"Kawar da wayewar kai na launin fata tsakanin Musulmi na ɗaya daga cikin manyan nasarorin Musulunci, kuma a duniyar yau akwai, kamar yadda ya faru, buƙatar gaggawa ta yaɗa wannan kyakkyawar ɗabi'ar Musulunci" -- Arnold Toynbee Rikicin da ke faruwa a Ƙungiyar Tarayyar Turai (EU) game da kundin tsarin mulkinta da kasafin tattalin arzikinta ya zama batun muhawara mai zafi tsakanin Turawa. Waɗanda ba Turawa ba ma sun nuna sha'awa sosai ga halin da EU ke ciki, kuma sun yi ta hasashe game da makomar Turai.

“The extinction of race consciousness as between Muslims is one of the outstanding achievements of Islam, and in the contemporary world there is, as it happens, a crying need for the propagation of this Islamic virtue” -- Arnold Toynbee The crisis in the European Union (EU) over its constitution and economic budget has become a subject of great debate amongst Europeans. Non-Europeans too have taken a keen interest in the EU’ s predicament and have been eager to speculate on Europe’ s future.

Wasu suna hasashen mutuwar Turai, yayin da wasu kuma suna ganin rikicin yanzu a matsayin dama ta zamanantar da Tarayyar Turai da mayar da ita babbar ƙasa a duniya wadda za ta iya ƙalubalantar mamayar Amurka a duniya.

Some predict Europe’ s demise, while others view the current crisis as an opportunity to modernise and transform the EU into a world power that is able to challenge American global hegemony.

Ra'ayoyin mafi yawan malaman Musulunci sun faɗa cikin waɗannan rukuni biyu. Duk da haka, akwai darussa masu muhimmanci da za a koya daga wannan rikicin da ke faruwa yanzu, waɗanda kuma yawancin masu sharhi suka kasa lura da su. Ana iya taƙaita su kamar haka:

Opinions of most Muslim commentators fall into these two camps. However, there are some important lessons to be learnt from the present crisis, which has escaped the attention of many commentators. These can be summarised as follows:

1. Islamophobia - shinge na dindindin tsakanin Turai da duniyar Musulunci Yadda masu zabe a Holland da Faransa suka ki amincewa da kundin tsarin mulkin EU ya samo asali, a wani bangare, daga kiyayyar da ta dade shekaru aru-aru ga duniyar Musulunci. Ba wannan ne karo na farko da Islamophobia ta nuna mummunar fuskarta ba, amma shi ne karo na farko da talakawan Turai suka samu damar bayyana tsoronsu game da Musulunci ta hanyar akwatin zabe.

1. Islamphobia - a permanent barrier between Europe and the Islamic world The overwhelmingly decision by Dutchxx and Frenchxxi voters to reject the EU’ s constitution was in part fuelled by centuries old animosity towards the Islamic world. This is not the first time that Islamophobia has raised its ugly head, but it is the first time that ordinary Europeans have been given a chance to voice their fears of Islam via the ballot box.

Abubuwan da suka faru a ranar 11 ga Satumba, fashewar bama-bamai a Landan da Madrid, da kuma burin Turkiyya na shiga ƙungiyar Tarayyar Turai, sun haifar da wani kogin ƙiyayya ga Musulunci wanda ya shiga dukkan sassan al'ummar Turai. Manyan kafofin watsa labarai na Turai da masu mulki masu girman kai sun yi amfani da wannan ra'ayi wajen ƙirƙirar wani rarrabuwa na dindindin tsakanin Turai da duniyar Musulunci.

The events of September 11, the bomb blasts in London and Madrid, and Turkey’ s desire to join the union has created a well of anti-Islamic feelings that permeates all sections of European society. Europe’ s premier media institutions and elitist politicians have exploited this sentiment to create a permanent wedge between Europe and the Islamic world.

Turawan Turai waɗanda ake ciyar da su kullum da ƙiyayyar Musulunci (Islamophobia) sun yi amfani da kowace dama wajen ƙin karɓar baƙi daga duniyar Musulunci, sun kuma ƙi amincewa da shigar Turkiyya cikin Tarayyar Turai.

Europeans fed on a daily diet of Islamophobia have taken every opportunity to spurn immigration from the Islamic world and reject Turkey’ s entry into the Union.

Ko Biritaniya da Amurka waɗanda ke goyon bayan shigar Turkiyya, suna yin haka ne saboda sun yi imanin hakan zai ƙara harzuka wutar ƙyamar Musulunci kuma ya kawo ƙarshen burin Faransa da Jamus na ganin Turai mai ƙarfi. A takaice, shingen ƙiyayya da Turai ta kafa domin hana ci gaban Turkiyya da ƙasashen Maghrib ya zama wanda ba za a iya ketarewa ba. Wauta ce ga masu fada a ji a waɗannan ƙasashen Musulmi su ci gaba da ƙoƙarin sanya ƙasashensu cikin wata ƙungiya da ke ƙyamar Musulunci.

