“Suna magana game da burinsu na sake kafa abin da za a iya kira da Khalifancin Karni na Bakwai. Wannan ita ce duniyar yadda aka tsara ta shekaru 1,200 zuwa 1,300 da suka wuce, lokacin da Musulunci ko al'ummar Musulmi suka mallaki komai tun daga Portugal da Spain a Yamma; ta cikin tekun Bahar Rum zuwa Arewacin Afirka; dukkan Arewacin Afirka; Gabas ta Tsakiya; har zuwa yankin Balkan; jamhuriyyun Asiya ta Tsakiya; kudancin Rasha; wani babban yanki na Indiya; sannan har zuwa Indonesiya ta yau. Ta wata fuska, daga Bali da Jakarta a wani gefe, zuwa Madrid a ɗayan gefen." -- Tsohon Mataimakin Shugaban Amurka, Cheney A watan Disamba na 2004, Majalisar Leken Asiri ta Kasa ta CIA ta yi hasashen cewa a shekarar 2020 wani sabon Khalifanci zai bayyana a fagen duniya. An buga wannan binciken a cikin rahoto mai shafi 123 mai taken "Mapping the Global Future". Manufar rahoton ita ce shirya gwamnatin Bush ta gaba don kalubalen da ke gaba ta hanyar hasashen yanayin yau da zai iya zama barazana ga muradun Amurka. Ana gabatar da rahoton ga shugaban Amurka, 'yan majalisar dokoki, membobin majalisar ministoci da manyan jami'an da ke da hannu wajen tsara manufofi.

“They talk about wanting to re-establish what you could refer to as the Seventh Century Caliphate. This was the world as it was organized 1,200, 1,300 years, in effect, when Islam or Islamic people controlled everything from Portugal and Spain in the West; all through the Mediterranean to North Africa; all of North Africa; the Middle East; up into the Balkans; the Central Asian republics; the southern tip of Russia; a good swath of India; and on around to modern day Indonesia. In one sense from Bali and Jakarta on one end, to Madrid on the other." -- Former US Vice President Cheney In December 2004, The National Intelligence Council of the CIA predicted that in the year 2020 a new Caliphate would emerge on the world stage. The findings were published in a 123-page report titled “Mapping the Global Future”. The aim of the report is to prepare the next Bush administration for challenges that lie ahead by projecting current trends that may pose a threat to US interest. The report is presented to the US president, members of Congress, cabinet members and key officials involved in policymaking.

Abin da ya fi daukar hankali game da rahoton shi ne yadda yake cike da bayanai kan siyasar Musulunci da kalubale daban-daban da yake haifarwa ga muradun Amurka a nan gaba. Ma'ana, har akwai wani yanayi na tunanin da yake nuna yadda daular Khalifanci za ta fito a shekarar 2020 da tasirinta ga halin da ake ciki a duniya.

What is striking about the report is that it is full of references about political Islam and the various challenges it poses to US interests in the foreseeable future. There is even a fictional scenario depicting the emergence of Caliphate state in 2020 and its impact on the international situation.

Sai dai rahoton ya dogara ne da zato waɗanda ke raunana ingancinsa a wurare da dama, musamman sashen da ke magana a kan Khalifanci. Ga suka game da wasu daga cikin hujjojin da aka gabatar a cikin labarin da aka ƙirƙira: - Rahoton ya tabbatar da cewa ƙarfin sabon Khalifanci zai samo asali ne daga ƙoƙarin wata ƙungiyar Musulunci ta duniya da ta karɓi mulki. Gaskiya ne cewa ƙungiyar Musulunci ta duniya na iya tada zaune tsaye ta hanyar rashin biyayya ga hukuma ko kuma ta shirya juyin mulki don kafa Khalifanci, amma ƙarfinsa da dorewarsa sun dogara ne ga wani abu daban gaba ɗaya.

However, the report is predicated on assumptions which undermine the validity of the report in various parts, especially the section on the Caliphate. Below is a critique of some of the arguments postulated in the fictional scenario: - The report asserts that the strength of the new Caliphate will be borne out of the efforts of a global Islamic movement taking power. While it may be true that a global Islamic movement may instigate civil disobedience or initiate a coup to bring about the Caliphate, its strength and longevity is dependent upon something entirely different.

Ƙarfin ƙasa yana auna ta da ƙarfin gamsuwar ilimi da 'yan ƙasa ke da shi game da wani tsari na dabi'u gama gari, ba da ƙungiyar da ta kafa ƙasar ba. Tarayyar Soviet ta rushe ba don ba ta da ci gaban fasaha ba, sai don mutanenta sun watsar da gurguzanci, kuma jam'iyyar gurguzu ba ta iya gamsar da su akasin haka ba.

