这就是第二阶段的结局：第二届政府在安卡拉确立，成为国家权柄与实际权力的掌握者；与此同时，伊斯坦布尔政府沦为无力而欠缺实权的当局。这第二届政府刚刚站稳脚跟、掌控国家，英国便因这些事件召集伦敦会议，邀请希腊和土耳其的众多代表与会。英国表示：召开此次会议的目的，是为东方危机寻求解决方案。这只能意味着要重新审议在巴黎签署的《塞夫尔条约》的和约条款，因为为审议东方问题而召开的会议，而该问题本已在正式的和平会议上得到解决，这只能说明：在巴黎批准的《塞夫尔条约》将再次成为讨论和研究的对象，然后才能生效，或才能全面实施。事实上，该条约从未被执行，其中没有一条得到实施。

This is how the second phase ended with the settlement of the second government of the country in Ankara, making it the holder of the reins of power and the effective authority. Meanwhile, the Istanbul government turned into a powerless and deficient authority. No sooner than this second government had settled and took control of the country, Britain called in the wake of these events for the conference of London, to be attended by a host of deputies from Greece and Turkey. Britain said: “The purpose of holding this conference is to seek a solution for the Eastern crisis.” This could only mean a review of the peace terms of the Sèvres Treaty signed in Paris because the holding of a conference to look into the Eastern Issue, which had been settled at an official peace conference, could only mean that the Sèvres Treaty which had been ratified in Paris would again be the object of discussion and study before it could have any effect, or before it could be implemented altogether. Indeed the Treaty had not been applied and not one single article of it was implemented.

这证实了英国缔结该条约的目的，是为了威胁土耳其，并将其作为实现自身目标的手段，而非真正执行该条约。证据在于，该条约缔结后大约一年间一直被秘而不宣，直到穆斯塔法·凯末尔被包围、几乎覆灭、其叛乱几乎被镇压之时，才被公之于众。

This confirms that Britain concluded the Treaty in order to threaten Turkey and use it as a means to carry out her aims, not to implement it. The proof for this is that it had been concluded for about a year during which time it was kept secret; it was only broadcast when Mustafa Kemal was surrounded and was nearly destroyed and his rebellion almost crushed.

仅仅是英国提议召开伦敦会议以重新审议《色佛尔条约》这一事实，就已被视为离奇，因为该条约对英国有利。法国对《色佛尔条约》同样极为不满，她是在被胁迫之下才同意该条约的；她认为奥斯曼帝国的遗产已经归属于其盟友英国，而英国从中获得了最大的份额。因此，法国不得不满足于叙利亚和西里西亚。然而，在法国看来，叙利亚和西里西亚这份礼物仍是有待商榷的。意大利同样对该条约感到愤怒，因为她反对希腊在地中海的主权，尤其是希腊在小亚细亚的扩张，实际上是以盟国在战争期间划定的意大利势力范围为代价的。因此，正是由于这两个国家，即法国和意大利，贪图获取更多战利品，它们才勉强签署了该条约。

The mere fact that the British called for the London conference to review the Sèvres Treaty was seen as bizarre because the Treaty was in favour of the British. Even though France was not satisfied with the Sèvres Treaty in the slightest and she had been coerced into agreeing to that Treaty; she deemed that the Ottoman legacy had become the property of her ally Britain, who had gained from it the lion’s share. Thus France had to be content with Syria and Cilicia. Still, Syria and Cilicia were, as far as France was concerned, a gift that was open to debate. Italy was also angry about the Treaty, for she was averse to the Greek sovereignty in the Mediterranean, especially because the Greek expansion in Asia Minor was in fact at the expense of the Italian areas of influence which had been drawn up between the allies during the war. Therefore, it was due to the greed of these two states, France and Italy, in gaining more spoils that they had signed the Treaty reluctantly.

因此,当英国选择不执行条约中的任何条款时,尽管按此条约她本可相对其盟友获得最大的战利品,这引起了人们的注意,并被认为不合常理。随后当她要求重新审议该条约时,此事令人意外,并被认为极为奇怪。比这更令人惊讶的是,新的安卡拉政府所派出的代表团竟与代表奥斯曼政府的代表团一同出席会议。显然,除奥斯曼政府之外,无论土耳其还是奥斯曼的其他任何机构都没有权利参与其中,因为奥斯曼政府是参战并战败的合法政府。毕竟,正是该政府签署了《色佛尔条约》,而此次会议正是为审议该条约而召开的。因此,应当追问:这个尚未得到任何人承认的新安卡拉政府处于何种地位?它又为何要出席这场旨在审议和平条款的国际会议?难道这一事实本身不足以证明,安卡拉这一政府的建立是英国一手策划的,目的是先让它参与和谈,再让它成为最终和平条款的唯一谈判者吗?