Even Britain and America that champion Turkey’ s entry do so, because they believe it will stoke the flames of Islamophobia and bring an end to the Franco-German dream of a powerful Europe. Simply put the barrier of hate erected by Europe to ward off advances from Turkey and Maghreb countries has become insurmountable. It is foolhardy for the elite in these Muslim countries to continue efforts to make their countries part of a union that reviles Islam.

2. Kishin ƙasa ya sake tashi a Turai, amma yana dushewa a duniyar Musulmi Sake kawo kai, Turai na fuskantar tsohon abokin gābanta, kishin ƙasa, wanda shekaru aru-aru ya yi ɓarna a nahiyar. Kishin ƙasa na Turai da aka danne shekaru da dama yanzu ya farka sakamakon ƙarfin dunƙulewar duniya, kuma yanzu yana barazanar lalata ainihin ruhin Ƙungiyar.

2. Nationalism resurgent in Europe but fades in the Muslim world Once again Europe is confronted with its old adversarynationalism, which for centuries has wreaked havoc on the continent. European nationalism suppressed for decades has been reawakened by the forces of globalisation and now threatens to destroy the very soul of the Union.

A yau, Turawa sun fi damuwa da kare asalin kabilancinsu na ƙasa fiye da ci gaba da kundin tsarin mulki wanda ke jaddada asalin Turai ɗaya. Saboda haka, matsalolin da Turai ke fuskanta a yanzu, da mafitar da ake ba da shawara, ba a ƙara duba su daga mahangar Turai mai haɗin kai ba, sai dai ta mahangar kishin ƙasa. Rikicin kasafin kuɗi misali ne na yadda kishin ƙasar Turawa ke raba Tarayyar Turai gida-gida.

Today, Europeans are more worried about safeguarding their national identities than moving forward with a constitution that places greater emphasis on a European identity. Subsequently, the current problems faced by Europe, and the solutions advocated are no longer viewed from the perspective of a unified Europe, but through the prism of nationalism. The dispute over the budget is a classic example of European nationalism tearing apart the EU.

Sabanin haka, kishin ƙasa wanda aka shigo da shi duniyar Musulunci kuma aka yi amfani da shi wajen "raba kawuna da mulki" tsakanin Musulmai yana cikin koma baya sosai. A yau ra'ayin Ummah ya maye gurbin kishin ƙasa kuma ya zama ƙarfi mai haɗa kan Musulmai a faɗin duniya. Musulmai daga Morocco zuwa Indonesia suna ƙara gano cewa suna da abubuwa da yawa a tsakaninsu fiye da yadda ainihin su na yanzu, wanda iyakokin da aka ƙirƙira suka bayyana, ke nunawa, saboda hangen ɗan'uwantaka na Musulunci.

In contrast, nationalism which was exported to the Islamic world and used to ‘divide and conquer’ Muslims is in full retreat. Today the concept of Ummah has superseded nationalism and has become a unifying force for Muslims across the world. Muslims from Morocco to Indonesia are quickly discovering that they have more in common with the Islamic vision of brotherhood than their present identities defined by artificial borders.

Halin Musulmai a Falasdinu, Chechnya, Kashmir, Iraki da Afghanistan ba a ƙara kallonsa a matsayin matsaloli na ƙananan yankuna ba, a'a ana kallonsa a matsayin matsalolin Musulunci waɗanda dole ne su sami mafita ta Musulunci.

The plight of Muslims in Palestine, Chechnya, Kashmir, Iraq and Afghanistan is no longer viewed as parochial problems, but as Islamic problems that must have an Islamic solution.

1. Haɗin kan siyasa mafarki ne ga Turai amma gaskiya ne ga Musulmi Gwajin Tarayyar Turai wani yunƙuri ne mai ƙarfin zuciya daga wasu ƙasashen Turai don kawo ƙarshen ƙarnuka na rarrabuwa da yaƙe-yaƙe. Wannan shiri ya samu ƙarin ƙarfi lokacin da shugabannin Faransa da Jamus suka fahimci cewa ba za su iya ƙalubalantar ikon Amurka su kaɗai ba. Saboda haka aka haifi ra'ayin Babbar Ƙasar Turai.

1. Political unity is a dream for Europe but a reality for Muslims The EU experiment was a bold attempt by some European nations to put to rest centuries of division and warfare. This initiative was given further impetus, when the elites in France and Germany realised that American supremacy could not be challenged by them alone. Hence the concept of a European Super state was born.

Amma bayan shekaru 40 na ƙoƙarin kafa wata ƙasa ta zamani ta baya (post modern), Tarayyar Turai ta rushe ta koma wata gungun ƙasashe na gargajiya (nation states), inda ƙasashe masu ƙarfi kamar Ingila, Faransa da Jamus ke takun saƙa game da makomar Turai.

But after 40 years of trying to create a post modern state, the EU has disintegrated into a collection of pre-modern states (nation states), where powerful states like England, France and Germany are at loggerheads over Europe’ s future.

Wannan sakamako ne da ake iya hasashensa. Nahiyar Turai ta sha fama da bambance-bambancen al'adu, rarrabuwar kai a addini da kuma gasa mai tsanani tsakanin ƙasashe masu ƙarfi.