Intellectual conviction in a common set of values amongst the citizens of a state is the measure of the state’ s strength and not the movement, which founded the state. The Soviet Union collapsed not because it was deficient in technology, but because its people abandoned communism and the communist party was powerless to convince them otherwise.

Ingantaccen fahimta game da akidun al'ummar Musulmi ta talakawa wajen komawa ga tsarin rayuwar Musulunci ta hanyar sake kafa Khalifanci ita ce mafi muhimmancin abu wajen tantance ko Khalifanci zai yi nasara ko kuma ya gaza a karni na 21. Wannan ya fi muhimmanci fiye da fasaha da albarkatu, wadanda duka biyun za a iya samunsu cikin sauri muddin Khalifanci zai iya kare kansa kuma ya gina ci gabansa bisa akidar Musulunci kawai.

An accurate appraisal of the convictions of the Muslim masses for the resumption of the Islamic way of life through the re-establishment of the Caliphate is the single most important factor in determining whether the Caliphate will succeed or fail in the 21st century. This is more important than technology and resources, both of which can be quickly gained as long as the Caliphate is able to defend itself and base its progress exclusively on the Islamic ideology.

Duk lokacin da aka dauki kungiyoyin Musulunci a matsayin ma'aunin kadai wajen kiyasta girman farfadowar Musulunci a kasashen Musulmi, hoton da zai fito koyaushe zai zama mai karkata. Hukumar leken asirin Amurka ta CIA ba ita kadai ce ke amfani da wannan ma'auni na karya ba. Wannan al'ada ta yadu sosai, kuma ta bata nazarin manyan cibiyoyin bincike masu daraja da rubuce-rubucen wasu fitattun masu sharhi kamar Francis Fukuyama da Samuel P. Huntington.

Whenever Islamic movements are taken as the sole gauge for estimating the extent of Islamic revival in Muslim countries, a skewed picture will always emerge. The CIA is not alone in employing this false standard. The practice is wide spread and has tainted the analysis of respected think tanks and the writings of some notable commentators such as Francis Fukuyama and Samuel P. Huntington.

Wannan aibi ba sakamakon ƙiyayyarsu ga Musulunci ba ne, a'a yana faruwa ne saboda riƙonsu ga falsafar mutum-kai (individualism), wadda ta lalata fahimtarsu game da al'umma, har ta mayar da ita tarin mutane daidaiku.

This flaw is not the result of their malice towards Islam, but is due to their adherence to the philosophy of individualism, which has marred their understanding of society and reduced it to a collection of individuals.

Fahimtar al'umma yadda ya kamata ta bayyana cewa tana ƙunshe da daidaikun mutane, waɗanda ke haɗe da juna ta hanyar tunani da motsin rai na bai ɗaya, kuma suna rayuwa ƙarƙashin wani tsari na musamman. Matakin goyon bayan da mutane ke bayarwa ga tsarin mulkin da ake da shi, ko kuma ga wani tsarin mulki daban, ana iya tabbatar da shi ne kawai ta hanyar nazarin waɗannan tunani da motsin rai na bai ɗaya.

A proper understanding of society reveals that it is composed of individuals, which are bonded together by common thoughts and emotions, and live under a specific system. The degree of support amongst people towards the existing system of governance or for an alternative system of ruling can only be ascertained through the evaluation of these common thoughts and emotions.

Dogaro da ɗaiɗaikun mutum ya sa Yammaci yin ƙasƙantaccen kima game da yadda tunani da ji-ji na Musulunci suka shiga zukatan al'ummomin ƙasashen Musulmi, da kuma yin lissafi mara kyau game da yadda goyon baya ga sake kafa Halifanci ya yaɗu sosai.

The attachment to individualism has led the West to grossly underestimate the penetration of Islamic thoughts and sentiments in the Muslim countries, and also to miscalculate the wide spread support for the re-establishment of the Caliphate.

Wani batu da ake jayayya a kai a cikin rahoton shi ne da'awar cewa bayyanar Khilafah ba zai sa gwamnatocin ƙasashen Musulmi su rushe ɗaya bayan ɗaya ba – abin da ake kira tasirin domino.

Another point of contention in the report is the claim that the emergence of the Caliphate will not cause the regimes in Muslim countries to collapse one after the other – the domino effect.