Accordingly, when Britain chose not to implement anything from the Treaty, despite that fact the it would have yielded for her the largest spoils in comparison with her allies, this attracted attention and was deemed unnatural. When she afterwards demanded a review of this Treaty, it came as a surprise and was deemed most odd. What was more surprising than this was for a delegation representing the new Ankara government to attend the conference alongside the delegation which came to represent the Ottoman government, which clearly no other institution whether Turkish or Ottoman alike had the right to take part in apart from it, because the Ottoman government was the legitimate government that had entered the war and had been defeated. After all, it was that government that had signed the Treaty of Sèvres which this conference was held in order to review. Hence, it is to be asked what was the position of the new Ankara government which no one had yet recognised, and why was it attending this international conference held to review the terms of peace? Was this alone not ample proof that the establishment of this government in Ankara was staged by the British in order to make it first take part in the peace negotiations and then allow it to become the sole negotiator over the final terms of peace?

奥斯曼政府,即哈里发政府,本应拒绝安卡拉政府与其一同参加谈判的请求,因为接受这一请求就等于在其他国家面前正式承认安卡拉政府。而且,同一个国家内并存两个政府,共同面对敌人并商讨和平条款,这本身就表明了极度的虚弱与破败。因此,哈里发政府拒绝安卡拉政府代表出席本是理所应当的,但事实上它却接受了这一安排。其虚弱甚至使它将穆斯塔法·凯末尔受邀出席会议一事,当作争取他、与他和解的手段。就此而言,陶菲克帕夏向穆斯塔法·凯末尔转达了欧洲国家邀请其出席伦敦会议的消息,并说道:以土耳其国家的名义,为了奥斯曼帝国的利益,出席会议的土耳其代表团应当展现坚定的统一阵线,土耳其人所提出的议程也应当是一致的,以表明整个乌玛的合作与团结,而非其冲突与分裂。然而,穆斯塔法·凯末尔拒绝了这一建议,他说:只有安卡拉的国民大议会才享有宪法赋予的主权,并且在国内享有唯一的权力与统治地位。欧洲国家应当通过这一议会发出邀请。在此期间,国民大议会将自己转变为常设议会,并起草了一部新宪法,其起草工作持续了整整九个月。新宪法起草过程中遇到的主要障碍,也是引发大量争论与审议的焦点,是苏丹制与哈里发制的问题。 穆斯塔法·凯末尔在国民议会压倒性的共识和席卷一切的潮流压力之下被迫——该议会被视为阿塔土克的议会，因为其成员全部来自他的支持者——不得不在宪法中明确声明苏丹制与哈里发制将得以保留。因此，当总理陶菲克帕夏邀请他并敦促他让土耳其代表团展现团结与和谐时，穆斯塔法·凯末尔答复说：国民议会在其宪法第一条中已规定，不得损害苏丹制，也不得侵犯哈里发的神圣地位；苏丹应当承认国民议会，以便安卡拉政府能与苏丹政府的代表团一同派出代表团参加会议。然而，苏丹拒绝承认国民议会及其起草的宪法，因为承认它就等于意味着废除哈里发，即便宪法在名义上提及对哈里发的保障。此外，宪法规定，全部权力无任何前提条件地归于整个民族，民族成为立法的源泉；还规定国民议会获得了代表人民主权的唯一且绝对的权利，并且由议会决定战争与和平问题。显然，苏丹不可能接受这些内容。于是，哈里发政府与安卡拉政府之间关于组建代表团的谈判中断了。