This was a predictable outcome. The European continent has been plagued with cultural differences, religious schisms and intense rivalries between powerful states.

Tarihin Turai a fili yake nuna cewa akwai ɗan abin da ke haɗa Turawa face barazanar ƙasashen waje.

European history clearly demonstrates that there is very little to unite Europeans except foreign threats.

A karni na 17 Harin sojojin Daular Usmaniyya zuwa ƙofofin Vienna ya sa ƙasashen Turai na ɗan lokaci su ajiye bambance-bambancensu gefe guda - amma daga baya aka ci gaba da su. A karni na 20, barazanar daga Tarayyar Soviet, sannan daga baya daga mamayar duniya ta Amurka, ta tilasta Turai ta haɗu wuri guda a cikin sigar ƙungiyar tarayya.

In the 17th century the advance of the Ottoman army to the gates of Vienna briefly spurred European nations to put aside their differences-only to be resumed later. In the 20th century, the threats from the Soviet Union, and later from America’ s global hegemony forced Europe to coalesce in the form of a union.

Sau da yawa, haɗuwar ƙasashen Turai wani al'amari ne na ɗan lokaci, kuma wasu na amfani da shi wajen murmurewa bayan sun fuskanci barnar yaƙi. Amma da zaran barazanar waje ta raunana, a wannan yanayin matsayin Amurka a duniya, sai Turai ta koma cikin yanayin rashin haɗin kai.

More often than not, the coming together of European nations is a temporary affair and is used by some to recuperate after experiencing the ravages of war. But as soon as the external threat weakens, in this case America’ s position in the world, Europe defaults to a state of disunity.

Duk da haka, haɗa al'ummar Musulmi zuwa wani guda ɗaya ba mafarki ba ne kawai, illa gaskiya ce. Shekaru aru-aru, Musulmai, ba tare da la'akari da bambance-bambancen kabila, harshe, launin fata da yanki ba, sun kasance cikin wata hukuma ta siyasa guda ɗaya da ake kira Khalifanci.

However, the unification of Muslim world into a single entity is not a mere dream but a reality. For centuries, Muslims irrespective of differences in race, language, colour and geography remained part of a single political entity known as the Caliphate.

Ƙasashen zamani na duniyar Musulunci ba su da wata alaƙa da Musulmai. Ba su da wani tushe a tarihin Musulunci, kuma ba sakamakon ilimin fiqhu na Musulunci ba ne. Ƙasar zamani an ɗora ta wa Musulmai ne da ƙarfin ikon Yammacin duniya, domin a hana sake kafa Khalifanci.

The present day nation states in the Islamic world are alien to Muslims. They do not have any precedence in Islamic history nor are they a product of Islamic jurisprudence. The nation state was forced upon the Muslims by western powers to prevent the re-establishment of the Caliphate.

Saboda haka, al'ummar Musulmi ba su taba nuna biyayyarsu ga wadannan kasashe na wucin gadi ba, kuma dole ne a mulke su da zalunci. Yanzu lokaci ne kawai kafin wadannan gwamnatocin ta'addanci su rushe, a kuma kafa Khalifanci na duniya a kan kufansu.

As such, the Muslim masses never really expressed their loyalty to these artificial states and had to be governed by tyranny. Now it’ s just a matter of time before these regimes of terror are toppled and a global Caliphate is established on their ruins.

Shugabannin ƙasashen duniyar Musulmi ba makafi ba ne ga waɗannan gaskiyoyi; a'a, suna adawa da su. Waɗannan shugabanni suna ci gaba da yin wa'azin cewa Musulmi ba zai taɓa yiwuwa su haɗu ba, kuma cewa kafa Khilafah yana cikin abubuwan da suka wuce.

The rulers of the Muslim world are not blind to these realities; rather they are opposed to them. These rulers continuously preach that Muslims can never be united and that the establishment of the Caliphate belongs to the realm of the past.

Idan kuma suka ba da shawarar haɗin kan Musulmai, to ta hanyar cibiyoyi irin na Yammacin duniya ne kamar Ƙungiyar Haɗin Kan Ƙasashen Musulmi (OIC), Ƙungiyar Ƙasashen Larabawa, Majalisar Haɗin Kan Ƙasashen Gulf (GCC) da makamantansu.

If by chance, they ever do suggest unity between Muslims then it is through western inspired institutions like the OIC, Arab League, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the like.

Abin mamaki, waɗannan cibiyoyi da ƙasashen da aka ƙirƙira domin su jinkirta haɗin kan siyasa na Musulmi sun zama hanyoyin sauyi. Rashin ƙarfinsu ya ƙarfafa Musulmi a duniya baki ɗaya su daina ɗaukar Turai da Amurka a matsayin ƙasashen misali, kuma su ninka ƙoƙarinsu na sake kafa Khalifanci.

Paradoxically these institutions and the nation-states that were manufactured to delay the political unity of Muslims have become the vehicles of change. Their impotence has encouraged Muslims worldwide to discard Europe and America as model states, and to redouble their efforts to reestablish the Caliphate.

Yuli 9, 2005

July 9, 2005