Wannan fahimta ta samo asali ne daga rashin fahimtar al'umma. Kallo kawai na duniyar Musulunci ya nuna cewa akwai banbanci mai karfi tsakanin ra'ayoyin gwamnatoci da na al'ummomin da suke mulka. Kafin rushewar gwamnatin Ba'ath, Saddam, wanda bai yarda da Allah ba, yana gabatar da jawabai cike da kalmomin Musulunci. Ya yi haka ne saboda ya fahimci cewa mutane ba su sake motsuwa da akidar Ba'ath, ko ta sakularanci, ko ta Larabawa ba, sai dai suna amsawa ga Musulunci kawai. Haka kuma, lokacin da Musharraf ya goyi bayan yakin Amurka a kan Afganistan, sai da ya ambaci dogayen sassa daga tarihin rayuwar Manzon Allah ﷺ domin ya kare matsayinsa.

Again this understanding is derived from an incorrect understanding of society. A cursory study of the Muslim world shows that there exists strong polarisation in viewpoints between the regimes and the people they govern. Before the collapse of the Baath regime, Saddam an atheist was delivering speeches laced with Islamic terms. He did this, because he realised that the people were no longer motivated by Baathism, secularism or Arabism and only responded to Islam. Similarly, when Musharraf sided with America’ s war against Afghanistan he had to quote lengthy passages from life of the Messenger (SAW) to justify his stance.

Rikici tsakanin kiyaye tsarin boko (na sakularanci) da hana siyasar Musulunci hawa mulki al'amari ne da ke faruwa kullum a yankuna da dama na duniyar Musulmi. Ana ganin gwamnatocin duniyar Musulmi a matsayin masu kare muradun kasashen Yamma, kuma suna adawa da Musulunci. Musulmi kawai suna ƙyamar wadannan gwamnatoci, kuma suna marmarin kawar da kasancewarsu. Dalilin da ya sa wadannan gwamnatoci ke ci gaba da wanzuwa shi ne goyon bayan da gwamnatocin Yamma ke ba su ba tare da gajiyawa ba.

The conflict between maintaining the secular order and preventing political Islam from assuming power is a daily occurrence in much of the Muslim world. The regimes in the Muslim world are viewed as the custodians of western interests and antagonistic towards Islam. Muslims simply loathed these regimes and are eager to extinguish their existence. The only reason these regimes survive is because of the dogged support from western governments.

A yau, Al'ummar Musulunci tana kan iyakar wani babban sauyi, kamar yadda kasashen kungiyar Warsaw suka tsaya a kai shekaru kusan 18 da suka wuce. Labulen karfe ya fadi ne saboda mutane sun canza ra'ayinsu daga gurguzu zuwa jari-hujja. Haka nan, Al'ummar Musulunci ta watsar da gurguzu da jari-hujja, kuma tana jiran bayyanar Khilafah, wadda za ta sa wadannan tsarin mulki su rushe cikin ban mamaki, sannan Khilafah ta mamaye su.

Today, the Islamic Ummah stands on the cusp of a monumental change, just as the Warsaw pact countries stood some 18 years ago. The iron curtain came down because people had changed their viewpoint from communism to capitalism. Likewise the Muslim Ummah has abandoned both communism and capitalism, and is waiting for the emergence of the Caliphate, which will cause these regimes to collapse in spectacular fashion, only to be absorbed by the Caliphate.

A ƙarshe, rahoton ya yi iƙirarin cewa Musulmai za su same jarabawar almara ta yammacin duniya tana da nauyi fiye da yadda za su iya ɗauka, har su gudu daga gaɓar sabuwar Khilafah. Wannan ra'ayi a fili yake ya dogara ne akan ra'ayin da ya yi yawa a yammacin duniya cewa Khilafah ita ce akasin zamani.

Finally the report claims that Muslims would find the temptations of western materialism too much to bear, causing them to flee the shores of the new Caliphate. This view is obviously founded on the prevalent western notion that the Caliphate is the antithesis to modernisation.

Wani abu da ke ƙara ƙarfafa wannan ra'ayi a tsakanin mutanen Yamma shi ne fitowar Musulmi a halin yanzu daga duniyar Musulunci zuwa Yamma.

Another factor that enhances this perception amongst westerners is the current exodus of Muslims from the Islamic world to the west.

Babu wani abu da ya fi haka nesa da gaskiya. Da farko dai, Khalifanci da Musulmi ke son kafawa shi ne Khalifancin shiryayyu, wanda ya kasance a kololuwar wayewar ɗan adam. Gaskiya ce ta tarihi da manyan masana na Musulunci da yawa suka amince da ita, musamman Bernard Lewis.