The Ottoman government, the Khilafah government, should have rejected the participation of the Ankara government alongside it in the negotiations, for its acceptance would have meant recognising it officially before other states, and because the presence of two governments in one country, facing the enemy and negotiating over peace terms demonstrates extreme weakness and devastation. Hence, it would have been natural for the Khilafah government to reject the attendance of the representatives of the Ankara government, but in fact it accepted it. Its weakness even led it to use Mustafa Kemal’s invitation to attend the conference as a means to try and win him over and reconcile him. In this regard, Tawfiq Pasha approached Mustafa Kemal with the European states invitation to attend the London conference and said: “In the name of the Turkish state and for the sake of the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish delegation attending the conference should present a strong united front, and the agenda which the Turks are proposing should also be one, indicating the co-operation and the unity of the Ummah as a whole, rather than her conflict and division.” However, Mustafa Kemal refused this and said: “It is only the National Assembly in Ankara that enjoys the constitutional sovereignty, and which enjoys the exclusive power and rule in the country. The European countries should have sent the invitation through this Assembly.” During that time, the National Assembly turned itself into a permanent assembly. It also drafted a new constitution whose drafting lasted nine whole months. The main obstacle that faced the drafting of the constitution and which generated a great deal of debate and deliberation was the issue of the “Sultanate and the Khilafah”. Mustafa Kemal was forced under the pressure of the overwhelming consensus and the sweeping trend in the National Assembly - which was considered to be the Assembly of Ata Turk, for its members were all from among his supporters, was forced to state explicitly in the constitution that the Sultanate and the Khilafah would be maintained. Hence, Mustafa Kemal said in reply to the Prime Minister Tawfiq Pasha when he invited him and urged him to let the Turkish delegation show unity and harmony, “The National Assembly has in the first article of its constitution stipulated that there would be no prejudice to the Sultanate and no detriment to the sanctity of the Khilafah; the Sultan should recognise the National Assembly so that the Ankara government could participate with its delegation with the delegation of the Sultan’s government.” However, the Sultan refused to recognise the National Assembly and the constitution that it drafted, because recognising it would imply the removal of the Khilafah even if the constitution mentioned the nominal safeguard of the Khilafah. Additionally, the constitution stipulated that the authority as a whole, without any preconditions, had gone down to the nation as a whole and that the nation had become the source of legislation; also that the National Assembly had acquired the exclusive and absolute right to represent the sovereignty of the people, and it is the Assembly that decides on the issue of war and peace. Clearly, it was impossible for the Sultan to accept this. Thus negotiations between the Khaleefah’s government and the Ankara government about the forming of the delegation were cut off.

然而,当欧洲国家意识到穆斯塔法·凯末尔因为邀请是通过苏丹政府转达的而拒绝了邀请后,英国代表同盟国直接向他发出了前往安卡拉的邀请。这一邀请被视为英国对安卡拉政府的明确承认。因此,两个代表团分别前往。塔菲格帕夏担任哈里发代表团的团长,而巴基尔·萨米贝伊则担任安卡拉代表团的团长。伦敦会议于1921年2月召开。

However when the European countries realised that Mustafa Kemal had refused the invitation because it had reached him through the Sultan’s government, Britain sent him a direct invitation to Ankara on behalf of the allied states. This invitation was regarded as a clear recognition from her of the Ankara government. Hence, the two delegations travelled separately. Tawfiq Pasha was the head of the Khaleefah’s delegation, while Bakir Sami Beik was the head of the Ankara delegation. The London conference was held in February 1921.

苏丹代表团团长将代表两个代表团发言的权利让与安卡拉代表团团长 当两个代表团在谈判桌前就座时,首相陶菲克帕夏起身说道,他作为伊斯坦布尔代表团团长,将自己的发言权让与巴基尔·萨米·贝伊,由其代表两个代表团发言,并维护土耳其人的民族愿望。于是伊斯坦布尔保持沉默,只有安卡拉的声音被提了出来。

The head of the Sultan’s delegation abdicates to the head of the Ankara delegation the right to speak on behalf of the two delegations When the two delegations sat at the negotiating table, Premier Tawfiq Pasha stood up and said that in his capacity as head of the Istanbul delegation, he was abdicating his right to speak to Bakir Sami Beik, who would speak on behalf of the two delegations and would defend the national aspirations of the Turks. Upon this Istanbul remained silent and only the voice of Ankara was raised.

随后，英国的劳合·乔治、法国的白里安和意大利的斯福尔扎伯爵着手阐明会议的目的，声称会议仅旨在协调在战争中发生冲突的各国之间的关系，同盟国准备对和约条款作出某些修改，尤其是有关授予希腊的特权方面。他们决定设立一个特别委员会，并委托其审查伊兹密尔地区当地居民的状况，声明该委员会作出的决定将对双方具有约束力。代表团团长巴基尔·萨米同意派遣该委员会，但希腊人断然拒绝。对此，安卡拉代表及代表团团长代表双方代表团在会议期间提议，可将伊兹密尔变为由基督教统治者统治的、内政自治的省。然而，英国人拒绝了这一提议，希腊人、法国人和意大利人也都予以拒绝。法国代表团同意撤出西里西亚并将其交还土耳其，并保证履行这一承诺。巴基尔·萨米则同意给予法国一项商业特权，使其在土耳其的贸易往来中优先于其他国家，为此土耳其与法国缔结了一项条约。

Then Lloyd George of Britain, Brian of France and Count Sforza of Italy set about explaining the purpose of the conference, stating that it merely aimed at harmonising relations between the nations which had clashed in the war, and that the allies were prepared to introduce certain modifications to the terms of peace, especially those pertaining the privileges offered to Greece. They decided to establish a special committee and assign to it the task of reviewing the situation of the local residents in the region of Izmir, stating that the decisions reached by this committee would be binding upon the two parties. The head of the delegation Bakir Sami agreed to the idea of the sending of the committee but the Greeks categorically rejected it. Upon this the Ankara representative and the head of the delegation, speaking on behalf of the two delegations, suggested during the conference that Izmir could be turned into a domestically independent Wilaya under a Christian ruler. However, the British rejected this proposal and so did the Greeks, the French and the Italians. The French delegation agreed to evacuate Cilicia and hand it back to the Turks, giving their assurances to honour this promise. Bakir Sami for his part agreed to grant France a commercial privilege which would give her preference over the other states which Turkey traded with, to which effect Turkey and France concluded a treaty.

