makarantar. Amma a maimakon haka, malamin ba wai kawai ya rasa iko da aji ba, har ma yana rusa wannan cibiyar da yake kokarin karewa.

West’ s behaviour towards the Muslim world can be likened to that of a failed schoolteacher. A failed schoolteacher is a person who continues to beat his pupils in the vain hope of imbuing them with the values of the school. Instead, the teacher not only loses control of the class but also brings down the very establishment he is trying to protect.

Lalle Turawa suna da ƙasa da abin tsoro daga 'yan Islama, kuma suna da ƙarin abin tsoro daga gwamnatocinsu da kansu, waɗanda da sunan 'yanci da dimokuradiyya suke ta sannu a hankali amma tabbas suna tauye ginshiƙan wayewar kansu.

Indeed Westerners have got far less to fear from the Islamists and more to fear from their own governments who in the name of freedom and democracy are slowly but surely ebbing away at the very foundations of their civilisation.

1 ga Maris, 2005

March 1, 2005