Nothing could be further from the truth. First, the Caliphate that Muslims want to establish is the rightly guided Caliphate, which was at the zenith of human civilisation. A historical fact widely recognised by several eminent experts on Islam- most notably Bernard Lewis.

Na biyu, ƙaurawar Musulmi da yawa zuwa Yamma sakamako ne na manufofin ƙasashen Yamma a harkokin wajen duniyar Musulunci, ba don Musulmi suna sha'awar dabi'un Yammacin duniya ba. Mafi yawan ƙaurawar, idan ba duka ba, ko dai baƙin haure ne masu neman tattalin arziki ko kuma masu neman mafaka ta siyasa, waɗanda ke gudun zaluncin gwamnatocin da sau da yawa gwamnatocin Yamma ke goyon baya.

Second, the mass migration of Muslims to the West is a consequence of western foreign policy ventures in the Muslim world and not because of Muslim infatuation with western values. Most migrants, if not all are either economic migrants or political asylum seekers escaping the tyranny of regimes often supported by western governments.

Ko da waɗannan Musulmi, waɗanda suka zauna a yammacin duniya, har yanzu ba su rungumi dabi'un boko ba saboda tsoron lalata addininsu na Musulunci.

Even those Muslims, who have settled in the west, have yet to embrace secular values for fear of corrupting their Islam.

Yunkurin da Turai ta yi kwanan nan na tilasta wa al'ummar Musulmi da ke cikinta su karɓi dabi'un Yammacin Duniya yana nuna sosai yadda Turai ke da sha'awar mayar da Musulmi masu bin addini su zama na boko, kuma hakan yana sabawa hoton da kafofin watsa labarai na Yamma ke yi, wanda ke nuna cewa ƙasashen Musulmi suna roƙon a yi musu irin na Yammacin Duniya.

The recent endeavour by Europe to coerce its Muslim population to adopt western values speaks volumes for Europe’ s obsession with secularising Muslims and runs counter to the stereotyped image projected by the western media that Muslim countries are pleading to be westernised.

Ana yin kwaikwayon Musulmai ta hanyar fahimtar da ba daidai ba game da kyamar yammacin duniya da ke yaɗuwa a cikin ƙasashen Musulmi. Sau da yawa a cikin da'irorin yammacin duniya, ana daidaita ra'ayin adawa da yammacin duniya da ƙin amincewa da wayewar yammacin duniya gaba ɗaya, kuma ana danganta hakan ga ƙungiyar masu tsattsauran ra'ayi.

The typecasting of Muslims is based on the erroneous understanding of anti-western feeling that pervades the Muslim world. Often in western circles, anti-western sentiments are equated with the total rejection of western civilisation and attributed to the fundamentalist camp.

Don't forget: "Musulmi" → "Musulmai" is not needed here; translate faithfully. Abin da ya fi muni, sha'awar da Musulmai ke da ita ta mallakar kayayyakin Yammacin Turai ana fassara ta a matsayin kwadayin salon rayuwar Yammacin Turai. Yammacin Turawa sukan sanya wadanda ke nuna sha'awar kayayyakin Yammacin Turai a cikin rukunin masu matsakaicin ra'ayi.

To make matters worse, the desire amongst Muslims to own western goods are interpreted as a craving for the western way of life. Westerners often classify those who display admiration for western goods into the moderate camp.

Don raba Musulmi zuwa sansanin biyu bisa irin waɗannan fassarori kuskure ne. Wannan saboda furucin adawa da yammacin duniya da ake samu a tsakanin Musulmi suka ne ga al'adun yammacin duniya, ba ga kayayyakin yammacin duniya ba. Haka kuma, bayyana sha'awa ga kayayyakin yammacin duniya yana nuna cewa kayayyakin suna da inganci fiye da na sauran, ba kuma tabbatarwa ce ta karɓar al'adun yammacin duniya gabaki ɗaya ba.

To pigeonhole Muslims into the two camps based on such interpretations is wrong. This is because the anti-western rhetoric found amongst Muslims is a denunciation of western culture and not of western goods. Likewise, the expression for the admiration for western products is an acknowledgement of the superior quality of the goods and is not an affirmation for the wholesale acceptance of western culture.