然而,伦敦会议失败了,会议在未取得任何成果的情况下宣告结束,唯一的例外是法国与土耳其代表团此前已达成的协议。两个代表团刚一回国,穆斯塔法·凯末尔便拒绝了巴基尔·萨米与法国签订的条约。巴基尔·萨米随后被迫辞去外交大臣一职,并即刻加入了反对穆斯塔法·凯末尔的阵营。

However, the London conference failed and was wound up without achieving anything apart from what the French and the Turkish delegations had agreed upon. No sooner had the two delegations returned, than Mustafa Kemal rejected the treaty which Bakir Sami had signed with France. Bakir Sami was then forced to resign his post as foreign minister and he immediately joined those who opposed Mustafa Kemal.

穆斯塔法·凯末尔随后致函法国政府，声明他所派遣的代表团在会议上的行为超出了其被授予的权限，因此该代表团通过的所有决议均属无效，国家不予接受，也不承担履行这些决议的义务。

Mustafa Kemal then wrote to the French government stating that the delegation he had dispatched to the conference had acted in a manner which exceeded the powers with which it was delegated, thus all the resolutions it had adopted were null and void and the country would not accept them nor would she be liable to honour them.

然后，安卡拉政府与法国之间展开了谈判，谈判结束时，安卡拉政府于1921年10月20日与法国签署了一项协议，根据该协议，土耳其承诺将叙利亚交给法国。双方还同意划定土耳其与叙利亚之间的边界。依照该协议，法国也从西里西亚撤出了军队。于是，穆斯塔法·凯末尔开始与其他国家建立联系，其他国家也转而与他接触和交往，尽管哈里发政府依然存在，他们仍与其签订条约。

Negotiations then took place between the Ankara government and France at the end of which the Ankara government signed an agreement on 20th October 1921 with France, under which Turkey undertook to surrender Syria to France. They also agreed to determine the borders between Turkey and Syria. Pursuant to this agreement, France also evacuated her troops from Cilicia. Hence, Mustafa Kemal assumed contacts with other states and other states in turn contacted him and dealt with him, signing treaties with him despite the presence of the Khilafah government.

此后，欧洲各国开始对他表现出倾向。法国和意大利开始设法争取他，并与他拉近关系；而英国则开始在国际问题上公开支持他，似乎已冷落希腊，并开始对希腊表现出不满。

The European states thereafter started to display their inclination towards him. France and Italy started attempting to win him over and get closer to him, while Britain started to openly support him in international issues and seemed to have snubbed Greece and started to show resentment towards her.

穆斯塔法·凯末尔还与已退出战争、并已建立共产主义政府的俄国取得联系，寻求其帮助。他将巴统交给俄国，并竭力想让俄国代表土耳其与他签订一份友好条约，以便将其视为对他政府的正式承认。俄国同意了这一点，因为它在此事上没有任何损失，而且它反对伊斯兰教，反对伊斯兰哈里发制度的存在。因此，它站在穆斯塔法·凯末尔一边，反对英国和哈里发制度，随后不费任何代价便占领了巴统，时间是1921年3月16日。在此之前，意大利已于1921年1月出于自愿放弃阿尔塔利亚并撤离。因此，法国、意大利和俄国都站到了安卡拉政府一边，这增强了穆斯塔法·凯末尔的力量。

Mustafa Kemal also contacted Russia, which had withdrawn from the war and where the communist government had been established, and sought her help. He surrendered Batum to her and endeavoured to make her sign a treaty of friendship with him on behalf of Turkey, so as to consider it as an official recognition of his government. Russia agreed to this, as she did not loose anything by it and because she was against Islam and against the existence of an Islamic Khilafah. Hence, she supported Mustafa Kemal against the British and against the Khilafah, then she took Batum without loosing anything, and this was on 16th March 1921. Prior to this, Italy had relinquished Altalia out of her own free will and evacuated it in January 1921. Hence, France, Italy and Russia sided with the Ankara government and this strengthened the hand of Mustafa Kemal.