Shekaru da dama da suka wuce, a karon farko, duniyar Musulunci ta sami gagarumin sauyi wajen tantance wane bangare ne na salon rayuwar Yammacin Turai za a iya karɓa ko ƙi tare da Musulunci. Musulmai a yau suna karɓar kayayyakin Yammacin Turai kamar DVD, na'urorin satellite da talabijin ne kawai saboda irin waɗannan abubuwa ba sa karo da ra'ayinsu na Musulunci. A gefe guda kuma, ana watsi da ra'ayoyin Yammacin Turai kamar 'yanci, dimokuradiyya da son kai saboda ana ganin suna karo da Musulunci.

For the first time in many years, the Muslim world has undergone a radical transformation in reconciling which aspects of the western way of life can be accepted or rejected with Islam. Muslims today accept western goods such as DVDs, Satellites Dishes, and TVs only because such items do not contradict their Islamic viewpoint. On the other hand western concepts such as freedom, democracy and individualism are discarded because are deemed to contradict Islam.

A da, duniyar Musulmi ta kasance tsakanin ƙungiyoyi biyu: masu kishin zamani (modernists) waɗanda suke son karɓar komai daga Yammaci, da masu kishin addini na gargajiya (traditionalists) waɗanda suke son kin duk wani bangare na wayewar Yammaci. Wannan tunani ya hana ci gaba, kuma ya ba Yammaci damar kafa mulkinsa a kan ƙasashen Musulmi.

Previously, the Muslim world was torn between two factions i.e. the modernists who wanted to adopt everything from the West and the traditionalists who were keen to rebuff all aspects of western civilisation. This mentality stifled progress and allowed the West to establish their hegemony over Muslim lands.

A yau, ba Musulmi ne ke hana kansu ci gaba da biyan bukatun karni na 21 ba, a maimakon haka Yamma ce ke zabar murkushe wadannan ci gaba, tana kuma dage wajen dora dabi'unta a kan talakawan Musulmi, tare da hadin baki da gwamnatocin kasashen Musulunci.

Today, it is not Muslims who are holding themselves back from human advancement and meeting the demands of the 21st century, but rather it is the West that chooses to suppress these developments and insists on imposing its values upon the Muslim masses in connivance with the regimes of the Muslim world.

Wannan hali ba wai kawai ya taimaka wajen rashin fahimtar Musulunci da Yammacin duniya ke yi ba, har ma ya ƙarfafa Yammacin duniya ta kafa dangantaka mara adalci da al'ummar Musulmi.

This attitude has not only contributed to the West’ s misunderstanding of Islam, but has encouraged the West to define an inequitable relationship with the Muslim world.

Bugu da ƙari, wannan tunani ya sa Yammacin duniya ya ƙi duk abin da ya shafi Musulunci. Mamayar da Yamma ta yi wa Iraƙi da Afghanistan ta riga ta nuna cin zarafin al'ummar Musulmi, washe ƙasarsu, da wulaƙanta Musulunci.

Furthermore, the mindset has prompted the West to shun everything to do with Islam. West’ s occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan has already highlighted the abuse of the Muslim people, the pillage of their land and denigration of Islam.

Idan ba a sauya wannan hali ba, to Yammacin duniya za ta sami kanta a cikin wani hali mai hadari ta bangarori biyu. Na farko, Khalifanci zai zama kasa mai karfi, mai ci gaba, wacce za ta tsara sabuwar makoma ga al'ummar Musulmi bayan ta 'yantar da su daga mamayar siyasa, soja da tattalin arziki ta Yamma. Yammacin duniya, wacce wannan asarar iko kwatsam za ta raunana, za ta sha wahala wajen ci gaba da mulkinta a harkokin duniya. Na biyu, Khalifanci zai yi saurin amfani da haɗin kai tsakanin Musulunci da kimiyya, ta haka zai fi Yamma a fannin kirkire-kirkire, fasaha da sabbin gano-gano na kimiyya.

If this attitude is not reversed then the West will find itself in a precarious position on two fronts. First, the Caliphate will be a strong, progressive state charting a new destiny for the Muslim people after liberating them from the political, military and economic hegemony of the West. The West weakened by this abrupt loss of control will struggle to maintain its dominance in world affairs. Secondly, the Caliphate will swiftly harness the synergy between Islam and science, thereby surpassing the West in terms of inventions, technologies and new scientific discoveries.

Dangane da munanan ra'ayoyin Yamma game da duk abin da ya shafi Musulunci, Yamma za ta sami kanta tana rufe kofofin ilimi da kare mutanenta daga ci gaba da kalubalen karni na 21.

Given the West’ s negative attitudes towards all things Islamic, it will find itself closing the doors to knowledge and shielding its people from progress and challenges of 21st century.

Janairu 23, 2005

January 23, 2005